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Infancy and
Childhood
Shaffer
Kipp
Wood
Willoughby
Roberts
Gottardo
Krettenauer
Lee
Newton
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Developmental
Psychology
Infancy and
Childhood
fifth canadian edition
David R. Shaffer
University of Georgia
Katherine Kipp
University of Georgia
Eileen Wood
Wilfrid Laurier University
Teena Willoughby
Brock University
Kim P. Roberts
Wilfrid Laurier University
Alexandra Gottardo
Wilfrid Laurier University
Tobias Krettenauer
Wilfrid Laurier University
Joanne Lee
Wilfrid Laurier University
Nicky Newton
Wilfrid Laurier University
This is an electronic version of the print textbook. Due to electronic rights restrictions,
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Developmental Psychology, Fifth
Canadian Edition
by David R. Shaffer, Katherine Kipp,
Eileen Wood, Teena Willoughby,
Kim P. Roberts, Alexandra Gottardo,
Tobias Krettenauer, Joanne Lee, and
Nicky Newton
CoPyRIgHt © 2020, 2013 by Nelson All RIgHtS RESERVED. No part of Library and Archives Canada
Education Ltd. this work covered by the copyright Cataloguing in Publication
herein may be reproduced,
Adapted from Developmental transcribed, or used in any form Shaffer, David R. (David Reed),
Psychology, Ninth Edition, by David or by any means—graphic, author
R. Shaffer and Katherine Kipp, electronic, or mechanical, including Developmental psychology :
published by Wadsworth. Copyright photocopying, recording, taping, infancy and childhood / David
©2014 by Cengage Learning. Web distribution, or information R. Shaffer (University of Georgia),
storage and retrieval systems— Katherine Kipp (University of
Printed and bound in Canada Georgia), Eileen Wood (Wilfrid
1 2 3 4 22 21 20 19 without the written permission of
the publisher. Laurier University), Teena
For more information contact Willoughby (Brock University), Kim P.
Nelson Education Ltd., For permission to use material Roberts, Alexandra Gottardo, Tobias
1120 Birchmount Road, Toronto, from this text or product, Krettenauer, Joanne Lee, Nicky
Ontario, M1K 5G4. Or you can visit submit all requests online at Newton. — Fifth Canadian edition.
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are registered trademarks of permissionrequest@cengage.com Issued in print and electronic
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from copyright holders. In the event
of any question arising as to the use 1. Child psychology—Textbooks.
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to make the necessary corrections in Textbooks. 3. Textbooks. I. Title.
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ISBN-13: 978-0-17-687397-4
ISBN-10: 0-17-687397-X
Brief Contents
Preface xiii
glossary g-1
references r-1
name Index I-1
subject Index I-23
NEL iii
Contents
Preface xiii Learning Theories 42
Watson’s Behaviourism 42
Skinner’s Operant Learning Theory 42
Bandura’s Cognitive Social Learning
PArt I Theory 43
theory AnD reseArCh In the n Box 2.1 FoCus on reseArCh: An Example of
Observational Learning 44
DeveLoPmentAL sCIenCes Contributions and Criticisms
of Learning Theories 45
ChAPter 1
Cognitive-Developmental Theories 47
Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its
Piaget’s View of Intelligence
research strategies 1 and Intellectual Growth 47
Introduction to Developmental Psychology 1 Contributions and Criticisms
What Is Development? 2 of Piaget’s Viewpoint 48
The Scientific Study of Development and Its Origins 6 Sociocultural Theories 49
Early Philosophical Perspectives on Childhood 6 Contributions and Criticisms
Children as Subjects of Study: Baby Biographies of Vygotsky’s Viewpoint 50
and Diaries 7 Information-Processing Theories 50
Research Methods in Developmental Psychology 8 Contributions and Criticisms of the
Gathering Data: Basic Fact-Finding Strategies 8 Information-Processing Viewpoint 51
Detecting Relationships: Correlational and Ethological and Evolutionary Theories 52
Experimental Designs 16 Assumptions of Classical Ethology 52
Research Strategies in Developmental Psychology 23 Ethology and Human Development 52
Research Designs for Studying Development 23 Evolutionary Theory 53
Ethical Considerations in Developmental Research 30 Contributions and Criticisms of the Ethological
What Makes a Research Study Ethical and Evolutionary Viewpoints 54
or Unethical? 31 Ecological Systems Theory 55
Postscript: On Becoming a Wise User Contexts for Development 55
of Developmental Research 32 Family and the Ecological Systems Theory 57
Summary 33 Contributions and Criticisms
of the Ecological Systems Theory 58
Key Terms 35
Themes in the Study of Human Development:
Questions and Controversies 59
ChAPter 2
The Nature/Nurture Issue 59
theories of human Development 36
The Active/Passive Issue 60
The Nature of Scientific Theories 36 The Continuity/Discontinuity Issue 60
Psychoanalytic Theories 38 The Holistic Nature of Development Issue 61
Freud’s Psychosexual Theory 38 Theories and World Views 62
Contributions and Criticisms of Freud’s Theory 39 The Developmental Systems View 63
Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development 40
Summary 65
Contributions and Criticisms of Erikson’s Theory 40
Psychoanalytic Theory beyond Freud and Erikson 41 Key Terms 66
NEL v
vi Contents
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Contents vii
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viii Contents
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Contents ix
Group Tests of Mental Performance 319 Producing Sounds: The Infant’s Prelinguistic
Newer Approaches to Intelligence Testing 319 Vocalizations 362
Assessing Infant Intelligence 319 What Do Prelinguistic Infants Know about Language
and Communication? 363
What Do Intelligence Tests Predict? 322
IQ as a Predictor of Scholastic Achievement 322 The Holophrastic Period: One Word at a Time 365
IQ as a Predictor of Health, Adjustment, and Life Early Semantics: Building a Vocabulary 365
Satisfaction 323 n Box 11.2 the InsIDe trACk: Janet F. Werker 366
Factors That Influence IQ Scores 326 Attaching Meaning to Words 367
The Evidence for Heredity 326 When a Word Is More than a Word 371
The Evidence for Environment 327 The Telegraphic Period: From Holophrases to Simple
Sentences 371
Social and Cultural Correlates of Intellectual
Performance 328 A Semantic Analysis of Telegraphic
Speech 372
Home Environment and IQ 328
The Pragmatics of Early Speech 373
Social Class, Culture, Race, and Ethnic Differences
in IQ 331 n Box 11.3 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:
Learning a Gestural Language 374
Why Do Groups Differ in Intellectual
Performance? 332 Language Learning during the Preschool
Period 375
Improving Cognitive Performance through
Compensatory Education 337 Grammatical Development 376
Long-Term Follow-Ups 338 Semantic Development 378
The Importance of Parental Involvement 338 Development of Pragmatics
and Communication Skills 379
The Importance of Intervening Early 339
n Box 10.3 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh: Language Learning during Middle Childhood 380
An Effective Compensatory Intervention Later Syntactic Development 381
for Families 339 Semantics and Metalinguistic Awareness 381
Creativity and Special Talents 340 Further Development of
What Is Creativity? 340 Communication Skills 382
The Psychometric Perspective 341 Bilingualism: Learning More than One Language 385
The Multicomponent (or Confluence) n Box 11.4 the InsIDe trACk: Johanne Paradis 387
Perspective 341 n Box 11.5 the InsIDe trACk: Ellen Bialystok 388
Sternberg and Lubart’s Investment Theory 342 Applying Developmental Themes to Language
Applying Developmental Themes to Intelligence Acquisition 390
and Creativity 345 Summary 391
Summary 345 Key Terms 392
Key Terms 347
ChAPter 11
PArt Iv
Development of Language and Communication
skills 348 soCIAL AnD PersonALIty
The Five Components of Language 349 DeveLoPment
Phonology 349
Morphology 349 ChAPter 12
Semantics 349 emotional Development, temperament,
Syntax 350 and Attachment 394
Pragmatics 350
Emotional Development 394
Theories of Language Development 350 Displaying Emotions: The Development
The Learning (or Empiricist) Perspective 351 (and Control) of Emotional
The Nativist Perspective 352 Expressions 395
n Box 11.1 FoCus on reseArCh: On the “Invention” of Recognizing and Interpreting Emotions 399
Language by Children 355 Emotions and Early Social Development 401
The Interactionist Perspective 356 Temperament and Development 402
The Prelinguistic Period: Before Language 361 Hereditary and Environmental Influences on
