Asian American Educators and

Microaggressions: More Than Just

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Asian American
Educators and
Microaggressions

More Than Just Work(ers)

Andrew Wu
Asian American Educators and Microaggressions
 Andrew Wu

Asian American
Educators and
Microaggressions
More Than Just Work(ers)
Andrew Wu
Irvine, CA, USA

ISBN 978-3-031-23458-3    ISBN 978-3-031-23459-0 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23459-0

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To My Family- RKW, AKW and BW whose support helped make this book
possible
 Preface

I recently had a conversation with a colleague who expressed surprise that

Asian Americans (AA) faced discrimination. His experience with AAs while
at a large state university was one that AAs were highly successful and did
not face racism or unequal treatment. This perception of AAs as the model
minority did not surprise me as long-standing stereotypes of AAs continue
to be perpetuated in US society.
Diversity and racial equity in corporations and institutions of higher
education have grown in importance during recent years, especially as
contemporary research has been conducted on the experiences of AA fac-
ulty members (Davis & Huang, 2013; Gee, Peck, & Wong, 2015).
However, the higher education research has excluded AAs, with little
complex analysis on AAs’ experiences as student or faculty (Museus,
2009). Most news regarding higher education and AAs usually is relegated
to AAs as high achieving students and/or the debate on affirmative action
in college admissions.
The purpose of this book is to share an interview-based qualitative
study that gives a voice to AA faculty members at Predominantly White
Institutions (PWIs). I utilized a basic interpretive design to examine indi-
vidual experiences that shaped the perceptions of AA faculty members at
their respective institutions. Utilizing the theoretical frameworks of the
Model Minority Myth and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype and the con-
struct of microaggressions, nine AA faculty members participated in inter-
views in which they described their career experiences at PWIs. AA faculty
members stated that they were able to individually transcend microaggres-
sions by drawing from life experiences, taking strategic action, and

vii
viii PREFACE

experiencing the gradual increase of AA faculty members and their aca-

demic program representation at PWIs.
The basic interpretive design methodology that I utilized resulted in
findings that connected and strengthened the theoretical frameworks of
the Model Minority Myth and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype as men-
tioned, with the affects of microaggressions on AA faculty members for
this study. The data collected on AA faculty members’ experiences at
their institutions reveal the affects of the Model Minority Myth, per-
petuating the narrative of monolithic AA success in academia and careers,
yet not in the mold of leadership qualities (Yamagata-Noji & Gee, 2012).
Also the perpetual Foreigner Stereotype, as the xenophobic racism that
minority groups in the United States are considered non or less American
(Armenta et al., 2013). And finally, microaggressions are subtle discrimi-
nation against minorities (Sue, 2010) that affect AAs’ career experiences.
Implications for future research will help higher education administrative
leadership and stakeholders better support career experiences and oppor-
tunities for AA faculty members.
AAs have recently come under attacks, both verbal and physical, stem-
ming from anti-Asian racism and microaggressions from the COVID-19
pandemic. The tragic legacy of anti-Asian racist historical blemishes and
injustice such as the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the internment of
Americans of Japanese ancestry resurface in modern form, from the physi-
cal assaults of AAs in cities across the country to verbal assaults from the
president of the United States.
I hope that the testimonies, research, and analysis in this book can help
shed light on the racial microaggression and discrimination faced by AA
faculty and help institutional decision makers, administrators, and faculty
better understand the subtle and overt marginalization faced by AAs. And
with this better understanding, strategic planning and actions to mitigate
and ultimately eliminate structural and institutional racism. This is the
vision of this book and the hope for future AA generations.
 Acknowledgments

I would like to thank my faculty mentors, Dr. Susan Swayze, Dr. Rick
Jakeman, and Dr. David Surratt, for their wisdom, guidance, and scholar-
ship. To my professors throughout my undergraduate to graduate pro-
grams that introduced and instilled the salience of diversity, especially in
higher education, I gratefully acknowledge. There are many scholars that
have contributed vital and important work, authoring what is considered
the gold standard of racial microaggressions. Without their scholarship
this book could not have been possible. I can never recognize all by name,
and thus humbly acknowledge collectively. A special gratitude and
acknowledgement to Dr. Chester Pierce, the scholar who is the founda-
tion of scholarship on racial microaggressions.
I’d also like to recognize the AA individuals and organizations that
have stood up and fought AA hate and discrimination, challenged media
and society to recognize and bring equity to AA populations. I hope this
book will offer insight to the general public, students, and administrators
on how microaggressions have historically impacted AAs and the specifi-
cally impacted AA faculty in higher education institutions.
Finally, I would like to thank the AA faculty who spoke up and partici-
pated in this study, it has been an honor to listen to their career stories and
to experience their bravery in sharing their workplace discrimination and
microaggressions. Without their testimony this book would not have been
possible. Their contributions on facing racial injustices at the workplace

ix
x ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

were not without personal and professional risk. Not only did they share
with transparency on their own journeys, but also encourage me to con-
tinue to go strong in the field of AA rights as a doctoral student and as a
graduate. I am eternally grateful and inspired for their support and encour-
agement, one of the driving reasons to do this work and continue to con-
tribute to the field.
 Contents

1 China Virus: Asian Americans in the Crosshairs  1

2 Microaggressions: American Snakemen 27

3 Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype: Third Class Americans 41

4 Model Minority Myth: Voice of Asian American Academics 61

5 Motivation: More than Just Work(ers) 89

6 Conclusion: The Emergence of New Tokenism111

Appendix135

Index137

xi
 About the Author

Andrew Wu received his BA and MA degrees from California State

University at Long Beach’s Department of Asian and Asian American
Studies, Doctorate in Higher Education Administration from the George
Washington University’s Graduate School of Education and Human
Development. He has served leadership and faculty roles at a wide range
of higher education institutions in the last two decades.

xiii
 List of Tables

Table 1.1 Participant Profile 4

Table 2.1 Themes Developed as a Result of Microaggression Research 34

xv
 CHAPTER 1

China Virus: Asian Americans

in the Crosshairs

“Wuhan. Wuhan was catching on, coronavirus, kung flu, I could give
you many, many names. Some people call it the Chinese flu, the China
flu, they call it the China.”
—Donald Trump, June 2020.

I recall having feelings of concern and dread upon hearing news reports
about the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19), towards the end of
2019 and the beginning of 2020. At that time there appeared to be little
effect on life in the United States (U.S.) and with my experience of living
in Asia during the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) in the early
2000s, the feeling of concern was health based. The feeling of dread was
evoked based on the long-standing historical racism and discrimination
faced by Asians and Asian Americans (AA) in the U.S. Far too often AAs
are racially stereotyped and considered as foreign, non-American. The
experience of living in the environment of SARs in Asia, would be quite
different than the effects of a virus that appears to emerge from China and
its potential crash course with the current American governmental rheto-
ric of racism, xenophobia, and climate of dog whistle politics from the
President of the U.S. Looking back to early 2020, I was prepared for some
level of anti-Asian sentiment but did not anticipate the extreme level such
bigotry reached at the end of 2020.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2023
A. Wu, Asian American Educators and Microaggressions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23459-0_1
2 A. WU

In fact, Asian Americans have reported increased racial tension and rac-
ist microaggressions that result in verbal attacks being targets of racially
motivated hate crimes that include physical violence and harassment—
despite the disease impacting people of all races/ethnicities (Gover,
Harper, & Langton, 2020). In March 2020, racist language was captured
by a photographer on President Donald Trump’s notes for a speech at the
White House. Trump had crossed out the words “Corona Virus” and
replaced it with “China Virus”, a racialized phrase commonly used by
Trump, along with “kung flu” (Moynihan & Porumbescu, 2020). In
addition, on the same day Senator John Cornyn, R-Texas., told reporters
that “China is to blame” because the Chinese culture is “where people eat
bats and snakes and dog and things like that” (Smith, 2020).
Blaming ethnic groups can have dangerous impacts, especially since
hate incidents towards Asians Americans have increased in the past several
months. New York State Assembly member Yuh-Line Niou, a witness the
virus’ toll, stated that Trump is “fueling the flames of racism with all of his
comments” and to continue calling COVID-19 the ‘Chinese virus,’ is to
basically be racist. It’s fueling the xenophobia we’re seeing all over our
districts” (Yam, 2020). President and executive director of Asian Americans
Advancing Justice, John C. Yang, commented to NBC, that Trump’s
choice of words is not innocuous and is dangerous, “I absolutely think
that words used by him matter,“ he said. “Certainly use of this term by
him and others even in the last couple of weeks have led to a noticeable
incline in hate incidents that we are seeing. I do think that there is a cor-
relation” (Yam, 2020). As of June 2020, hate incidents experienced by
Asian Americans on public transit, in the supermarket, walking on the
sidewalk, at one’s workplace and business, are examples of more than
1800 reports of pandemic-fueled harassment or violence in 45 states
received by Asian Pacific Policy and Planning Council (Kambhampaty, 2020).
Asian American educators have called from support for Asian American
communities due to the increasing concerns from the COVID pandemic
(CFA, 2020). and a better understanding of the long history of anti-Asian
violence. The California Faculty Association (CFA) asked their colleagues
at the California State University system to take note of:

• People of all geographical areas and cultural backgrounds can be

vulnerable to COVID-19. Avoid terms like “Wuhan virus” or
“Chinese virus” that perpetuate racist rhetoric and inaccurate
information.
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 3

• While the model minority myth has perpetuated notions that Asians
and Asian Americans are “honorary whites” or “white adjacent,”
proliferation of recent xenophobia again demonstrates how racial
wedges serve to silence the embedded nature of orientalism
and racism.
• Understand the very real impacts of “Yellow Peril” rhetoric on Asian
American communities. Here are just a few examples: bullying,
harassment, loss of patronage and income to Chinatown and Asian-­
owned establishments (many of which employ some of the most vul-
nerable communities). (CFA, 2020)