Early Reactions to Speech 361 Temperament 403
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x Contents
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Contents xi
Beyond Nature— Cultural Influences on Sympathy n Box 16.1 the InsIDe trACk: Hildy Ross 552
and Prosocial Behaviour 504 Positive Contributions of Sibling
Rule Internalization in the Context of Close Relationships 553
Relationships 505 Characteristics of Only Children 554
Positive Reinforcement in the Context Diversity in Family Life 555
of Close Relationships 506 Adoptive Families 556
n Box 15.1 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe: How Donor Insemination (DI) Families 556
Should I Discipline My Children? 509 Gay and Lesbian Families 557
Social-Modelling Influences 510 Family Conflict and Divorce 558
Moral Reasoning Development 511 Remarriage and Blended Families 560
Piaget’s Theory of Moral Development 511 n Box 16.2 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh:
Updates to Piaget’s Theory 513 Smoothing the Rocky Road to Recovery
Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development 516 from a Divorce 561
Empirical Support for Kohlberg’s Theory 519 Down the Hidden Side of Family Life: The Problem
Criticisms of Kohlberg’s Approach 522 of Child Abuse 564
The Development of Aggression 524 How Prevalent Is Child Abuse
and Neglect? 564
Aggressive Behaviour in Infancy and Childhood 525
Is There a Typical Profile of an Abuser? 565
Aggressiveness as a Trait: How Stable Is It? 526 Who Is Abused? 566
Sex Differences in Aggressive Behaviour 527 Consequences of Abuse and Neglect 568
Aggression as a Behavioural Problem 528 n Box 16.3 the InsIDe trACk: David Wolfe 569
Dodge’s Social Information-Processing Theory of How Can We Reduce the Prevalence
Aggression 528 of Abuse and Neglect? What Works? 570
n Box 15.2 the InsIDe trACk: Tina Malti 530 Applying Developmental Themes to Family Life,
Social and Cultural and Influences on Aggression 530 Parenting, and Siblings 572
Coercive Home Environments: Breeding Grounds for Summary 573
Aggression 531
Key Terms 574
Methods of Controlling Aggression
in Young Children 532
ChAPter 17
Applying Developmental Themes to Moral
Beyond the Family Context: Peers, schools,
Development and Aggression 535
and media 576
Summary 535
Peers as Agents of Socialization 576
Key Terms 536 Who Is a Peer and What Functions
Do Peers Serve? 577
The Development of Peer Sociability 578
PArt v Peer Acceptance and Popularity 582
Children and Their Friends 585
the eCoLogy oF DeveLoPment n Box 17.1 the InsIDe trACk: William Bukowski 585
n Box 17.2 DeveLoPmentAL Issues:
ChAPter 16
A Longitudinal Analysis of the Benefits
the Family 538 of Chumships 588
Understanding the Family 538 n Box 17.3 APPLyIng DeveLoPmentAL reseArCh:
The Family as a Social System 539 On Improving the Social Skills of Unpopular
Families Are Developing Systems 540 Children 589
Parental Socialization during Childhood 543 Parents and Peers as Influence Agents 590
Two Major Dimensions of Parenting 544 Increasing Conformity to Peers 590
Four Patterns of Parenting 544 School as a Socialization Agent 591
Social Class and Ethnic Variations How Well Educated Are Our Children?
in Child Rearing 548 A Cross-Cultural Comparison 591
The Influence of Siblings and Sibling n Box 17.4 APPLyIng reseArCh to your LIFe:
Relationships 551 Should Preschoolers Attend
Changes in the Family System School? 592
when a New Baby Arrives 551 Determinants of Effective Schooling 596
Sibling Relationships over the Course Do Our Schools Meet the Needs
of Childhood 551 of All of Our Children? 599
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xii Contents
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Preface
You will note that this fifth Canadian edition of Developmental Psychology: Infancy and
Childhood differs significantly from its predecessors. The revised title reflects a change in
focus, and the list of authors reflects a collaborative effort to create a timely, meaningful,
and accurate developmental textbook for Canadian students. Although this text has
always been written by multiple authors, the fifth Canadian edition is unique as it reflects
the expertise of seven Canadian developmental researchers (along with two original
authors from the United States) working together to create a comprehensive yet stream-
lined text that reflects the many domains of developmental psychology. In fact, the order
of authorship among the Canadian contributors was decided randomly as all contributed
equally to this edition. This edition is also unique in its focus. Where earlier editions
examined development through childhood and adolescence, this edition has been stream-
lined to focus on childhood (starting from before birth up until about 12 years of age). In
making this transition, we were able to further refine, update, and elaborate on the
information presented in our fourth edition. Importantly, given the time between the
fourth and fifth editions, considerable revisions were made to accommodate the fast pace
of change in the research literature. We have continued to couch the content in terms of
issues faced by Canadians, but we have also incorporated research from a range of coun-
tries to provide as complete a picture as possible.
Like the previous edition, this text provides an overview of child development that
reflects the best theories, research, and practical advice that developmentalists have to
offer. It is a substantive developmental text that we hope is interesting, accurate, up to
date, and written in clear, concise language that both introductory and more advanced
students can easily understand. We believe that a good text should talk to rather than at
its readers. It should anticipate their interests, questions, and concerns. It should treat
them as active participants in the learning process. It should stress the processes that
underlie developmental change, so that students come away from the course with a firm
understanding of the causes and complexities of development. We wanted this text to
challenge students to think about the fascinating process of human development, to
share in the excitement of our dynamic discipline, and to acquire a knowledge of devel-
opmental principles that will serve them well in their roles as parents, teachers, nurses,
childcare workers, pediatricians, psychologists, nurses, academics, or in any other capacity
in which they may one day influence the lives of developing individuals.
Philosophy
Certain philosophical views underlie any systematic treatment of a field as broad as child
development. The philosophy that guided the construction of this text can be summa-
rized as follows.
NEL xiii
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xiv Preface
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Preface xv
organization
There are two traditional ways of presenting human development. In the chronological,
or “ages and stages,” approach, the coverage begins at conception and proceeds through
the lifespan, using ages or chronological periods as the organizing principle. By contrast,
the topical approach is organized around areas of development and follows each from its
origins to its mature forms. Each of these presentations has its advantages and disadvan-
tages. On the one hand, a chronological focus highlights the holistic character of devel-
opment but may obscure the links between early and later events within each
developmental domain. On the other hand, a topical approach highlights developmental
sequences and processes but at the risk of failing to convey that development is holistic
in nature.
This book is organized topically to focus on developmental processes and to provide
the student with an uninterrupted view of the sequences of change that children experi-
ence within each developmental domain. In our opinion, this topical approach best
allows the reader to appreciate the flow of development—the systematic, and often truly
dramatic transformations that take place over the course of childhood, as well as the
developmental continuities that make each individual a reflection of his or her past self.
At the same time, we consider it essential to paint a holistic portrait of the developing
person. To accomplish this aim, we have stressed the fundamental interplay among bio-
logical, cognitive, social, and cultural influences for each and every aspect of development.
So, even though this text is organized topically, students will not lose sight of the whole
person and the holistic character of human development.
Content
We made an effort to retain in this edition those qualities of earlier editions that students
and professors say they like. One such quality is the division of the book into five parts.
n■ Part I: Theory and Research in the Development Sciences. This first part
presents an orientation to the discipline and the tools of the trade, including a
thorough discussion and illustration of research methodologies in Chapter 1
and a succinct review of the major theories of human development in Chapter 2.
These chapters illustrate why research methods and theories are important to
an understanding of human development. The coverage also analyzes the con-
tributions and the limitations of each research method and each major theory.
n■ Part II: Foundations of Development. Chapters 3 to 6 address foundations of
development strongly influenced by biological factors. Chapter 3 focuses on
hereditary contributions to human development and illustrates how genes and
environments interact to influence most human characteristics. Chapters 4 and
5 focus on prenatal development and on the many prenatal and perinatal
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xvi Preface
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Preface xvii
developmental psychology using the same theories, philosophies, designs, methods, and
analyses, we acknowledge that there are differences—some obvious, some not—in how
research is conducted.
One of the obvious areas of difference between the two cultures is that of legal
issues. Canadians and Americans have different legislation and therefore different
expectations on such basic issues as health care, parental leave, acceptable discipline,
and the right to appropriate education. There are more subtle differences, too, that
also need to be addressed. For example, though both countries promote diversity,
they do so in different ways. That Canadians embrace diversity is especially evident
in the way we respond to questions of language. Like many other countries in the
world, Canada supports two languages officially but also supports many heritage
languages through an array of publicly funded venues. The study of language,
second-language learning, and bilingualism in particular are areas of research in
which Canadians are at the forefront.
Throughout the text, we present issues like these that are important to Canadians.
The fifth edition has been thoroughly updated and revised to reflect the ever-changing
field of developmental psychology as well as to provide updated information on current
Canadian research.
As noted at the outset, one the largest changes between previous editions and
the present text is the focus. The present text focuses on child development, whereas
earlier editions targeted both childhood and adolescence. Although some develop-
mental theories and findings relate to both groups, a growing body of research indi-
cates unique developmental issues in these two stages of development. As a result,
whole courses are now offered for each of child and adolescent development. Thus,
the present text focuses on child development with some material extending into
early adolescence, as the division between childhood and adolescence is not so
clear-cut in all domains or for every individual. Some changes that cut across all
chapters include
n■ organization of material, with material being condensed, relocated, and pre-
sented in forms that allow easier comprehension of the main ideas;
n■ updates to existing research programs in the introduction of new research pro-
grams and studies in the text and highlighted in The Inside Track boxes to
summarize current research being conducted by prominent Canadian develop-
mentalists;
n■ the use of specific examples to highlight research findings and provide applica-
tions to real-life situations; and
n■ significant and thorough updates to the research and theory to reflect current
thinking in developmental psychology.
In addition to these general changes that affect all chapters, numerous specific
changes have been made in each chapter. The following provides some examples to dem-
onstrate particular changes within each chapter.
stability)
n■ Streamlined content to make it more accessible by deleting non-essential con-
tent and by reorganizing subsections to improve flow.
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xviii Preface
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Preface xix
n■ Added information on the cues newborns use to recognize faces and how pain
is experienced by newborns.
n■ Revised section on the development of depth perception regarding why infants
avoid the drop-off in the visual cliff experiment.
n■ Updated statistics on corporal punishment of children and highlighting of its
impact on children’s aggression even in cultures that accept the practice.
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xx Preface
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Preface xxi
n■ Updated statistics and discussion on child abuse and neglect including practices
of immigrant families.
n■ Added information on “grooming.”
Writing style
Our goal has been to write a book that speaks directly to its readers and treats them
as active participants in an ongoing discussion. We have tried to be relatively informal
and down to earth in our writing style and to rely heavily on questions, thought
problems, concept checks, and a number of other exercises to stimulate students’
interest and involvement. Most of the chapters were “pretested” on our own faculty
and students, who identified parts that weren’t clear to them and suggested several
of the concrete examples, analogies, and occasional anecdotes that we’ve used when
introducing and explaining complex ideas. So, with the valuable assistance of our
student and peer critics, we have attempted to prepare a text that is substantive and
challenging yet reads more like a dialogue or a story than like an encyclopedia.
special Features
Among the more important features that are included to encourage student interest and
involvement and make the material easier to learn are the following:
n■ Introductions and chapter summaries. A brief introductory section at the
beginning of each chapter provides the student with a preview of what will be
covered.
n■ Concept Checks located at strategic points within each chapter give stu-
dents opportunities to review as they progress through the chapter. Concept
Checks include multiple-choice, fill-in-the-blank, essay, and scenario-based
questions. Answers to all Concept Checks can be found at the end of each
chapter.
n■ Summary sections at the end of each chapter present bulleted statements
organized by major chapter section, summarizing the key points of each
section.
n■ Running glossary, key term lists, and comprehensive end-of-book glossary.
A running glossary provides on-the-spot definitions of boldface key terms as
they appear in the text. At the end of each chapter is a list of key terms that
appeared in the narrative, as well as the page number on which each term is
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xxii Preface
defined. A complete glossary of key terms for the entire text appears at the end
of the book. The number of the page where each term is first introduced is
included in the glossary.
n■ Boxes. Each chapter contains boxes that highlight important research, ideas,
processes, issues, or applications. The aim of these boxes is to permit a closer
or more personal examination of selected topics while stimulating the reader
to think about the questions, controversies, practices, and policies under dis-
cussion. For example, The Inside Track boxes highlight current Canadian
research and researchers; Applying Research to Your Life gives students useful
tools for becoming wise consumers of the research; Focus on Research boxes
discuss classic and recent studies that illuminate the topics and issues of devel-
opment; and Applying Developmental Themes sections highlight the book’s
four core developmental themes (nature/nurture, active/passive, continuity/
discontinuity, and the holistic nature of development), showing students how
chapter topics apply to these themes. Developmental Issues boxes highlight
applied questions important to development. All of these boxes are carefully
woven into the chapter narrative and were selected to reinforce central themes
in the text.
n■ The Inside Track boxes. An exciting feature of this text is The Inside Track.
These boxes highlight one or two recent studies or a program of research
conducted by researchers at Canadian universities. In writing these features,
we had the opportunity to communicate directly with almost all of the
researchers represented. You will notice that the research captures the state-
of-the-art work being conducted by Canadian researchers. Together, The
Inside Track boxes identify the extraordinary array of research being con-
ducted at Canadian universities. Although we have added new researchers in
this edition, these boxes feature only a few of the many individuals whose
work is making an impact on our understanding of Developmental Issues.
We would have liked to include many others but were limited, in some
cases, by space restrictions and, in others, by the advanced level of research,
which was beyond the scope of an introductory textbook. We have, how-
ever, integrated other important Canadian contributions throughout the
body of the text. In many cases, university affiliations are provided with the
researchers’ names to let students know where the researcher is located.
Where affiliations are left out, we felt they impeded the flow of the text or
compromised the clarity of the presentation. Overall, students will have an
opportunity to become acquainted with Canadian research and gain a better
understanding of how it fits within the big picture in developmental psy-
chology. In this fifth edition, we added new The Inside Track boxes, as well
as revising and updating the existing ones.
n■ Illustrations. Photographs, tables, figures, and chronological tables are
used extensively to review important developmental ideas and milestones.
All visual aids, including the occasional cartoon, were selected to illustrate
important principles and concepts and thereby enhance the educational
goals of the text.
n■ Critical-thinking questions. The What Do You Think? feature is designed to
encourage students to think about current controversies and/or to apply what
they have learned in formulating their own reasoned position on developmen-
tally significant issues. Any and all of these questions may serve as excellent
springboards for class discussion.