Asian American have been subjected to the violence, harassment, and

discrimination created by COVID pandemic. Long standing historical
anti-Asian racism and microaggressions has been given a new lease on life,
impacting not just the daily lives of Asian Americans families, profession-
als, but also educators. Despite the paucity of research and scholarship on
anti-Asian racist microaggressions, there has been a rising movement of
Asian American organizations, such as the CFA and the Asian Americans
Advancing Justice taking a stand and creating a public platform to address
these current and historical injustices.
This book explores the effects of microaggressions stemming from the
Model Minority Myth and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype on the career
experiences of Asian American (AA) faculty members who are currently
working at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) of higher education.
Diversity and racial equity in academic environments have grown in
importance over the recent years (Loes et al., 2012; Park & Denson,
2013) because contemporary research has been conducted regarding the
experiences of AA students and faculty members (Teranishi et al., 2009;
CARE, 2011). However, the limited higher education research has focused
primarily on AA students (CARE, 2008; Museus, 2009), with minimal
scholarship on the career experiences of AA faculty members (Teranishi,
2010). Moreover, a specific study of microaggressions experienced by AA
faculty members and their effects on career experiences in higher educa-
tion institutions has not been conducted prior to this one.
My research provided analysis of the perceptions and day-to-day experi-
ences of a group of AA faculty members at higher education institutions.
In addition, this study utilized the theoretical frameworks of the Model
Minority Myth and the Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype, as well as the con-
struct of microaggressions, to determine how, in combination, they effect
4 A. WU

the career experiences of AA faculty members. Current literature on the

construct of microaggressions points to the intersectionality of racial,
social, and economic constructs that have created a cultural dynamic of
inequity and discrimination (Solorzano et al., 2000; Sue, 2010; Sue,
Bucceri, et al., 2007a; Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007b). Such frameworks
serve as interpretive lenses for the career experiences of AA faculty mem-
bers at higher education institutions.
The participant group consisted of nine AA faculty members with expe-
rience at PWIs who volunteered to participate in this study (see Table 1.1).
All participants met the selection criteria of identifying as AAs and having
current or prior experience working as faculty members at PWIs.
Participants were all located in the West Coast of the U.S. Their racial
backgrounds can be described as follows: eight identified as “Asian-­
American” and one self-described as “Mixed Identity AA.” Demographic
information summarizing the participants’ academic experience working
in higher education and ethnicity:
To better understand the effects on microaggressions on AA faculty
members, I examined the historical context of racial discrimination faced
by AAs, comparable experiences of AAs in the technology industry, the
growth of the AA student and faculty member population, and AA faculty
members’ career experiences that have affected their daily work and
advancement opportunities. Microaggressions continue to have a substan-
tial impact on AA experiences (Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007b).
Microaggressions are defined as “subtle insults directed toward people of
color, often automatically or unconsciously” (Solorzano et al., 2000,
p. 60). Microaggressions, stemming from the racial discrimination of the

Table 1.1 Participant Profile

Participant Years of Experience as Faculty AA Ethnicity/Gender

Chris 10 East Asian/male

Nick 12 Southeast Asian/male
Ian 21 East Asian/male
Sean 22 Multi-ethnic/female
Nicole 7 Southeast Asian/female
Ben 25 East Asian/male
Sam 50 East Asian/male
Jim 36 East Asian/male
Denise 16 East Asian/female
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 5

Model Minority Myth and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype, have had dam-
aging effects on the careers of AAs in both the technology industry and
academic institutions. Common microaggressions faced by AAs include
comments such as:

• You speak good English.

• Can you help with this math/science problem?
• Why are you so quiet? We want to know what you think.
• Be more verbal.
• Speak up more (Sue, 2010).

Microaggressions, which are based on racism, are particularly pervasive

in the media and educational process (Sue, 2010). Sue (2010) defined
racism “as any attitude, action, institutional structure, or social policy that
subordinates persons or groups because of their color” (p. 7). Overt rac-
ism is usually not socially condoned, nor is it common in public discourse;
rather, microaggressions of a racial nature reflect a more innocuous form
of racism (Solorzano et al., 2000) that AA populations experience.
Chester Pierce’s (1974) commentary on mass media and microaggres-
sion was particularly applicable to modern day media. On October 2016,
Fox News aired “Watters’ World,” a recurring segment on “The O’Reilly
Factor,” which consisted of Jesse Watters, correspondent, conducting a
series of mocking interviews of AA residents of New York City’s Chinatown
that was criticized for its stereotypical portrayal of AAs and displays of
overt racism (Stack, 2016). This contemporary media example of the
Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype and overt racism was demonstrated during
a 5-minute video edited with clips referring to Asian cultural stereotypes
such as martial arts and scenes of the correspondent getting a foot massage
and playing with nunchucks. In addition, the host deliberately asked ques-
tions to local residents who appeared not to have a strong English lan-
guage proficiency, ridiculing them when they did not understand or could
not provide answers (Watters’ World, 2016). The video included edited
clips from well-known movies including The Karate Kid and Chinatown as
a reinforcement of the Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype theme.
Among the segment’s critics were New York Mayor Bill de Blasio, who
stated, “The vile, racist behavior of Fox’s Jesse Watters in Chinatown has
no place in our city” (de Blasio, 2016, para. 1). Other critics included
New York Councilman Peter Koo, stating that passing off this blatantly
racist television segment as gentle fun not only validates racist stereotypes,
6 A. WU

it encourages them. The entire segment smacks of willful ignorance by

buying into Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype (Stack, 2016). This portrayal
of microaggressions and racism mirrors Pierce’s (1974) statement that
mass media portrayed minorities in ways that continue to teach White
supremacy. The New York Times, U.S. News and World Report, and Los
Angeles Times have all portrayed AAs in alignment with the success myth
(Chun, 1980), in particular in regard to educational attainment, and at
the same time by White superiority as the privileged foreigner whose status
is dependent on his ability to be accepted by White natives (Chin &
Chan, 1972).
Institutional and historical conditions directly apply to the structural
issues faced by AA faculty members and extend into the core foundation
of the AA social framework in the U.S. Asian Americans have been racially
triangulated vis-à-vis Whites and Blacks through two interrelated pro-
cesses of relative valorization (Whites valorizing Asian Americans relative
to Blacks) and the process of civic ostracism (Whites constructing Asian
Americans as foreign and Other; Ng, Lee, & Pak, 2010). AAs have been
placed in a separate third class of racial group, apart from the White major-
ity and Black minority, a third outlying foreign group. In part this triangu-
lation represented the foundation of the denial of racial reality and
Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype, because AAs are considered neither the
majority or severely oppressed, and anecdotal evidence of AA professional
or academic success is unfairly cast on all AA groups.
The denial of racial reality was exacerbated by AAs being labeled with
the Model Minority Stereotype, perceived as singularly focused on hard
work and lacking motivation to higher education leadership roles. Some
researchers, such as Ng et al. (2007), argue that AA groups are not in the
top achieving echelon, despite the model minority stereotype. The Model
Minority Myth portrays AAs as lacking the right leadership style due to
being quiet or passive, perpetrating an image of foreignness, continuously
marginalized, and not being embraced by the majority at the highest levels
of higher education.
In the technology field, Gee et al.’s (2015) article continued the Model
Minority Myth discussion by identifying three major Asian leadership gaps
in awareness and expectations, role models, and behavior. Their research
found that technology organizations showed disparity in placement of AA
in leadership roles, “Asians were found to be 27.2% of the professional
workforce, but only 13.9% of executives in the professional workforce at
Google, Hewlett-Packard, Intel, LinkedIn, and Yahoo” (Gee et al., 2015,
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 7

p. 3). Gee et al. suggested issues of cultural deference to authority. This

deference often implies weakness, ineffective communication and influ-
encing skills, political naiveté/dexterity (i.e., a lack of understanding how
organizational business decisions are made), and aversion to risk-taking in
business and career, all of which ultimately hinder AAs’ access to executive
roles. These themes were examined in further detail in this study.
Stemming from the Model Minority Stereotype, a key barrier to AAs
obtaining executive level positions is the inaccurate perception that Asian
Americans lack the right leadership style because AAs are considered to be
reticent or deferent to authority, thus lacking leadership potential. These
challenges are evident in industries where AAs play substantial role. For
example, self-reporting by social media companies shows that Asian
employees are almost on par with White employees in professional non-­
executive areas at Facebook (Williams, 2014). Gee et al. (2015) provide
quantitative metrics and attempt to elucidate the factors that have led to
the underrepresentation of Asian American leadership diversity in
Silicon Valley.
Higher education institutions in the U.S. have experienced substantial
increases in AA college enrollment; between 1979 to 2009, there was a
fivefold increase from 235,000 to 1.3 million of AA students (CARE,
2011). Asian Americans are currently the fastest growing college-going
population across a wide range of institutions in the U.S. (Chang et al.,
2007). Between 1990 and 2000, “AA enrollment rates increased by 73.3
percent in public two-year colleges, 42.2 percent in public four year col-
leges, and 53.4 percent in private four year colleges” (CARE, 2008,
p. 13). The changes in population growth of AA students enrolled at insti-
tutions of higher education demonstrate the importance of increased
equity required in relation to AA faculty member representation. AA col-
lege students also face similar racial inequities related to the Model
Minority Myth and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype (Lee & Kumashiro,
2005), such as being told “go back to where [they] came from” and being
looked at strangely when they receive grades. Existing stereotypes include,
“the smart and hard-working Asian, the lazy and incapable Pacific Islander,
the illiterate refugee draining the community’s resources, the gangster, the
quiet and mysterious Other, and so forth” (Lee & Kumashiro, 2005,
p. 19). In addition, with the recent increase of Chinese students (Allen-­
Ebrahimian, 2015) and the increased financial impact of such enrollments
(Bothwell, 2018), the potential for Asian and AA discrimination or racism
may persist. AAs are often assigned to a monolith group, which includes
8 A. WU

Asians in general; the stereotypes and discrimination transcend both

groups, ultimately effecting AAs. As a result, references to Asia or Asians
in this study directly apply to AA groups as an underserved, marginalized
population of Americans with Asian heritage.
On the surface it would appear that AA faculty members have good
representation in comparison with other faculty of color at college and
universities. Indeed, “as of 2005 there were 42,858 AA faculty, represent-
ing 7.2% total” (Teranishi, 2010, p. 136). However, large disparities in
promotion and tenure have been discovered in recent studies including:
White faculty being twice as likely to be promoted as Asian faculty to
the rank of associate or full professor. Similar to other faculty of color, AAs
had a lower proportion of faculty with tenure (36.3%) compared to Whites
(45.9%). However, there was a larger portion of AA faculty on the tenure
track, but not tenured (25.4%) compared to other racial groups. (Teranishi,
2010, p. 137).
The dearth in AA higher education leadership roles reveals an even
lower representation at college and universities. In 2005, “only 2.8% of
AAs were professional executive, administrative, and managerial staff
“(Teranishi, 2010, p. 141). Positions of leadership held by AAs at colleges
and universities was even lower, consisting of “only 1% of college presi-
dents” (Teranishi, 2010, p. 141). Without executive level AA administra-
tors and experienced tenured AA faculty giving voice and authority to
address systemic institutional issues, overt and subtle forms of racism con-
tinue to target AA faculty members and students.
Although there has been little scholarship on the effects of microag-
gressions on AA faculty members, “AAs are simply left out of the report-
ing of data” (Teranishi et al., 2009, p. 64), a comparison of higher
education and technology industries has illuminated the disparities and
inequalities of leadership roles. This lack of leadership roles, in turn, has
demonstrated that AAs face threats related to common stereotypes, such
as the Model Minority Myth, the stereotype that virtually all AAs are well-­
educated, affluent, and self-sufficient (Lu & Coloretti, 2015), but at the
same time reinforces the stereotype that AA lack leadership qualities (Sue,
2010). The U.S. Department of Labor (2015) recently reported that, in
reality, the AA community is not a monolithic group and each subgroup
faces specific challenges. In addition, the U.S. Census Bureau reported
that AA racial categories consist of 48 different ethnic groups spanning a
full range of socioeconomic positions, from poor and underprivileged to
affluent and highly skilled (CARE, 2011). Contrary to the Model Minority
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 9

Myth, one out of three AAs does not speak English fluently and certain
subgroups, such as the Hmong and Pacific Islanders, have low levels of
educational attainment and high levels of unemployment (Lu & Coloretti,
2015). A recent study reported that 80% of East and South Asians enrolled
in college earned a bachelor’s degree, whereas other AA subgroups, such
as Southeast Asians, reported 30–40% having attended college but not
earned a degree (CARE, 2011).
Although the U.S. Department of Labor report (2015) represented an
important step in bringing forward AAs’ socioeconomic issues, it did not
provide representation of microaggression events that effect AAs in higher
socioeconomic groups such as higher education faculty members. In part,
the stereotype that AAs are well-educated, affluent and self-sufficient is
reinforced, thus requiring a closer examination of the connection between
the lack of AAs in leadership roles in the technology field and the low
percentages of AA faculty members in leadership roles in academia.
Recent studies in both the technology and higher education fields have
established that there is a disproportionate percentage of AA representa-
tion in leadership positions. This research has drawn a connection between
the apparent underrepresentation of AAs in leadership roles in academic
and business organizations. For example, a study presented in 2014 by the
social media giant Facebook, demonstrated the clear separation of AAs in
senior management versus AAs in staff roles. At Facebook, in the technol-
ogy category, Asian non-senior tech employees are represented at 41% in
comparison with White non-senior tech employees at 53%. However, at
the senior level, Asian employees are represented at 19% whereas White
employees are represented at 71% (Williams, 2014).
This deficit of AA leadership was mirrored in higher education, as dem-
onstrated by a 2013 report sponsored by The American Council on
Education. This report found that 1.5% of college and university presi-
dents were AAs and AAs led all other racial minority groups in the per-
centage of full-time tenured faculty members at 7%, but held only 2% of
chief academic officer positions and 3% of deanships (Davis & Huang,
2013). These metrics presented a salient issue with AA equity in senior
positions as a reflection on the existing framework of higher education
administrative research. Further research is needed to examine solutions
that could correct conditions in the traditional higher education power
structure to allow for increased participation of AAs in leadership roles.
The lack of AAs in leadership roles has been exacerbated by the current
political climate in the U.S. The resignation of 10 members of the
10 A. WU

President’s Advisory Commission on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders

in objection to the president’s “portrayal of immigrants, refugees, people
of color and people of various faiths as untrustworthy, threatening, and a
drain on our nation” (Lee, 2017, para. 2) is a salient example. Not only is
there a lack of representation of AAs in business and academic leadership,
but also AA government administrators have faced racism and microag-
gressions in the new presidential administration, creating a significant loss
in representation.
Despite the reputation of AAs’ professional and academic success, this
is considered one of the many challenges that emerge when examining the
lack of advancement opportunities for AA higher education faculty mem-
bers. Current data demonstrates both the lack of AAs in executive roles in
both academic and business organizations and provides insight into the
overall issues related to AA leadership opportunities. In U.S. society, two
of the main environments that have high levels of AA involvement, as
demonstrated by the Facebook (Williams, 2014) and the Ascend
Foundation (Gee et al., 2015) reports, would be the technology arena,
which has a direct connection to the higher education arena. In fact, the
high involvement in higher education enabled AAs to establish careers in
high technology fields, even to flourish with numbers comparable to the
White majority. Yet, the question remains as to why there has been a sub-
stantial percentage of AA employment in education and technology, but a
clear lack of AAs in leadership positions in these two industries. Two key
conditions contribute to microaggression experiences: the Perpetual
Foreigner Stereotype and the Model Minority Myth. Along with institu-
tional/historical racism and discrimination as referenced framework, these
factors contributed to the lack of access and equity for AA faculty mem-
bers in higher education career opportunities and trajectories.
Therefore, my research sought to illuminate the applicability of the
described theories and constructs in terms of how well they combine to
serve as interpretive lenses for the experiences of AA faculty members.
More specifically, I investigated the question, how do AA faculty members
at higher education institutions describe their professional experiences and
perceive career paths in relation with diversity issues? These were the prob-
lems and issues that I sought to address in the follow chapters.
Microaggressions, Model Minority Myth, Perpetual Foreigner
Stereotype.
The effects of microaggressions, the Model Minority Myth, and the
Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype are all critical issues faced by AA faculty
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 11

members in higher education leadership advancement (Davis & Huang,

2013). The continuing discrimination and prejudice resulting from real
life experiences, both professional and personal of the two theories and
one construct served as forces that continue the marginalization of AA
faculty members. Many AA faculty members face longstanding historical
racial obstacles and limitations that have relegated the diverse AA group to
third class status. Davis and Huang (2013) stated that “individuals, even
those most familiar with higher education in general, fail to recognize that
Asian Pacific Islander Americans are underrepresented in senior leader-
ship” (p. 4). This suggests that issues in the career pipelines that AA fac-
ulty members face require a heightened awareness by leadership and
policymakers at institutions of higher learning (Teranishi, 2010).
At the time of writing this book, there was limited research on the indi-
vidual AA faculty members’ career advancement experiences and the chal-
lenges they faced. Microaggressions and discrimination toward not just
AA faculty members, but AAs as a whole, are present and continuing issues
in the U.S. (Stack, 2016). The current overt presence of microaggressions
and discrimination toward AAs as demonstrated in the media is alarming
due to historical overt discrimination against this population such as the
Chinese Exclusion Act and Japanese Internment during WWII, especially
given that these instances are seen as obstacles that the U.S. has overcome.
Microaggressions were present even at the highest level of government
from then-candidate and current President of the U.S. questioning the
origin of an American of Korean descent reinforcing the Perpetual
Foreigner Stereotype (Guillermo, 2015). Overt acts of discrimination
only fostered and supported the use of subvert microaggressions
toward AAs.
AA faculty members are affected by the consequences of microaggres-
sions in their day-to-day experiences at institutions of higher education. As
racial minorities, AA faculty are not treated equally, especially where there
is an ideal and practice of education as a meritocracy (S. Lee, 2002).
Additional research is required to address these critically important issues.
Even when AA faculty have limited success in the realm of higher educa-
tion, the rules change, perpetuating Euro-American methods of domi-
nance, such as racial exclusion and assimilation. Those in positions of
power make the claim that AA faculty members lack qualities such as per-
fect English or assertiveness (Chan, 1989). This is particularly salient due
to the presence of an estimated 1 million AA students and 45,000 AA
faculty members in the U.S. as of 2006 (Teranishi, 2010). These
12 A. WU

substantial totals impact the perceptions of AA faculty and how higher

education policy and practice effect their daily experiences.

Research
The purpose of the book’s research was to provide insight into the percep-
tions and day-to-day experiences of AA faculty members, as well as to
strengthen the connection among microaggressions, the Model Minority
Myth, and the Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype as obstacles for AA faculty
members.
I sought to identify factors that created a negative career impact for AA
faculty members with respect to leadership roles. Through this study, the
applicability of the aforementioned theories and construct is captured,
especially as to how well they uniquely and/or in combination represent
the experiences of AA faculty members. The overall contribution of this
study is to inform and assist leadership at institutions of higher education
to improve the workplace experiences of AAs. Consequently, as a result of
increased awareness of AA faculty members’ experiences, diversity mission
statements at colleges and universities will better support underrepre-
sented faculty and staff. Specifically, the questions established for this book
were as follows:

1. How do Asian Americans (AA) faculty members perceive their

career experiences in higher education?
2. How does the Model Minority Myth shape AA faculty members’
experiences at Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs)?
3. How does the Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype shape AA faculty
members’ experiences at PWIs?
4. How do microaggressions, stemming from the MMM and PFS,
effect AA faculty members’ careers at PWIs?