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Preface xxiii
netA PowerPoint
Microsoft® PowerPoint® lecture slides for every chapter have been updated for this edi-
tion by Nancy Ogden of Mount Royal University. There is an average of 30 slides per
chapter, many featuring key figures, tables, and photographs from Developmental
Psychology: Infancy and Childhood, Fifth Canadian Edition. NETA principles of clear design
and engaging content have been incorporated throughout, making it simple for instruc-
tors to customize the deck for their courses.
Image Library
This resource consists of digital copies of figures, short tables, and photographs used in
the book. Instructors may use these jpegs to customize the NETA PowerPoint or create
their own PowerPoint presentations. An image library key describes the images and lists
the codes under which the jpegs are saved. Codes normally reflect the chapter number
(e.g., C01 for Chapter 1), the figure or photo number (e.g., F15 for Figure 15), and the
page in the textbook. C01-F15-pg26 corresponds to Figure 1-15 on page 26.
mindtap
Off ering personalized paths of dynamic assignments and applications, MindTap is a
digital learning solution that turns cookie-cutter into cutting-edge, apathy into engage-
ment, and memorizers into higher-level thinkers. MindTap enables students to analyze
and apply chapter concepts within relevant assignments and allows instructors to mea-
sure skills and promote better outcomes with ease. A fully online learning solution,
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xxiv Preface
Student Ancillaries
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Acknowledgments
As is always the case with projects as large as this one, there are many, many individuals
whose assistance was invaluable in the planning and production of the book. We would
like to acknowledge several researchers who helped to ensure the most up-to-date mate-
rial and understandings in the literature were present in this text. First, the updates to the
Principles of Hereditary Transmission section were greatly dependent on the eye-opening
and patient explanations from Dr. Sash Damjanovski from Western University, London,
Ontario. The research regarding early screen media relied heavily on research conducted
as part of the dissertations of two newly graduated doctoral students from Wilfrid
Laurier University, Dr. Domenica De Pasquale and Dr. Karin Archer. Dr. Marc Joanisse
of the University of Western Ontario deserves a special note of thanks for his assistance
in constructing the section on connectionism in Chapter 9.
Second, we would like to acknowledge the tremendous contributions of each
Canadian researcher highlighted in this text. Many not only shared their most important
pieces of work and took the time to summarize or review our summaries to make sure
information was accurate, but they also hunted down photographs so that we would be
able to show you the person behind the research.
Third, the quality of any volume in human development depends to a large extent
on the quality of the prepublication reviews from developmentalists around the world.
Many colleagues (including several dozen or so interested and unpaid volunteers) have
influenced this book by contributing constructive criticism, useful suggestions, refer-
ences, and a whole lot of encouragement. Each of those experts has helped to make the
final product a better one, and we thank them all.
The reviewers of the first through fifth Canadian editions include Scott Adler, York
University; Alisa Almas, University of Toronto; Tsasha Awong, Ryerson University; Lilly
Both, University of New Brunswick, Saint John; Elizabeth Bowering, Mount Saint
Vincent University; Anne Bowker, Carleton University; Mary Courage, Memorial
University; Jason Daniels, University of Alberta; Amy De Jaeger, University of Manitoba;
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Preface xxv
Nancy Digdon, Grant MacEwan College; Helen Doan, York University; Margaret Forgie,
University of Lethbridge; Deb Glebe, Wilfrid Laurier University; Darcy Hallet, University
of British Columbia; Barbara Hodkin, Mount Saint Vincent University; Gretchen Hess,
University of Alberta; Nina Howe, Concordia University; Jacqueline Kampman,
Thompson Rivers University; Jane Ledingham, University of Ottawa; Elizabeth Levin,
Laurentian University; Kathleen McKim-Dawes, University of New Brunswick; Mowei
Liu, Trent University; Kim MacLean, St. Francis Xavier University; Sandra Martin-Chang,
Mount Allison University; Laura Melnyk Gribble, University of Western Ontario; Colleen
McQuarrie, University of Prince Edward Island; Gene Ouellette, Mount Allison
University; Shelley Parlow, Carleton University; Alissa Pencer, Dalhousie University;
Carole Peterson, Memorial University of Newfoundland; Michael Pratt, Wilfrid Laurier
University; Marjorie Rabiau, McGill University; William Roberts, University College of
the Cariboo; Bruce Ryan, University of Guelph; Louis Schmidt, McMaster University;
Thomas Shultz, McGill University; Tanya Spencer, Lakehead University; Caroline
Sullivan, University of Ottawa; Kara Thompson, St. Francis Xavier University; Connie
Varnhagen, University of Alberta; Anthony Volk, Brock University; Tara Vongpaisal,
MacEwan University; Sally Walters, Capilano University; Gillian Wark, Simon Fraser
University; and Susan Weir, University of Regina. We would like to thank these reviewers
for helping to guide many of the changes we made to our book.
Finally, many other people have contributed their professionalism and skills to the
development and production of the fifth Canadian edition of this text. We are especially
grateful to Lenore Taylor-Atkins, Publisher for this project; to Liisa Kelly, who served as
Content Manager; to Imoinda Romain, Senior Production Project Manager; to John
Montgomery, who designed the book’s cover; to freelance copy editor Valerie Adams for
her skill, efficiency, tenacity, and attention to detail in copy editing; to MPS Limited for
proofreading and for page-formatting expertise; and to Claire Varley, Marketing Manager.
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Sladic/iStock
1
Introduction to
Developmental Psychology
and Its Research Strategies
L
et’s begin this book with a question. Why did you choose to enroll in
a course on human development? For many of you majoring in psy-
chology, family studies, elementary education, or nursing, this class is
required. Expectant parents may take the course in order to learn more
about babies and children. Occasionally, people choose the course seeking to
answer specific questions about their own behaviour or that of a friend or family
member. Whatever your reasons, at one time or another you have probably
been curious about one or more aspects of human development. For example,
■■ What does the world smell, feel, sound and look like to newborn in-
fants? How do they make any sense of their new surroundings?
■■ When do infants first recognize their mothers? their fathers? them-
selves (in a mirror)?
■■ Why do many 1-year-olds seem so attached to their mothers and wary
of strangers?
■■ Foreign languages are difficult to follow if we merely listen to people
conversing in them. Yet, infants and toddlers will acquire their native
language without any formal instruction. How is this possible? Is lan-
guage learning easier for children than for adults? Is a child in a bilin-
gual home at a disadvantage?
■■ Why do you remember so little about the first two or three years of
your life?
■■ Why are some people friendly and outgoing, while others are shy and
reserved? How does the home environment influence an individual’s
personality?
■■ Why is it that all humans turn out similar in many ways and, at the
same time, so different from one another?
Introduction to Developmental
Psychology
The aim of this book is to seek answers for these and many other fascinating
questions about developing persons by reviewing the theories, methods, discov-
eries, and many practical accomplishments of the modern developmental
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2 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences
sciences. This introductory chapter lays the groundwork for the remainder of the book
by addressing important issues about the nature of human development and how knowl-
edge about development is gained. What does it mean to say that people “develop” over
time? How is your experience of development different from that of developing persons
in past eras or in other cultures? Why are scientific studies of human development impor-
tant? What strategies, or research methods, do scientists use to study the development of
children and adolescents? Let’s begin by considering the nature of development.