Importance of Research
The research in this book has provided a scholarly contribution in two
areas: (a) research regarding the career experiences and opportunities of
AA faculty members at higher education institutions; and (b) contributing
to the existing body of literature by applying the construct of microag-
gressions to the theories of the Model Minority Myth and the Perpetual
Foreigner Stereotype. This research has contributed to the significance of
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 13

these elements by connecting the lived experiences of higher education

faculty members who identify as AAs and their lived professional experi-
ences in the context of career tenure and promotion. Microaggressions
have not only created discriminatory experiences for AAs, but also created
challenging obstacles faced by AAs, not just in higher education career
leadership opportunities (Teranishi et al., 2009), but also in U.S. society
as a whole.
In addition, the exploration has provided a multi-perspective approach
to the understanding of why there is lack of leadership roles held by AAs
working in higher education institutions. Research for this book incorpo-
rated unique frameworks and provided new information to other research-
ers who are interested in ways in which the frameworks of microaggression,
the Model Minority Myth, and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype were used
to promote further scholarship in this neglected area. These theories were
conceptualized into the negative psychological effects AAs suffer as a
result of microaggressions in the workplace.
The research focus on AA higher education faculty members has pro-
vided valuable data that will inform policymakers and leadership in higher
education institutions about ways to transcend traditional discriminatory
power constructs with respect to AA faculty members’ experiences in lead-
ership roles and advancement opportunities. Although the investigation
for this book was qualitative and focused on the individual experiences of
each participant, the connection between these experiences and the themes
that appeared with greater frequency could inform policymakers in higher
education on how to support AAs and the mission of diversity at most col-
leges and universities. This investigation also sought to identify factors
creating a negative career impact for AAs with respect to leadership roles.
The potential findings aimed to assist policymakers and executive boards
within higher education to help increase recruitment, retention, and lever-
age the collective experience and skills of highly qualified AA faculty
members.
Additionally, this research placed an emphasis on applying theories such
as the Model Minority Myth and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype to the
construct of microaggressions experienced by AA faculty members in
higher education. It was important to gain an understanding of racial
issues stemming from social constructs and frameworks. Utilizing the
aforementioned framework that encompassed three key areas, I gained a
better understanding of the discriminatory experiences faced by AAs. The
first key area was the racism toward AAs, beginning with the Yellow Peril
14 A. WU

label, continuing to the Chinese Exclusion Act and the internment of

Americans of Japanese descent during World War II; these events form the
central foundation of subordination to which AAs have been subjected
throughout modern U.S. history. Next, the necessity to challenge and
dispel the discriminatory labels of the Model Minority Myth and Perpetual
Foreigner Stereotype applied to AA groups. The contemporary experi-
ences of AAs and their challenges facing their career path demonstrated
the application of new experiential knowledge that has the potential to
drive awareness and prompt new scholarship for positive change and
increased diversity in AA senior leadership opportunities. Finally, the
effects of microaggressions on individual academic and business points of
view as described AA professionals and faculty members brought an aware-
ness of this area of discrimination by elucidating their unique experiences.
Without recognizing the historical and racial frameworks in relation to the
daily perspectives of current AA faculty members, they will continue to
face marginalization and discrimination, influencing equity in the current
multicultural American experience.

Theoretical and Construct Foundations

This book utilized a variety of different lenses through which to view the
experiences and effects of microaggressions on the career experiences of
AA higher education faculty members. Civil and ethnic rights studies have
addressed issues of microaggressions, but placed them in a broader lens
that includes economics, history, context, group- and self-interest, and
even feelings and the unconscious (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). There is
the notion that virtually all AAs are self-sufficient, well-educated, and
upwardly mobile (Ng et al., 2010), and the invisibility of racism and dis-
crimination faced by AA groups (Chou & Feagin, 2015). The theoretical
frameworks of the Model Minority Myth, Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype,
and the construct of microaggressions were used as interpretive lenses for
this study due to their combined breadth and varying views on the topic.
It is important to establish that, for this study, microaggressions were the
main conceptual construct, with the Model Minority Myth and the
Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype being used as theoretical frameworks that
manifest in the form of microaggressions. The justification was that such
theories are primarily based on the racial experiences of people of color
and underrepresented minorities, and they are applicable to the study of
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 15

current AA professionals in the corporate world and among higher educa-

tion faculty.

Model Minority Myth

The theory of the Model Minority Myth—the stereotype that virtually all
AAs are self-sufficient, well-educated, and upwardly mobile—was a label
placed upon AAs, incorrectly defining a diverse group to be singularly
focused on hard work with a tunnel vision approach to higher education
achievement. Ng et al. (2007) argued that the Model Minority Myth ste-
reotype presents AAs as not having the right leadership style because they
are quiet or passive, evoking ideas of their foreignness. Although AAs have
been considered the model minority and are hardworking, something else
keeps them from being embraced fully by the majority at the highest levels
of higher education; as a result, they continued to be marginalized.
The Model Minority Myth stereotype casts AAs as monolithic group
whose members achieve universal and unparalleled academic and occupa-
tional success (Museus & Vue, 2013). Additional research in these areas
utilized a self-assessment model approach to address issues with AA lead-
ership in the technology area of Silicon Valley. Gee et al. (2015) identified
three major Asian leadership gaps: a gap in awareness and expectations,
role models, and behavior. Then they proposed a self-driven solution to
resolve issues of cultural deference to authority. In part that deference
often implies weakness, ineffective communication and influencing skills,
political naiveté/dexterity (i.e., understanding how organizational busi-
ness decisions are made), and a reluctance to take risks for business
and career.
Gee et al.’s (2015) research findings imply that a good faith approach
to self-ownership is presented at some level as career improvement for
AAs, and that AA professionals should seek out their corporate training
organizations. This training develops soft skills, providing the training and
tools required to develop the skills and behaviors required for AA execu-
tive leadership. However, the question remains whether it either corrects
or continues to reinforce the Model Minority Myth. This study sought to
explore if the participants utilized a self-ownership approach in addressing
the issue of existing microaggressions experienced by AA faculty members.
16 A. WU

In addition, examination of further bias and stereotyping of AA as merely

good workers as detailed by contemporary researchers as they state that
many managers expect Asians to be good workers but do not expect them
to be potential leaders was conducted. The self-ownership approach has
the potential to support the negative stereotype of AA employees lacking
management soft skills, thus confining the value of the employee to one
that is a good worker and technically proficient, but unsuitable for
leadership.
The Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype.
The Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype, which theorizes that some ethnic
minorities do not fit the definition of what it means to be American, may
manifest itself in subtle, covert marginalizing incidents, such as question-
ing an individual’s hometown, complimenting his/her command of the
English language, or mistaking him/her for a foreigner (Liang, Li, &
Kim, 2004). Recent research found an overwhelming propensity to more
readily ascribe the American identity to European Americans rather than
to ethnic minorities. In the minds of both European Americans and ethnic
minorities (Asian Americans and Latino/as), being American is equated
with being White (Armenta et al., 2013).
As the researchers note, AAs and other minorities such as Latino/
Hispanic Americans consider such subtle experiences of racism offensive
and invalidating of their participation in their own country, perpetuating a
structural worldview that they are foreigners in their own land. This for-
eignness is reinforced by the stereotypes of Asian Americans as not having
the right leadership style because they are quiet or passive (Hyun, 2005).
In addition, as part of this enduring foreignness stereotype, AAs have been
labeled as proficient workers, but are perceived as lacking leadership traits
due to cultural and ethnic generalizations (Mundy, 2014). The literature
suggested that this was a primary example of microaggressions faced by
AAs during their career paths.

Microaggressions
The construct of microaggression was originally developed by Harvard
University professor Chester M. Pierce (1974). More often than not, the
dominant race’s issuing of microaggression commentary has little or no
effect on the perpetrator. Microaggressions are “brief and commonplace
daily verbal, behavioral and environmental indignities, whether intentional
or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory or negative racial
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 17

slights and insults that potentially have harmful or unpleasant psychologi-

cal impact on the target person or group” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 273). The
psychological effects of such subtle racism further reinforce institutional
issues of dominant racist ideology and create negative stress and psycho-
logical trauma on AA individuals. As Sue, Bucceri, et al. noted, AAs and
other minorities such as Latino/Hispanic Americans consider such subtle
experiences of racism to insult and invalidate their participation in their
own country, due to a structural worldview that they are foreigners in
their own land. As mentioned in the above research, labeling AAs as pro-
ficient workers, but lacking in leadership traits such to cultural and ethnic
generalizations, is a primary example of a microaggressions faced by AA
professionals during their career paths. The article then pointed out that
overt examples of racism in contemporary U.S. culture are rare due to
increasing social awareness and the nature of racism has become more
insidious, covert, and private. Thus the manifestation of microaggressions
is a common form of racism and discrimination by the White institutional
power over people of color.
Current contributions to the literature on microaggressions have been
made by scholarship such as Derald Wing Sue (2010) and Daniel Solorzano
et al.’s (2000) research demonstrating the substantial impact of microag-
gressions on minorities such as AAs. In addition, these authors provide
support regarding the foundation of microaggressions by defining racism
as a system of ignorance, exploitation, and power used to oppress African
Americans, Latinos, Asians, Pacific Americans, American Indians and
other people on the basis of ethnicity, culture, mannerism, and color
(Solorzano et al., 2000). The use of microaggression commentary and
actions by the dominant systems may elicit little or no effect on the perpe-
trator. This established the manifestation of microaggressions as a com-
mon form of racism and discrimination by the institutional power
constructs over people of color.
The intersection of the construct and two theoretical frameworks
revealed the common aspects of microaggressions, Model Minority Myth,
and Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype. Others’ stereotypical racial percep-
tions of AA faculty members have affected their career environments. In
this study, the data collected from interviews helped draw the connection
between the daily experiences of AA faculty members and the respective
construct and theories. Evidence of microaggressions faced by AA faculty
members manifested in two primary areas: negative stereotypes of AAs as
foreigners and positive stereotypes of AAs as a successful minority group
(Sue, 2010). As mentioned in interviews, specific examples of being
18 A. WU

treated as foreign and being labeled as successful in academically and pro-

fessionally provided a detailed understanding of the effects of microag-
gressions on AA faculty members.