What Is Development?
development Development refers to systematic changes in the individual that occur between concep-
systematic continuities and changes tion (when the father’s sperm penetrates the mother’s ovum, creating a new organism)
in the individual over the course of
and death. By describing changes as “systematic,” we imply that they are orderly, pat-
life.
terned, and relatively enduring, so temporary mood swings and other transitory changes
developmental continuities in our appearances, thoughts, and behaviours are therefore excluded. The complement
ways in which we remain stable over
of change is continuity, or ways in which we remain the same. Change cannot be prop-
time or continue to reflect our past.
erly understood without understanding the ways we remain the same and continue to
developmental psychology reflect our past. Thus, the developmental process entails both continuity and change.
branch of psychology devoted to If development represents the continuities and changes an individual experiences
identifying and explaining the from “womb to tomb,” developmental sciences refers to the study of these phenomena and
continuities and changes that
is a multidisciplinary enterprise. Although developmental psychology is the largest of
individuals display over time.
these disciplines, many biologists, sociologists, anthropologists, educators, physicians,
developmentalist and even historians share an interest in developmental continuity and change, and have
any scholar, regardless of discipline
contributed in important ways to our understanding of both human and animal develop-
(e.g., psychologist, biologist,
sociologist, anthropologist, educator), ment. Because the science of development is multidisciplinary, we use the term develop-
who seeks to understand the mentalist to refer to any scholar—regardless of discipline—who seeks to understand the
developmental process. developmental process.
Why Do We Develop?
To grasp the meaning of development, we must understand two important processes
maturation that underlie developmental change: maturation and learning. Maturation refers to the
developmental changes in the body or biological unfolding of the individual according to species-typical biological inheritance
behaviour that result from the aging
and an individual person’s biological inheritance. Just as seeds become mature plants,
process rather than from learning,
injury, illness, or some other life assuming that they receive adequate moisture and nourishment, human beings grow
experience. within the womb. Beyond the womb, the human maturational (or species-typical) bio-
logical program calls for us to become capable of walking and uttering our first mean-
ingful words at about 1 year of age, to reach sexual maturity between ages 11 and 15, and
then to age and die on a roughly similar schedule. Maturation is partly responsible for
psychological changes such as our increasing ability to concentrate, solve problems, and
understand another person’s thoughts or feelings. So one reason that we humans are so
similar in many important respects is that our common species heredity guides all of us
through many of the same developmental changes at about the same points in our lives.
learning The second critical developmental process is learning—the process through which
relatively permanent change in our experiences produce relatively permanent changes in our feelings, thoughts, and behav-
behaviour (or behavioural potential) iours. Let’s consider a very simple example. Although a certain degree of physical matura-
that results from one’s experiences or
practice.
tion is necessary before an elementary school child can become reasonably proficient at
dribbling a basketball, careful instruction and many, many hours of practice are essential
if this child is ever to approximate the ball-handling skills of a professional basketball
player. Many of our abilities and habits do not simply unfold as part of maturation; we
often learn to feel, think, and behave in new ways from our observations of and interac-
tions with parents, teachers, and other important people in our lives, as well as from
events that we experience. This means that we change in response to our environments—
particularly in response to the actions and reactions of the people around us.
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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 3
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4 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences
better to expect males to be more dominant and females to be more nurturing? Should
children be taught to tell the truth at all times? Any definition of optimal development
relies on cultural and societal values. Thus, the goal of optimization depends on the
values developmentalists share with the larger cultural context of which they are part.
Optimization goals may increasingly influence research agendas as developmental-
ists show greater interest in solving real problems and communicating the practical impli-
cations of their findings to the public and policymakers (APA Presidential Task Force on
Evidence-Based Practice, 2006; Kratochwill, 2007; Lerner, 2012; McCall & Groark, 2000;
Schoenwald et al., 2008). Yet this heavier focus on applied issues in no way implies that
traditional descriptive and explanatory goals are any less important, because optimization
goals often cannot be achieved until researchers have adequately described normal and
idiopathic pathways of development and their causes (Schwebel, Plumert, & Pick, 2000).
A Continual and Lifelong Process. Although no one can specify precisely what
adulthood holds in store from even the most meticulous examination of a person’s child-
hood, developmentalists have learned that the first 12 years are extremely important for
setting the stage for adolescence and adulthood. Obviously, you are not the same person
you were at age 10 or even at age 15. You have probably grown somewhat, acquired new
academic skills, and developed very different interests and aspirations from those you had
in Grade 5 or in high school. And the path of such developmental change stretches ever
onward, through middle age and beyond, culminating in the final change that occurs
when we die. In sum, human development is best described as a continual and lifelong
process. The one constant is change, and the changes that occur at each major phase of
life can have important implications for the future. In this textbook the focus is on devel-
opment in infancy and childhood, which are the age periods where development is most
obvious, profound and fast. However, even when focusing on children, we should keep
in mind that development never stops.
Table 1.1 presents a chronological overview of the life span as developmentalists see
it. Our focus in this text is on development during the first four periods of life—prenatal
development, infancy and toddlerhood, preschool, and middle childhood. By examining
of parental sanctions)
7. Young adulthood 20 to 40 years of age
8. Middle age 40 to 65 years of age
9. Old age 65 years of age or older
Note: The age ranges listed here are approximate and may not apply to any particular individual. For example, a few
10-year-olds have experienced puberty and are properly classified as adolescents. Some adolescents are fully self-
supporting, with children of their own, and are best classified as young adults.
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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 5
how children develop, we will learn about ourselves and the determinants of our behav-
iour. Our survey will also provide some insight as to why no two individuals are ever
exactly alike. Our survey won’t provide answers to every important question you may
have about developing children. The study of human development is still a relatively
young discipline with many unresolved issues. But as we proceed, it should become quite
clear that developmentalists have provided an enormous amount of very practical infor-
mation about infants and children that can help us to become better educators, child/
adolescent practitioners, and parents.
plasticity Plasticity. Plasticity refers to a capacity for change in response to positive or negative
capacity for change; a developmental life experiences. Although we have described development as a continual and lifelong
state that has the potential to be process and noted that past events often have implications for the future, developmental-
shaped by experience.
ists know that the course of development can change abruptly if important aspects of a
person’s life change. For example, aggressive children who are disliked by their peers
often improve their social status after learning and practising the social skills that popular
children display (Bierman, 2004; Mize & Ladd, 1990; Shure, 1989). It is indeed fortunate
that human development is so plastic, for children who have horrible starts can often be
helped to overcome their deficiencies.
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6 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences
environmentalism. Each generation develops in its own way, and each generation changes
the world for succeeding generations. So we should not automatically assume that devel-
opmental patterns observed in North American or European children (the most heavily
studied populations) are optimal, or even that they characterize persons developing in
other eras or cultural settings. Only by adopting a historical/cultural perspective can we
fully appreciate the richness and diversity of human development.
rearing. But how could anyone decide whether their views were correct? Unfortunately,
the philosophers collected no objective data to back their pronouncements, and the few
observations they did make were limited and unsystematic. Can you anticipate the next
step in the evolution of the developmental sciences?
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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 7
The diaries William and Clara Stern recorded for their children led to
the publication of Die Kindersprache [Children’s talk], which became a
classic in the language acquisition literature.
These three famous examples demonstrate how keeping diaries of their own children
was an important step for researchers to establish developmental psychology as an empir-
ical field of inquiry. It allowed them to contrast their theories and ideas about children’s
development with empirical observations. To be sure, many of these observations may
not meet the more rigorous requirements of the scientific method expected today. Parent
researchers may not be entirely objective about their own children. They also may have
let their assumptions about the nature of development bias their observations so that they
“found” what they were looking for. Finally, each baby biography was based on a single or
small number of children—and often the child of a distinguished individual. Conclusions
based on a single case or limited sample may not hold true for other children.
Despite these shortcomings, baby biographies and diaries were a step in the right
direction. The fact that eminent scientists were writing about developing children implied
that human development was a topic worthy of scientific scrutiny.
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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 9
interests us. Today, researchers are fortunate in having many tried-and-true procedures
they can use to measure behaviour and to test their hypotheses about human develop-
ment. But regardless of the technique employed, scientifically useful measures must
reliability always display two important qualities: reliability and validity.
the extent to which a measuring A measure is reliable if it yields consistent information over time and across observers.
instrument yields consistent results, Suppose you go into a classroom and record the number of times each child behaves
both over time and across observers.
aggressively toward others, but your research assistant, using the same scheme to observe
validity the same children, does not agree with your measurements. Or you measure each child’s
the extent to which a measuring aggressiveness one week but come up with very different aggressiveness scores while
instrument accurately reflects what
the researchers intended to measure.
applying the same measure to the same children a week later. Clearly, your observational
measure of aggression is unreliable because it yields highly inconsistent information. To
be reliable and thus useful for scientific purposes, your measure would have to produce
comparable estimates of children’s aggression from independent observers (interrater
reliability) and yield similar scores for individual children from one testing to another
shortly thereafter (test-retest reliability).
A measure is valid if it measures what it is supposed to measure. An instrument must
be reliable before it can possibly be valid. Yet reliability, by itself, does not guarantee
validity (Miller, 1997). For example, a highly reliable observational scheme intended as a
measure of children’s aggression may provide grossly overinflated estimates of aggres-
sive behaviour if the investigator simply classifies all acts of physical force as examples of
aggression. What the researcher has failed to recognize is that much high-intensity
behaviour may simply represent enjoyable forms of rough-and-tumble play without
harmful or aggressive intent. Researchers must demonstrate they are measuring the
attribute they say they are measuring before we can have much faith in the data they col-
lect or the conclusions they reach.
Keeping in mind the importance of establishing the reliability and validity of mea-
sures, let us consider some of the different ways in which aspects of human development
might be measured.
Self-Report Methods
Three common procedures developmentalists use to gather information and test hypoth-
eses are interviews, questionnaires (including psychological tests), and the clinical
method. Although these approaches are similar in that each asks participants to answer
questions posed by the investigator, they differ in the extent to which the investigator
treats individual participants alike.
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10 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences
age trends observed in the study may reflect differences in children’s ability to compre-
hend and communicate rather than real underlying changes in their feelings, thoughts,
or behaviours. Finally, researchers who interview both developing children and their
parents (or teachers) may have trouble determining which set of reports is more accurate
if the children’s descriptions of their own behaviours differ from those of the other infor-
mants (Hussong, Zucker, Wong, Fitzgerald, & Puttler, 2005).
Despite these potential shortcomings, structured interviews and questionnaires can
be excellent methods of obtaining large amounts of useful information in a short time.
Both approaches are particularly useful when the investigator emphasizes to partici-
pants that their responses will be confidential and/or challenges them to report exactly
what they know about an issue, thereby maximizing the likelihood of a truthful or
accurate answer.
clinical method The Clinical Method. The clinical method is very similar to the interview technique.
a type of interview in which a The investigator is usually interested in testing a hypothesis by presenting the research
participant’s response to each
participant with a task or stimulus of some sort and then inviting a response. After the
successive question (or problem)
determines what the investigator will participant responds, the investigator typically asks a second question or introduces a
ask next. new task to clarify the participant’s original answer. Although participants are often
asked the same questions initially, each participant’s answer determines what he or she is
asked next. Thus, the clinical method is a flexible approach that considers each partici-
pant to be unique.
Jean Piaget did not only observe his own children but relied extensively on the clin-
ical method to study children’s moral reasoning and intellectual development. The data
from Piaget’s research are largely protocol records of his interactions with individual
children. Here is a small sample from Piaget’s work (1932/1965, p. 140) on the develop-
ment of moral reasoning, which shows that this young child thinks about lying in a very
different way than adults do:
Do you know what a lie is?—It’s when you say what isn’t true.—Is 2 1 2 5 5 a lie?—
Yes, it’s a lie.—Why?—Because it isn’t right.—Did the boy who said 2 1 2 5 5 know
it wasn’t right or did he make a mistake?—He made a mistake.—Then if he made a
mistake, did he tell a lie or not?—Yes, he told a lie.
Like structured interviews, clinical methods are often useful for gathering large
amounts of information in relatively brief periods. This strategy’s flexibility is also an
advantage; by asking follow-up questions that are tailored to the participant’s original
answers, it is often possible to obtain a rich under-
standing of the meaning of those answers.
However, the flexibility of the clinical method is
also a potential shortcoming. It may be difficult, if
not impossible, to directly compare the answers of
participants who are asked different questions.
Furthermore, tailoring one’s questions to the par-
ticipant’s responses raises the possibility that the
examiner’s pre-existing theoretical biases may
affect the particular follow-up questions asked and
the interpretations provided. Because conclusions
drawn from the clinical method depend, in part,
on the investigator’s subjective interpretations, it is
always desirable to verify these insights using other
research techniques.
© image100/Corbis
Observational Methods
Investigators using the clinical method. All participants are asked the same Often researchers prefer to observe people’s
questions at first, but each participant’s answers to these initial questions behaviour directly rather than asking them ques-
determine what the researcher will ask next. tions about it. One method that many
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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 11
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12 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences
children cause their peers to reject them? Or did peer rejection cause the abused children
to display negative behaviours? Either possibility or another could account for Haskett and
Kistner’s results.
How might observational researchers study unusual or undesirable behaviours
that they are unlikely to observe in the natural environment? One way is to conduct
structured observation structured observations in the laboratory. In a structured observational study, each
an observational method in which the participant is exposed to a setting that might cue the behaviour in question and is then
investigator cues the behaviour of
surreptitiously observed (via a hidden camera or through a one-way mirror) to see if he
interest and observes participants’
responses in a laboratory. or she performs the behaviour. For example, Leon Kuczynski from the University of
Guelph (1983) got children to promise to help him with a boring task and then left them
alone to work in a room where attractive toys were present. This procedure enabled
Kuczynski to determine whether children would break a promise to work when they
thought there was no one present to observe their transgression. Kuczynski found that
some of the children did break the promise to work so they could play with the toys,
whereas others continued with the work even when they thought no one was watching.
Aside from being a most feasible way of studying behaviours that occur infrequently
or are not openly displayed in the natural environment, structured observations also
ensure that every participant in the sample is exposed to the same eliciting stimuli and has
an equal opportunity to perform the target behaviour—circumstances that are not always
true in the natural environment. Of course, the major disadvantage of structured obser-
vation is that participants may not always respond in a contrived laboratory setting as
they would in everyday life.
In an interesting example of structured observation, Tronick and his colleagues
(Tronick et al., 2005) studied the interaction between 4-month-olds and their mothers,
with a specific interest in how the mother–infant interactions of babies prenatally exposed
to cocaine compared to those of nonexposed infants. To find out, they brought 695
mother–infant pairs into a laboratory setting, 236 of whom had been exposed to cocaine
prenatally. Cameras were positioned so that both the infant’s face and the mother’s face
were videotaped for three two-minute periods. During the first two minutes, mother and
child were allowed to interact normally. During the second period, the mother was
instructed to present a “still face” to the infant; that is, she was told not to laugh, smile,
talk to, or touch the infant. During the third two-minute period, the mother was to
resume normal interaction with her child. This face-to-face still-face procedure allowed
the researcher to observe the interactions of interest in a little over six minutes, rather
than travelling to 695 different homes and waiting for hours and hours for the behaviours
to occur.
As Tronick and colleagues suspected, the interaction patterns of the cocaine-exposed
mother–infant pairs were different from those of the nonexposed pairs. For the most
part, the cocaine-exposed infants and their mothers did not appear to be engaged in the
kind of social interaction that facilitates both social and cognitive development in later
months. Previous research suggests that the quality of caregiver–infant interactions is
extremely important to the healthy social and cognitive development of very young chil-
dren (Ainsworth, 1979, 1989). Positive, synchronized interactions provide the infant with
the foundation for forming other positive, supportive relationships later on in life. Such
relationships also enable the child to investigate objects and the rest of the world without
excessive fear (Bowlby, 1973, 1988).