Method of Research
According to Creswell (2013), qualitative research is appropriate when
investigating a problem or issue that needs exploration. Therefore, I uti-
lized an interview-based qualitative basic interpretive design was deemed
appropriate as the primary source for data collection when researching AA
faculty members’ experiences in higher education institutions. The inter-
views elicited candid, direct responses from AA faculty members in rela-
tion to their professional experiences. The individual representations of
experiences gained from the interviews was the direct opposite of prede-
termined data from literature or prior studies, such as those used in quan-
titative research.
According Maxwell (2012), the value in conducting interviewing lies in
their ability to give access to others’ observations. Through interviewing,
researchers can learn about places they have not been and about settings
in which they have not lived. For this book, I implemented a semi-­
structured interview protocol with 13 initial exploratory interview ques-
tions to gain an understanding of the AAs’ faculty members job experiences
with respect to diversity issues. An additional 11 exploratory questions
were presented to establish respondent validation during a second
interview.
The initial analysis of the interview data consisted of reading the inter-
view transcripts (Maxwell, 2012), which involved listening to the elec-
tronic recordings prior to transcription. The researcher took notes and
memos based on the recordings, leading to development of tentative
themes concerning categories and relationships. Coding was the primary
form of categorical analysis used in this study. This process allowed the
data collected from the interviews to be organized into broad themes and
gradually broken down into more precise and specific themes and issues.
Specifically, open coding (also known as initial coding) allowed for the
separation the collected interview data into distinct parts, examination,
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 19

and comparison. I utilized the construction of vignettes, stories, and nar-

ratives to describe the participants and develop themes to answer the
research questions. Afterwards, the collected vignettes were coded into
separate data categories (Saldana, 2016), yielding eight themes: percep-
tions, status, stereotyping, societal labels, student success, career recogni-
tion, roles, and management importance.
The experiences of diversity issues faced by AA faculty members are of
significant research value. Therefore, a basic interpretive method approach
was able to clearly identify and reveal their experiences as a part of building
new scholarship in this area. Relevant examples included the lived experi-
ences of issues faced by AAs such as career path limitations and the Model
Minority Myth.
I assumed that there would be high level of participation and compe-
tence in terms of the ability to understand, process, and communicate the
questions presented in the course of interviews due to the study partici-
pants being experienced middle-level faculty members working within
higher education institutions. Participating higher education faculty mem-
bers were assumed to have completed at a minimum a bachelor’s degree
and possibly a graduate degree in their respective fields of study. Rapport
and connection with the participants were based on their combined edu-
cation, management, and work experience in developing an interpersonal
relationship that would be effective in the process of the interviews.
The participants that I interviewed were similar to me in terms of shar-
ing similar career experiences as AAs. In addition, I assumed that the
interview questions would be answered with reflection and directness. I
also assumed that the condition of anonymity and understanding that the
purpose of this study was to generate awareness and equity for the AA
community would promote genuine responses emphasizing integrity, eth-
ical reflections, and perspectives. Due to the need to build scholarship and
research in this area, I assumed that the participants would willingly share
information and experiences that were critical to this study. The popula-
tion of this study was limited to AA faculty members’ experiences at higher
education institutions. Although the study looked at a specific racial
group, it did not include any comparisons to any other specific minority or
underrepresented groups. In this focused, descriptive study, I only consid-
ered data collection about the experiences of those who identify as AA
faculty members in PWIs.
The research presented in this study had certain limitations that should
be brought to light. Naturally, the data collected from the participant
20 A. WU

interviews came from their own personal professional/life experiences and

perspectives. The interviews conducted in this study should not be consid-
ered a collective representation of all the roles of all AAs in higher educa-
tion faculty and cannot be seen as a mirror image of other AA experiences.
However, internal generalizability was a potential exception because it
related to common findings within the study itself. Issues of external gen-
eralizability refer to the findings’ “generalizability beyond that case, set-
ting, or group, to other persons, times, and settings” (Maxwell, 2012,
p. 137). As a result, reviewers of this research are advised not to take a
generalizable approach to findings to all external AA diversity issues.

Key Terms
The following definitions were used in this book:
Higher education administrator—“Postsecondary (higher) education
administrators oversee student services, academic affairs, and faculty mem-
bers’ research at colleges and universities. Their job duties vary depending
on the area of the college they manage, such as admissions, student life, or
the office of the registrar. Postsecondary education administrators work in
colleges, universities, community colleges, and technical and trade
schools” (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, n.d.). “Most work full time.
Although a bachelor’s degree may be acceptable for some entry-level posi-
tions, a master’s degree or terminal degree is often required. Employers
typically prefer to hire candidates who have experience working in the
field, especially for occupations such as registrars and academic deans”
(U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, n.d.).
Higher education faculty members—Faculty members or professors,
also known as postsecondary teachers, are experts in different subjects and
fields. Faculty members’ responsibilities can vary with their positions in
higher education institutions such as universities or colleges. In large col-
leges or universities, faculty members can divide their duties in activities
such as teaching, conducting research or experiments, applying for grants
for research, or supervising graduate teaching assistants who are teaching
classes. Postsecondary teachers who work for 4-year colleges and universi-
ties typically need a doctoral degree in their field. Some schools may hire
those with a master’s degree or degree candidates for some specialties,
such as fine arts, or for some part-time positions (U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics, 2015).
 1 CHINA VIRUS: ASIAN AMERICANS IN THE CROSSHAIRS 21

Microaggression—Microaggressions are “brief and commonplace daily

verbal, behavioral and environmental indignities, whether intentional or
unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory or negative racial
slights and insults that potentially have harmful or unpleasant psychologi-
cal impact on the target person or group” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 273).
“Simply stated, microaggressions are brief, everyday exchanges that send
denigrating messages to people of color because they belong to a racial
minority group. These exchanges are so pervasive and automatic in daily
interactions that they are often dismissed and glossed over as being innoc-
uous” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 273).
Model Minority Myth—“The stereotype of Asian Americans as model
minorities, especially in education. The image of supposed academic
achievement of Asian Americans used as a beacon to highlight the proto-
typical American success story, a group to be admired and emulated by
others” (Ng et al., 2007, p. 95). “At the same time, however, it is used to
produce a heightened sense of fear, particularly in schools, that the Asian
horde will take over the classrooms to raise test scores, resulting in a new
form of White flight” (Ng et al., 2007, p. 95). “These concerns are pres-
ent all levels of education, from the PK–12 level to higher education. In
either case, one thing remains clear; Asian Americans are excluded from
the framework of normalcy” (Ng et al., 2007, p. 95).
Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype—This stereotype presents the argu-
ment that some ethnic minority groups, AAs for example, are considered
as other in the majority White society in the U.S. Ethnic minorities, such
as AAs, have experienced “discrimination, awareness of the Perpetual
Foreigner Stereotype, conflict between ethnic and national identities,
sense of belonging to American culture, and demographics” (Huynh
et al., 2011, p. 133). In addition, with respect to AAs, “above and beyond
perceived discrimination, awareness of the Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype
significantly predicted lower hope and life satisfaction for Asian Americans,
and [it is] a marginal predictor of greater depression for Latinos/nas”
(Huynh et al., 2011, p. 133).
Predominantly White Institution (PWI)—“The term used to describe
higher education institutions such as college and universities in which stu-
dents of White racial background account for 50% or greater of total
enrollment. However, the majority of these institutions may also be under-
stood as historically White institutions in recognition of the binarism and
exclusion supported by the U.S. prior to 1964” (Brown & Dancy, 2009,
p. 2). “It is in a historical context of segregated education that
22 A. WU

predominantly White colleges and universities are defined and contrasted

from other colleges and universities that serve students with different
racial, ethnic, and/or cultural backgrounds” (Brown & Dancy, 2009, p. 2).

Summary
Ultimately the research conducted for this book demonstrated both the
challenges and opportunities for building and continuing research on
microaggressions and how it effects the career experience of AA higher
education faculty members. I assumed that the complex and nuanced phe-
nomenon of microaggressions would present a set of findings of complex
and intersectional racial and social processes, and was confident that these
lived experiences could be researched, interpreted, and analyzed.
In addition, the research demonstrated that the qualitative research
approach utilized in an organized and deliberate manner allowed for
delineation of the multifaceted interdisciplinary aspects of the AA faculty
members’ career experiences. Therefore, the findings yielded opportuni-
ties for further research to strengthen representation of the realities of AA
faculty members in higher education. This basic interpretive study was
able to gain a deeper understanding of the participants’ lived experiences
as a foundation for ongoing scholarship.

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 CHAPTER 2

Microaggressions: American Snakemen

“China is to blame because the culture where people eat bats & snakes
& dogs & things like that, these viruses are transmitted from the
animal to the people and that's why China has been the source of a lot of
these viruses like SARS, like MERS, the Swine Flu.”
—John Cornyn, March 2020

Shortly after the coronavirus was declared a national emergency in March

2020, Senator John Cornyn, R-Texas, made a statement that was racist,
incorrect and xenophobic. In one broad stroke, the senator, in defense of
Donald Trump use of the phase “the Chinese virus”, perpetrated Asian
racist stereotypes and incorrectly blamed the sources of prior epidemics.
The MERS outbreak was first identified in Saudi Arabia in 2012 and the
swine flu pandemic started out in 2009 in Mexico and the
U.S. (Shepard, 2020).
In response, Rep. Judy Chu, D-Calif., the chair of the Congressional
Asian Pacific American Caucus, called Cornyn’s comments disgusting, an
attempt to shift attention away from President Trump's truncated response
to the coronavirus pandemic (Wu, 2020). Chu also commented:

Disparaging an entire ethnic group and culture like this is bigotry, plain and
simple. Over the past few days, Trump has repeatedly labeled this pandemic
as the ‘Chinese virus,’ and his loyal Republican followers have come to his

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 27

Switzerland AG 2023
A. Wu, Asian American Educators and Microaggressions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23459-0_2
28 A. WU

defense in increasingly hateful terms. Their words are inciting racism and
violence against Asian Americans in the U.S. (Shepard, 2020)

In addition, Cornyn’s comment dog-whistles American taboos against

eating certain animals, but without evidence that eating Chinese cuisine
leads directly to the spreading of pandemics. Cornyn failed to mention
that in his home state of Texas, snake meat snacks were presented in annual
state festivals (Wu, 2020). In addition, the senator published a column on
his senate website in 2019 titled, “The Texas Snake Man: Jackie Bibby and
His Rattlesnake Roundups” (Wu, 2020). The casual and subtle combina-
tion of several false accusations of Chinese culture and incorrect attribu-
tion of disease origin was racist discrimination of Asians as a group.
The COVID-19 pandemic stimulated the rise of anti-Asian racism and
micro-aggressions within American society (Solórzano & Huber, 2020).
As mentioned in the earlier in this book President Donald Trump called
COVID-19 “the Chinese virus” and the “Kung Flu virus” and many Asian
Americans across the U.S. have been victims of racial hostility and attacks.
The anti-Asian events and expressions evoked, for many Asian Americans,
painful and repressed memories of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and
the internment of Japanese Americans during the 1940s (Solórzano &
Huber, 2020).
Microaggressions are often indicative of environments that place
minorities such as AAs at risk of experiencing discrimination. The con-
struct of microaggressions was originally developed by Harvard University
professor Chester M. Pierce. Pierce’s (1974) definition of microaggres-
sions, framed by mass communications, was that virtually all Black-White
racial interactions were described as White put-downs that were perpe-
trated in an automatic, preconscious, or unconscious fashion. Pierce con-
cluded that the accumulation of these disastrous mini interactions had a
“pervasive effect on the stability and peace of this world” (Pierce, 1974,
p. 13) . Described as a contemporary form of discrimination, the perpetra-
tors of microaggressions potentially do not recognize their role or are
unaware of the consequences of their actions. Racist jokes, asking a to
speak or represent their race, or expecting a person’s race to result in
reduced quality of work performed are subtle but create great psychologi-
cal distress (Burrow & Hill, 2012). Being denied a job promotion or
housing due to race suggest that even with the less overt nature of racial
microaggressions, such experiences have negative impacts on the well-­
being and health of the target person or group.
 2 MICROAGGRESSIONS: AMERICAN SNAKEMEN 29

Pierce (1974) described mass media as portraying White superiority in

relation to Blacks. Often Blacks as represented in film and television as in
non-menial as well as menial roles in films and on television, despite the
argument of how marvelous it is that Blacks are now seen regularly, regard-
less of the presentation of Blacks in media, overall has been key keeping
Blacks in a reduced status. For example, Blacks are more often the server
than the served, in a commercial the Black person pumps the gas while the
White person is the driver of the car, or the Black woman is the cab driver
while the White man’s uncivil remarks give her a headache.
In addition, Pierce (1974) described mass media as depicting Blacks
less often as thinking beings. This is evidenced by a Black person portray-
ing a district attorney who solves a case with his fists in a television pro-
gram. A White police lieutenant whose position is lower than the district
attorney, instead uses his brains to solve the same problem. Another exam-
ple of Black portrayal as a non-thinker is a public service advertisement
concerning White and Black adults and youths’ testimonial of White chil-
dren getting eyeglasses. This resulted in better school grades and increased
ability to concentrate. Then one sees a Black child stating that getting
one’s eyes tested is fun. As a result of these inferior representations in the
mass media, the Black person is repeatedly seen in such guises as a server
and a non-thinking physical creature. Even his or her own health is
addressed only because it is shown as fun and immediately gratifying.
Ultimately, mass media offers the clear message that Whites control,
decide, and plan what is viewed by an audience of millions. The founda-
tion of these offensive maneuvers by Whites stems from the mental atti-
tude of presumed superiority. Thus, Whites feel they can initiate actions,
direct unilateral operations, and control Blacks, whom they are told over
and over are unthinking, physical creatures dependent and available for
entertainment, gratification, and exploitation (Pierce, 1974).
Microaggressions are also defined as commonly experienced indigni-
ties, either intentional or unintentional; verbal, behavioral, or environ-
mental; that demonstrate forms of hostile, derogatory, negative, slights,
and insults to targeted people of groups of various racial, gender, sexual
orientation, and religious backgrounds (Sue, 2010). Sue (2010) described
examples of the effects on microaggressions as an African American stu-
dent changing majors, a female worker missing opportunities for promo-
tion, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people being punished for
coming out.
30 A. WU

More specifically, racial microaggressions are a representation of the

changing nature of the three types of racism: overt individual, institu-
tional, and cultural (Sue, 2010). In addition to the representations of rac-
ism described by Pierce (1974), other overt forms of racism include
serving Black patrons last, using racial slurs, preventing a White son or
daughter from dating or marrying a person of color, or not showing cli-
ents of color houses in affluent White neighborhoods. Because there are
few repercussions to the dominant race in individual, institutional, and
cultural racism, when there are examples of issuing of microaggression
action, the continuation microaggressions goes unchecked.
The following adapted passage (as cited in Sue, 2010, p. 15), for exam-
ple, indicates how microaggressions were perceived by Don Locke, an
African American man:

I am tired of—
Watching mediocre White people continue to rise to positions of author-
ity and responsibility.
Wondering if the White woman who quickly exited the elevator when I
got on was really at her destination.
Being told I do not sound Black.
Being told by White people that they “don’t see color” when they inter-
act with me.
The deadening silence that occurs when the conversation turns to race.
Having to explain why I wish to be called “African American.”
Wondering if things will get better. Wondering if the taxi driver really did
not see me trying to hail a ride.
Being told that I should not criticize racially segregated country clubs
because I wouldn’t enjoy associating with people who belong to them anyway.
Being followed in department stores by the security force and pestered
by sales clerks who refuse to allow me to browse because they suspect I am
a shoplifter.
Never being able to let my racial guard down. Listening to reports about
people of color who failed as justification for the absence of other people of
color in positions of authority.
Being told that “we are just not ready for a Black person in that position.”
Having to explain that my sexual fantasies do not center on White women.
Feeling racially threatened when approached by a White law enforcement
officer.
Explaining that not all African Americans are employed to meet
some quota.
 2 MICROAGGRESSIONS: AMERICAN SNAKEMEN 31

Being told that I need to openly distance myself from another African
American whose words have offended someone.
Having people tell me that I have it made and then telling me that I have
“sold out” in order to have what I have.
Explaining why I am tired. Being tired.

This testimony of multiple examples of microaggressions show the

damaging effects of the constant marginalization of minority groups. The
common and routine nature of these experiences has harmful effects that
diminish the quality of life of those targeted, either intentional or uninten-
tionally. Although Locke’s commentary was reflective of the African
American experience, many of the comments are applicable and similar to
the AA experience.
Despite the increasing racial diversity of the U.S., White Americans
continue to have a difficult time distinguishing between Asian American
groups and often respond as if no difference exists (Sue, Capodilupo,
et al., 2007b). As a result, there are common racial assumptions and beliefs
in the White Western worldview regarding nearly all Asian Americans.
Two are especially powerful beliefs in the manifestation of racial microag-
gressions toward Asian American are: (a) negative stereotypes of Asian
Americans as foreigners, and (b) positive stereotypes of them as a success-
ful minority group:

When the general public thinks about Asian Americans, these are some of
the images and stereotypes that come to mind: spies, sneaky, backstabbers,
disloyal, slanted eyes, stingy, subhuman, model minority, bright, hardwork-
ing, obedient, studious, quiet, good in math and science, wealthy, passive,
lack of leadership skills, poor interpersonally, unassertive, men are unmascu-
line/sexually unattractive, women are domestic, exotic, and sexually pleas-
ing, and poor English skills. (Sue, 2010, p. 152)

For example, AA women, despite being Americans by birth or natural-

ization, experience common microaggressions; they are expected to be
like foreigners, possessing vast knowledge of their ancestors’ cultures, his-
tories, and languages, as well as to be able to cook Asian food, offer culi-
nary or travel advice, and speak on the immigrant experience (Endo,
2015). According to Endo (2015), additional assumptions regarding for-
eignness of AA women included the expectation that they are cultural
experts who could act as cross-cultural brokers or translators. If their
32 A. WU

perspectives did not match with stereotypical perceptions of AAs as for-

eign and immigrants, AA women were discredited.
All of these images are reflected in racial microaggressive themes
directed against Asian Americans: aliens in their own land, ascription of
intelligence, denial of racial reality, eroticization of Asian American
women, invalidation of interethnic differences, pathologizing of cultural
values/communication styles, second-class citizens, and invisibility.
Research has hypothesized that AAs are more likely to face microaggres-
sion themes of perpetual foreigner, an alien in one’s own land, than other
forms of microaggressions. This category of microaggression, microinvali-
dation, is considered to be the most insidious because it seeks to nullify
the experiential reality of racial minorities. Themes of xenophobia or per-
petual foreignness are some of the most commonly experienced microag-
gressions experienced by AAs. Being viewed as a perpetual foreigner was
found to be associated with symptoms of depression (Ong et al., 2013).
Examples of xenophobia revealed the practice of microaggressions
toward AA students. Xenophobic comments such as Asian invasion, Asian
flush, too many Asians, too many international students, and go back to
Asia were encountered by AA students who were mistaken for interna-
tional students (Yeo et al., 2019). These statements revealed an unwel-
coming climate for international students and exposed the hostility faced
by both AAs and Asians on PWIs.
Although Asian Americans may be well represented in the higher ech-
elons of management, evidence suggests that they must possess higher
levels of education and training to attain a comparable position to their
White colleagues (Sue, 2010). In other words, the super minority syn-
drome must be achieved to obtain an equal occupational level as White
employees.
Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007a) provided another salient definition of
microaggressions. The old-fashioned type of racist hatred that was overt,
direct, and often intentional has increasingly morphed into a contempo-
rary form that is subtle, indirect, and often disguised (Sue, Bucceri, et al.,
2007a, p. 88). Thus, the manifestation of microaggressions as a common
form of racism and discrimination by the White institutional power over
people of color (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007a, p. 88). The psychological
effects of such subtle racism further reinforce institutional issues of domi-
nant racist ideology, creating stress and psychological trauma for the AA
individual. As the authors note, AAs and other minorities such as Latino/
Hispanic Americans consider such subtle experiences of racism to insult
 2 MICROAGGRESSIONS: AMERICAN SNAKEMEN 33

and invalidate their participation in their own country due to a structural

worldview that they are foreigners in their own land. As mentioned in
prior research, labeling AAs as proficient workers but lacking in leadership
traits such to cultural and ethnic generalizations is a primary example of a
microaggressions faced by AA professions during their career paths.
A contemporary definition of racial microaggressions is defined by
Solórzano and Huber (2020) as one form of systemic, everyday racism
used to keep those at the racial margins in their place. Racial microaggres-
sions are:

1. verbal and nonverbal assaults directed toward People of Color, often

carried out in subtle, automatic, or unconscious forms;
2. layered assaults, based on a Person of Color’s race, gender, class,
sexuality, language, immigration status, phenotype, accent, or
surname; and
3. cumulative assaults that take a psychological and physiological toll
on People of Color (Solórzano & Huber, 2020)

Solórzano (Solórzano & Huber, 2020) also defined racial microaggres-

sions as “a form of systemic everyday verbal or non-verbal assaults directed
toward People of Color. They are also layered assaults, based on a Person
of Color’s marginalized identities…. [T]hey are [also] cumulative assaults
that take a physiological, psychological, and academic toll on People of
Color” (cited in Harmon, 2019).
Beyond the macro view of the issues faced by AAs and their representa-
tion in senior leadership in higher education, the daily experiences of dis-
crimination are equally important. On the micro level, microaggressions
have substantial impact on AAs’ professional experiences. Defined as “sub-
tle insults directed toward people of color, often automatically or uncon-
sciously” as shown in Table 2.1 (Solorzano et al., 2000, p. 60), common
microaggressions faced by AAs include “You speak good English,” “Help
[me] with a Math or Science problem,” or “Why are you so quiet? We want
to know what you think. Be more verbal. Speak up more” (Sue, 2010,
p. 34). These microaggressions are further validated by the definition of
racism, namely “the belief in the inherent superiority of one race over all
others and thereby the right to dominance” (Solorzano et al., 2000, p. 61).
In addition, the authors provide another relevant definition of racism, “a
system of ignorance, exploitation, and power used to oppress African
Americans, Latinos, Asians, Pacific Americans, American Indians and other
people on the basis of ethnicity, culture, mannerism, and color” (p. 61).
34 A. WU

Table 2.1 Themes Developed as a Result of Microaggression Research

Article Definition Main Themes

Racial microaggressions and Brief and commonplace daily verbal, Alien in own
the Asian American experience behavioral and environmental land
(Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007a)* indignities, whether intentional or Ascription of
unintentional, that communicate intelligence
hostile, derogatory or negative racial Denial of racial
slights and insults that potentially have reality
harmful or unpleasant psychological
impact on the target person or group.
Racial microaggressions in Racial microaggressions are brief and Alien in own
everyday life: Implications for commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, land
clinical practice (Sue, or environmental indignities, whether Ascription of
Capodilupo, et al., 2007b) intentional or unintentional, that intelligence
communicate hostile, derogatory, or Color blindness
negative racial slights and insults
toward people of color
Critical race theory, racial Microaggressions are subtle insults Group
microaggressions, and campus (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual) superiority
racial climate: The experiences directed toward people of color, often Racist power
of African American college automatically or unconsciously. Minority
students. (Solorzano et al., marginalization
2000)
Psychiatric problems of the Almost all black-white racial Reduced status
black minority (Pierce, 1974) interactions are characterized by white Controlled and
put-downs, done in an automatic, directed
preconscious, or unconscious fashion.
These mini-disasters accumulate.
Contesting the model Contemporary characterizations of Non-Americans
minority and perpetual Asian Americans reveal the persistence The model
foreigner stereotypes: A of the foreigner and model minority minority
critical review of literature on stereotypes in mainstream culture and
Asian Americans in education more educated, professional
(Ng, Lee, & Pak 2010) communities.
Where are you from? A Such threats appear to be commonly Foreigner
validation of the foreigner experienced by many ethnic minorities objectification
objectification scale and the in the U.S., who may view themselves Identity denial
psychological correlates of to be just as American as their
foreigner objectification European American counterparts, but
among Asian Americans and also may be aware that they are
Latinos (Armenta et al., 2013) viewed as less American than are
European Americans

(continued)
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Fig. 2
J, Mechanism of Lever-Action Repeating Rifle; 2, Breechblock; 7,
Cocking Lever; 19, Firing Pin, Front; 21, Firing Pin, Rear; 29, Guard
Finger Lever; 34, Hammer; 36, Lifter; 37, Locking Slide; 45, Mainspring
Plunger; 46, Mainspring Plunger Seat; 63, Trigger
K, Mechanism of Falling-Breechblock, Single-Shot Rifle; L, Gold-Bead
Front Sight; M and N, Combination Rear Aperture or Tang Sight, Raised
 and Folded; O, P, Q, Folding-Leaf Rear Sight, Used as V-Crotched Sight,
Straight-Bar Sight, and Folded Flat to Barrel

For outdoor target shooting the .22-caliber, long-rifle cartridge will

give very accurate results up to 100 yd. The standard target has a
bull’s-eye measuring 6 in. in diameter for 150 yd. Shooting may be
tried for a while at a fixed range, then the target may be moved to an
unknown distance and angle, and the marksman can try his hand at
estimating distance. Instead of changing his sights at varying
distances, the sportsman should learn how to estimate the distance
of the mark and the approximate elevation of the sights to land the
bullet within the circle. This is valuable practice for good shooting in
the woods.
After considerable practice at the stationary target, quick firing
may be varied by rigging up a sliding trolley arrangement, like that
shown in the page illustration. It is easily made by setting up two
poles, properly braced, one about 30 ft. tall, and the other about 10
ft., spaced 30 ft. apart. Between the poles, about 8 ft. from the
ground, stretch a length of stiff telephone wire, and make a wooden
target block W, with a metal sheave wheel, so that it may slide freely
along the wire. On the tallest post, a little above the wire, fasten a
metal pulley, Z, and at the top of the pole place a sash pulley. Then
attach a stout cord to the target block, reeve it through the two
pulleys, and attach a sandbag, or other weight, to the end of the
cord, On the shorter post, a latch, or trigger, Y, is fastened to hold the
target, which is released by pulling a string. With this easily
constructed device, much valuable practice may be had, for if the
pole is fairly high, the weight will cause the target to slide as rapidly
as the average game bird travels. In using this moving target, just as
good practice is obtained with a .22-caliber repeater as with a high-
power gun. In fact, the high-velocity ammunition should be used only
on a regular range, or where a suitable backstop is erected to stop
the high-power bullets. Such a backstop may be constructed of
heavy lumber, like old railroad ties, in the form of a crib, which is
filled in with sand or earth. When a natural background, such as a
mound or hill, is at hand, this may be used with safety, but a rocky
hillside is not satisfactory, for it is likely to deflect the bullets, and
may cause injury through stray shots.
Fig. 3
 As our antlered game, like the moose, the Virginia deer, the
caribou, and the elk, are held in higher esteem than other American
big-game animals, a few practical hints on where to sight, may serve
to bring better luck to the sportsman who has yet to bring in his first
head. The shoulder shot, shown in the rectangular sketch at S, T
and U, is taken by the experienced hunter whenever possible, in
preference to any other. It is the object of this shot to break the
shoulder joint, and thus prevent use of the forelegs. It is a vital shot,
also, because there is a good chance of the bullet passing through
either the heart or lungs, which will drop the game in its tracks. This
is the most effective of all shots, and as the hunter more often draws
a bead while the game is running away, the shoulder shot is used
more than any other. The exact spot, at which the aim should be
taken, depends upon the distance of the animal, and its rate of
movement. If on the run and the range of 100 yd. or more, the sight
should be taken at the point S. If less than this distance, sight at T,
and, if the animal is standing still, take deliberate aim at U, within the
dotted inclosure. This area represents what big-game hunters call
the vital zone, and a soft-nose bullet, placed anywhere within this
spot, will be certain to stop the game, often dropping it on the spot. It
is possible to land a bullet in a vital spot at distances up to 500 yd.
with a high-power rifle, but it is very likely that the game will be
wounded only, and may escape to die a lingering death. In taking
long shots at big game on the run, the sight should be taken well
forward and a trifle higher than the marks given, since the hunter
must allow for the trajectory of his arm and the time the bullet takes
to reach its mark.
The front shot, shown at the right, has as its object to hit the heart
or lungs. It is a useful shot, and the sight is taken at the cross
indication on the breast. The head shot, shown in the circle, is a
brain shot, and is used only by the experienced hunter, when it is
difficult to land a shoulder or front shot. As the brain is well up to the
top of the head, the best point of aim is shown at V, midway between
the eyes and a trifle higher than their centers. This shot is most
effective when the hunter stands a trifle above the game, or shoots
when the game is charging head down. If on a level, aim just above
the eye, and if close to the game, land the bullet just below the eye.
The ear shot, as indicated by the cross, is taken at close quarters,
and the point to sight for is the inside of the ear at its base.
A good rifle will give a lifetime of service, and the sportsman
should take care of it. The best time to clean a firearm of any kind is
as soon after shooting as possible, for the powder residue is then
fresh and moist, and is more easily and quickly removed. Black
powder can be removed with a wet rag, but smokeless powder not
only leaves a little powder residue, but also a film of gummy residue
on the steel which is not apparent to the eye. Common washing
soda, dissolved in water to make a saturated solution, is used to
remove it. Any of the ready-prepared nitro solvents are good for
cleaning the rifle. A good way to clean a rifle is to use strips of cotton
flannel, cut into squares of such size that they will fit snugly, but may
be easily pushed through the barrel on the head of the metal
cleaning rod. Always clean a rifle from the breech, if possible, by
resting the muzzle on a few folded papers on the floor. Push a
couple of dry wipers down to the floor to remove the carbon residue.
Then saturate another square of cloth with the nitro solvent, and
carefully swab out the barrel, turning the rod so that it will follow the
spiral rifling. Repeat the operation two or three times; then take a
clean wiper, moistened with the solvent, and repeat until the barrel is
well lubricated with the cleaning fluid. The barrel should be well oiled
with any good, thick oil, or liquid vaseline. The lock mechanism of
the arm should be kept clean and very lightly lubricated with any
good thin oil, and the gunstock polished with linseed oil.
 Camera for Taking Pictures from a
Kite
By CHARLES I. REID