Case Studies
case study Any or all of the methods we have discussed—structured interviews, questionnaires,
a research method in which the clinical method, and behavioural observations—can be used to compile a detailed por-
investigator gathers extensive trait of a single individual’s development through the case study method. In preparing
information about the life of an
an individualized record, or case, the investigator typically seeks many kinds of informa-
individual and then tests
developmental hypotheses by tion about the participant, such as his or her family background, socioeconomic status,
analyzing the events of the person’s health records, academic or work history, and performance on psychological tests. Much
life history. of the information included in any case history comes from interviews with and
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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 13
observations of the individual, although the questions asked and observations made are
typically not standardized and may vary considerably from case to case. Case studies may
also be used to describe groups.
Although many developmentalists have used case studies to great advantage, there
are major drawbacks to this approach. For example, it is often difficult to directly com-
pare subjects who have been asked different questions, taken different tests, and been
observed under different circumstances. Case studies may also lack generalizability; that
is, conclusions drawn from the experiences of the small number of individuals studied
may simply not apply to most people. Theories posited after studying children sampled
from a large city in the United States may not apply to children in Canada or Finland or
Southeast Asia. For these reasons, any conclusions drawn from case studies should always
be verified through the use of other research techniques.
Ethnography
ethnography Ethnography—a form of participant observation often used in the field of anthropology—
method in which the researcher seeks is becoming increasingly popular among researchers who hope to understand the effects of
to understand the unique values,
culture on developing children and adolescents. To collect their data, ethnographers often
traditions, and social processes of a
culture or subculture by living with live for periods of months or even years within the cultural or subcultural community they
its members and making extensive are studying. The data they collect are typically diverse and extensive, consisting largely of
observations and notes. naturalistic observations, notes made from conversations with members of the culture, and
interpretations of these events. These data are eventually used to compile a detailed portrait
of the cultural community and draw conclusions about how the community’s unique
values and traditions influence aspects of the development of its children and adolescents.
Detailed ethnographic portraits of a culture or subculture that arise from close and
enduring contact with members of the community can lead to a richer understanding of
that community’s traditions and values than is possible through a small number of visits,
in which outsiders make limited observations and conduct a few interviews (LeVine et al.,
1994). Extensive cultural or subcultural descriptions are particularly useful to investiga-
tors hoping to understand cultural conflicts and other developmental challenges faced by
minority children and adolescents in diverse multicultural societies (Segal, 1991; see also
Patel, Power, & Bhavnagri, 1996). But despite these clear strengths, ethnography is a
highly subjective method because researchers’ own cultural values and theoretical biases
can cause them to misinterpret what they have experienced. In addition, ethnographic
conclusions pertain only to the culture or subculture studied and cannot be assumed to
generalize to other contexts or social groups.
An example of ethnographic research was conducted by Posada and colleagues
(Posada, Carbonell, Alzate, & Plata, 2004). Because the various questionnaires and behav-
ioural coding schemes typically used to assess caregiver–infant interactions were devel-
oped in studies using Caucasian middle-class participants from industrialized countries,
Posada and colleagues chose ethnographic methods to assess mother–infant interactions
in middle- to lower-middle-class families in Bogotá, Colombia. They then compared the
results derived from observations made in the Colombian households to results derived
using previously developed assessments.
In a traditionally ethnographic manner, observers made eight to nine two-hour,
unstructured visits to 27 Colombian homes. During the visits, mothers were told to carry
on with their daily routines, behaving as they normally would. The observers interacted
with the families naturally. After each visit, they transcribed their observations. Repeat
visits were conducted by the same observer.
From the observers’ transcripts, 10 domains of maternal caregiving were identified.
Using an inductive approach, two of the researchers and an ethnographic expert reviewed
the transcripts. On first pass, they identified major caregiving themes. Then they reviewed
the transcripts in more detail, focusing on specifying the major domains and identifying
subdomains. In this way they were able to develop a set of culture-sensitive scales that
could be used alongside previously developed measures in order to assess the universality
of infant-sensitive maternal care.
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14 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences
Psychophysiological Methods
psychophysiological methods Increasingly, developmentalists have turned to psychophysiological methods—
methods that measure the techniques that measure the relationship between physiological responses and
relationships between physiological behaviour—to explore the biological underpinnings of children’s perceptual, cogni-
processes and aspects of children’s
physical, cognitive, social, or
tive, and emotional responses. Psychophysiological methods are particularly useful
emotional behaviour/development. for interpreting the mental and emotional experiences of infants and toddlers, who
are unable to report such events (Bornstein, 1992).
Heart rate is an involuntary physiological response that is highly sensitive to psycho-
logical experiences. Compared to their normal resting, or baseline, levels, infants who are
carefully attending to an interesting stimulus may show a decrease in heart rate, those
who are uninterested in the stimulus may show no heart rate change, and others who are
afraid of or angered by the stimulus may show a heart rate increase (Campos, Bertenthal,
& Kermoian, 1992).
Measures of brain function are also very useful for assessing psychological state. For
example, electroencephalogram (EEG) recordings of brain wave activity can be obtained
by attaching electrodes to the scalp. Because different patterns of EEG activity charac-
terize different arousal states, such as sleep, drowsiness, and alertness, investigators can
track these patterns and determine how sleep cycles and other states of arousal change
with age. Novel stimuli or events also produce short-term changes in EEG activity. So an
investigator who hopes to test the limits of infant sensory capabilities can present novel
sights and sounds and look for changes in brain waves (called event-related potentials, or
ERPs) to determine whether these stimuli have been detected, or even discriminated,
because two stimuli sensed as “different” will produce different patterns of brain activity
(Bornstein, 1992). Researchers have used ERPs to explore infants’ reactions to others’
displays of emotions, finding that 7-month-olds attend more to facial displays of negative
rather than positive (or neutral) emotions (Leppanen, Moulson, Vogel-Farley, & Nelson,
2007), and that 12-month-olds are more inclined to use negative rather than positive (or
neutral) facial expressions as a guide for how they should be feeling or behaving in new
and uncertain situations (Carver & Vaccaro, 2007). More recently, technological advances
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Chapter 1 | Introduction to Developmental Psychology and Its Research Strategies 15
have made it possible to observe the brain “in action.” Using MRI (magnetic resonance
imaging) and fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging) technology, researchers can
compare pictures taken before a subject engages in an activity and during the activity to
see which areas of the brain were activated.
A highly specialized observational technique that qualifies as a psychophysiological
method is eye-tracking. Eye-trackers are small video cameras that track a person’s eye
movement and allow researchers to precisely determine what stimulus in the visual field
the person is looking at. Eye-trackers have been mostly used in combination with com-
puter experiments where the visual field is limited by a computer screen. However, they
also can be used as wearable devices when participants freely roam around in a research
lab. Many aspects of children’s perceptual, cognitive, and socioemotional development
have been successfully studied using eye-trackers as gaze direction and looking times
reveal important aspects of children’s information processing. Through the use of eye-
trackers, researchers can find out where children seek information and how they form
expectations while watching a series of events. This is particularly useful in research with
younger children who have limited verbal abilities.
It is a common finding in developmental psychology that verbal methods underes-
timate the cognitive abilities of children relative to nonverbal methods. Take, for
instance, the famous false-belief tasks. In this task, children watch two puppets enacting
the following script: a girl (or boy depending on the participant’s sex) is coming home
from grocery shopping with her mother. At the store, the girl got a chocolate bar. The
girl does not want to eat the chocolate right away, so she puts it in the green kitchen
cabinet. The girl then goes outdoors to play with a friend. While the girl is playing out-
side the house, the mother needs some chocolate for baking a cake. She takes a few bits
from the girl’s chocolate and puts it in the blue kitchen cabinet. The girl comes back
from playing with her friend. She is hungry and wants to eat some of her chocolate.
Where does the girl look for the chocolate bar? In the green or the blue kitchen cabinet?