When watching a kite flying at a considerable height one frequently

wonders how the landscape appears from such a viewpoint as
would be possible from a kite. Few of us can have the experience of
a ride in an aeroplane, but it is quite possible to obtain a view from
the kite, by proxy as it were, through the use of a kite camera. A kite
of large dimensions would be necessary to carry an ordinary camera
taking pictures of fair size, hence it is necessary to devise one of
lighter construction, so that a kite of moderate size may carry it to a
height of several hundred feet. Such a camera is shown in the
illustration attached to a box kite. Details of construction are shown
in the smaller sketches.
A camera consists, briefly, of a light-proof box, with a lens at one
end and a sensitive plate or film at the other. For a kite camera, a
single achromatic lens will suit the purpose. Such a lens is not
expensive and may be taken from a small camera. It must be
obtained before the camera is begun, since the size of the latter is
dependent upon the focal length of the lens and the size of the
picture to be made. A camera taking pictures 2 in. square is
satisfactory for kite photography, and if it is desired to enlarge the
pictures, this may be done in the usual manner.
The box of the camera is made cone-shaped in order to reduce
the weight and air resistance. Its sides are of light-weight, stiff
cardboard, reinforced at the corners to insure that no light will enter.
The back of the camera is a tight-fitting cover of cardboard, having
the same measurements as the picture to be taken. The lens is fitted
to an intermediate partition, as shown in the sketch. It is necessary
to determine the focal length of the lens and to set it at a distance
from the inner side of the cardboard back of the camera—the film
surface—so that it will focus properly for photographing distant
objects.
 The Kite Camera Offers a Diversion in Photography, and Has Practical
and Commercial Uses as Well. The Camera Shown Is of Light Weight,
Simple Construction, and Produces Film Exposures Two Inches Square.
A Sectional View of Its Construction is Given at the Left, and the Details
of the Shutter Device at the Right

The front is provided with a circular opening of a size large enough

not to obstruct the view of the lens. A shutter made of thin
pressboard is fitted over the opening, as shown in the sketch at the
right. A slit is cut in the shutter through which light is admitted in
making the exposure as the shutter is drawn back. The size and
width of the slit regulates the exposure, and a few trials must be
made to determine the most suitable speed of exposure for the lens
used. The shutter is pivoted at its lower end and drawn back by a
rubber band. A string, to which a time fuse is attached, controls the
releasing of the shutter to make the exposure. The string holds the
shutter closed against the pull of the rubber band until the fuse burns
up to the string, severing it. The fuse must be long enough to enable
the kite to attain a suitable height before the string is burned. When
the shutter has been set, and the fuse attached ready for lighting, the
camera may be taken into the dark room for loading. A piece of film,
cut to the proper size, is placed carefully into the light-proof sliding
cover, as with a film pack, the sensitive side, of course, being placed
nearest the lens.
The camera is attached to the kite securely at the middle, as
shown, so that when the kite is in flight a view nearly straight down
will be obtained. When all is in readiness the fuse is lighted and the
kite started on its flight. By timing experimental flights, the required
length of fuse may be determined in order to permit the kite to attain
the desired height at the time of exposure.
The kite used for taking pictures from the air should be large
enough to carry the kite easily. One of the box type illustrated is
satisfactory, although other types may be used. A kite camera for the
amateur has great possibilities for experimentation, but requires care
in construction and a reasonable knowledge of photography. To the
person willing to master the details, kite photography offers a
pleasurable diversion as well as practical uses in photographing
plots of ground, groups of buildings, manufacturing plants, and other
subjects which cannot be photographed by other methods.
 How to Make a Canteen
Two sheet-metal plates that are well nickelplated may be joined
and provided with a suitable opening, to form a useful canteen for
the camper or hiker. The illustration shows such a convenience fitted
with a shoulder strap ready for use.
 It was made as follows: Two good-quality pie plates were soldered
at their edges to form a water-tight container. An opening was cut
into the edge and a screw cap, taken from a metal-polish can, was
fitted carefully and soldered over the opening. A wire was soldered
at each side of the screw cap, providing loops for the snap buckles
of the shoulder straps.—J. R. Townsend, Itasca, Texas.
 Mixing Stick That Breaks Up Lumps
In mixing paint, or paste, it is desirable that all lumps be broken up
quickly, and that the forming of lumps be prevented as much as
possible. A mixing stick that will aid in this process is made as
follows: Procure a stick of wood, that will take nails without cracking,
and cut it about 1 in. square and 12 in. long. On one side, beginning
¹⁄₂ in. from the end, drive five 8-penny finishing nails, 1 in. apart. On
the next side, repeat the process, beginning the nails 1 in. from the
end. Place similar nails on the other two sides, spacing them to
offset those on the other sides. The nails cause a thorough mixing of
the paste, or paint, prevent the forming of lumps of any considerable
size, and by careful stirring will break up all lumps in the mixture.—
Edwin R. Mason, Danville, Ill.
 Tin Can on Rod for Picking Fruit

The best apple is usually a little beyond reach, as every boy

knows, so I fitted a tin can, cut as shown in the sketch, to a pole and
can easily pick the apple that I want. The device is useful for picking
many varieties of fruit, and prevents damaging it by a fall. For picking
apples or other fruit from the upper branches of trees, where it is
almost impossible to reach by the use of a ladder, the tin-can fruit
picker is especially handy. The small sketch shows how the edges of
the can should be cut to afford the best grip on the stem, making it
possible to cut the twig from above or below.—T. A. Charles,
Hamilton, Ont.
 The Shotgun and How to Use It
By STILLMAN TAYLOR

PART I—How a Shotgun is Made

Hunting and fishing have always held the most important places in
the field of sport. Primitive man was an expert hunter and a
skilled fisherman. He had to be in order to secure food and skins,
and while but few men are now dependent upon this method of
getting a living, the call of the outdoor world is still heard by millions
of men and women. This, then, may be reckoned the inheritance
which our primitive ancestors have bequeathed to every man, and
every man will find health and recreation through it. It would be
interesting to begin this chapter at the start and set down the history
of weapons, trace the evolution of the hunting arm all the way from
the bow down to the modern hammerless shotgun, but as this is a
practical article on how to pick out a good gun and the knack of
using it, only modern weapons will be discussed. While the novice
need not know the detailed process of constructing a shotgun, he will
find it an advantage to know something of the way in which a
serviceable weapon is manufactured, for with this knowledge he is
better qualified to pick out a suitable arm for his own particular use.
 The Side-Plate Lock Is a Development of the Old Hammer Lock with Striker
Inside

The frame of a shotgun—that is, the part to one end of which the
barrels are affixed, the stock being bolted to the other—contains the
lock mechanism, and that the weapon may give the most satisfaction
for many years, the stock must be of good quality, of the exquisite
temper, and the bolting mechanism—securing the barrels to the
frame—must be simple, yet strong and serviceable. For the frame, a
solid drop forging is milled to make a shell into which the working
mechanism is fitted, and two types of frames are used in making the
modern shotguns. The side-plate lock is really a development of the
old hammer lock, with the striker inside. This lock is preferred by
some shooters because of its neat and graceful lines, and some
manufacturers use this type because it enables them to make use of
a lighter frame.
 The Box Type of Frame Likewise Has Its Champions and Possesses Its
Advantages

The Cocking Hook Is an Ingenious Device, with Variations Used on Different

Makes of Arms

The box type of frame likewise has its champions and possesses
certain advantages. Certainly it makes a strong and rigid frame, and
for inexpensive weapons it would be difficult to improve upon. While
its square, boxlike form is not graceful in line, it enables the maker to
use a spiral, or coil, spring instead of a flat spring for operating the
locks, which is an advantage. In brief, the merits of both types may
be summed up in this fashion: The use of the box type of lock
enables the maker to turn out a better quality of gun at a low price,
but in the case of a well-made gun, selling for a reasonable figure,
there is very little choice between them so far as dependability and
long service are concerned. Both are much used by manufacturers
of the finest weapons, hence the shooter may pick out the one which
best suits his fancy.

A Hammerless Gun with Roller Bearings to Overcome the Short Leverage

and Make It Open and Close Easily

The Cocking Mechanism of the Hammerless

The locks of the hammerless shotgun work inside of the frame or

lock, and are cocked by an ingenious little mechanism operated by
the movement of the barrels when they are opened. The Anson &
Deely cocking mechanism is one of the oldest and best of these
devices, and is still used on many American as well as European
arms. The levers of this mechanism are hung with pivots in the end
of the frame—one end projecting into the fore end and the opposite
end resting beneath the hammer toe. As the gun is “broken,” or
opened, it presses down the forward end of the cocking lever, and
the other end rises and pushes the hammers into the cocked
position. This is the principle upon which all cocking devices are
constructed, and while it works smoothly and is so simple that it is
not likely to get out of order, it is mechanically weak, owing to the
short frame required to secure adequate leverage. Perhaps one of
the best variations of the Anson & Deely device is one employed by
an American manufacturer who makes use of a rod running through
the frame from the fore end to the hammer. To each end of this rod is
attached a crank, so hung that as one crank is depressed the other
rises and pushes the hammer to the cock position as the barrels are
swung to open the gun.

A Lug is Forged on the End of Each Barrel, and When Fitted Together They
are Brazed