When asked this question verbally, 3- to 5-year-old children commonly respond “blue,”
which indicates that they do not understand that others can hold false beliefs that are
different from their own. However, using eye-tracking methods, Southgate, Senju, and
Csibra (2007) found that even 2-year-olds gaze at the right location while giving the
wrong verbal response. Thus, children’s gaze reveals cognitive abilities that are not
present in their verbal reports.
Psychophysiological states of parents can also be examined in investigations of chil-
dren’s development. For example, the hormone oxytocin is thought to play a role in
human attachment and social relationships. Feldman and her colleagues measured oxy-
tocin levels in pregnant women across their pregnancies and after the birth of their chil-
dren (Feldman, Weller, Zagoory-Sharon, & Levine, 2007). They found that the hormone
levels across pregnancy predicted behavioural measures of bonding between the mothers
and their babies after birth. Psychophysiological measures can also be used with older
children to assess aspects of development. As one example, blood pressure and cortisol
levels have been found in adolescence to be accurate measures of chronic stress that is
empirically related to chronic childhood poverty (Evans & Kim, 2007).
Though very useful, psychophysiological responses are far from perfect indicators of
psychological states. Even though an infant’s heart rate or brain wave activity may indi-
cate that he or she is attending to a stimulus, it is often difficult to determine exactly
which aspect of that stimulus (shape, colour, etc.) has captured the infant’s attention.
Furthermore, changes in physiological responses often reflect mood swings, fatigue,
hunger, or even negative reactions to the physiological recording equipment, rather than
a change in the infant’s attention to a stimulus or emotional reactions to it. For these
reasons, physiological responses are more likely to be valid indications of psychological
experiences when participants (particularly very young ones) are initially calm, alert, and
contented.
Table 1.2 provides a brief review of the data-gathering methods that we have exam-
ined thus far. In the sections that follow, we will consider how investigators might design
their research to test hypotheses and detect developmental continuities and changes.
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16 Part One | Theory and Research in the Developmental Sciences
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TO PURIFY YEAST FOR BREAD OR CAKES.
A brick oven, heated with wood, is far superior to any other for
baking bread, as well as for most other purposes. The iron ovens,
now commonly attached to kitchen-ranges—the construction of
which has within these few years been wonderfully improved—
though exceedingly convenient, from the facility which they afford for
baking at all hours of the day, do not in general answer well for
bread, unless it be made into very small loaves or rolls, as the
surface becomes hardened and browned long before the heat has
sufficiently penetrated to the centre of the dough. The same
objection often exists to iron-ovens of larger size, which require care
and management, to ensure the successful use of them. A brick
oven should be well heated with faggot wood, or with a faggot, and
two or three solid logs; and after it is cleared, the door should be
closely shut for quite half an hour before the baking commences: the
heat will then be well sustained for a succession of bread, pies,
cakes, and small pastry. The servant who habitually attends at an
oven will soon become acquainted with the precise quantity of fuel
which it requires, and all other peculiarities which may be connected
with it.
A FEW RULES TO BE OBSERVED IN MAKING BREAD.
Never use too large a proportion of yeast, as the bread will not
only become dry very speedily when this is done, but it will be far
less sweet and pleasant in flavour than that which is more slowly
fermented, and the colour will not be so good: there will also be a
great chance of its being bitter when brewer’s yeast is used for it.
Remember that milk or water of scalding heat poured to any kind of
yeast will render the bread heavy. One pint of either added quite
boiling to a pint and a half of cold, will bring it to about the degree of
warmth required. In frosty weather the proportion of the heated liquid
may be increased a little.
When only porter-yeast—which is dark-coloured and bitter—can
be procured, use a much smaller proportion than usual, and allow
much longer time for it to rise. Never let it be sent to the oven until it
is evidently light. Bitter bread is unpalatable, but not really
unwholesome; but heavy bread is particularly so.
Let the leaven be kneaded up quickly with the remainder of the
flour when once it is well risen, as it should on no account be allowed
to sink again before this is done, when it has reached the proper
point; and in making the dough, be particularly careful not to render it
too lithe by adding more liquid than is requisite. It should be quite
firm, and entirely free from lumps and crumbs throughout the mass,
and on the surface also, which ought to be perfectly smooth.
In winter, place the bread while it is rising sufficiently close to the
fire to prevent its becoming cold, but never so near as to render it
hot. A warm thick cloth should be thrown over the pan in which it is
made immediately after the leaven is mixed, and kept on it until the
bread is ready for the oven.
HOUSEHOLD BREAD.
(Author’s Receipt.)
Mix with a gallon of flour a large teaspoonful of fine salt, make a
hollow in the centre, and pour in two tablespoonsful of solid, well
purified yeast, gradually diluted with about two pints and a half of
milk, and work it into a thick batter with the surrounding flour, strew a
thick layer over and leave it to rise from an hour to an hour and a
half; then knead it up with as much more warm skimmed milk, or half
new milk and half water, as will render it quite firm and smooth
without being very stiff; let it rise another hour, and divide it into three
loaves; put them into square tins slightly buttered, or into round
baking pans, and bake them about an hour and a quarter in a well-
heated oven. The dough can be formed into household loaves if
preferred, and sent to the oven in the usual way. When a finer and
more spongy kind of bread is required for immediate eating,
substitute new milk for skimmed, dissolve in it about an ounce of
butter, leave it more liquid when the sponge is set, and let the whole
be lightly kneaded into a lithe dough: the bread thus made will be
excellent when new, and for a day or so after it is baked, but it will
become dry sooner than the other.
Flour, 1 gallon; salt, 1 teaspoonful; skimmed milk, 2-1/2 pints, to
rise from 1 to 1-1/2 hour. Additional milk, 1 to 2 pints: to rise 1 hour. 3
loaves, baked 1-1/4 hour.
Obs. 1.—A few spoonsful of cream will wonderfully improve either
of the above receipts, and sweet buttermilk, substituted for the other,
will give to the bread the shortness of a cake: we would particularly
recommend it for trial when it can be procured.
Obs. 2.—Shallow round earthen pans answer much better, we
think, than tins for baking bread; they should be slightly rubbed with
butter before the dough is put into them.
GERMAN YEAST.
A leaven may be first laid with the yeast, and part of the liquid
when it is preferred, as directed for bread made with beer-yeast, but
the result will be equally good if the whole be kneaded up at once, if
it be made quite firm.
PROFESSOR LIEBIG’S BAVARIAN BROWN BREAD.
Break down into very small crumbs three ounces of butter with two
pounds of flour; add a little salt, and set the sponge with a large
tablespoonful of solid yeast, mixed with a pint of new milk, and a
tablespoonful or more of strong saffron water; let it rise for a full hour,
then stir to a couple of well-beaten eggs as much hot milk as will
render them lukewarm, and wet the rolls with them to a light, lithe
dough; leave it from half to three-quarters of an hour longer, mould it
into small rolls, brush them with beaten yolk of egg, and bake them
from twenty minutes to half an hour. The addition of six ounces of
good sugar, three of butter, half a pound or more of currants, the
grated rind of a large lemon, and a couple of ounces of candied
orange-rind, will convert these into excellent buns. When the flavour
of the saffron is not liked, omit it altogether. Only so much should be
used at any time as will give a rich colour to the bread.
Flour, 2 lbs.; butter, 3 oz.; solid yeast, 1 large tablespoonful
(saffron, 1 teaspoonful; water, less than a quarter pint); new milk, 1
pint: 1 hour, or more. 2 eggs, more milk: 3/4 hour: baked 20 to 30
minutes.
RUSKS.
(Author’s Receipt.)
When we first heard unfermented bread vaguely spoken of, we
had it tried very successfully in the following manner; and we have
since been told that an almost similar method of preparing it is
common in many remote parts both of England and Ireland, where it
is almost impossible to procure a constant supply of yeast. Blend
well together a teaspoonful of pounded sugar and fifty grains of the
purest carbonate of soda; mix a saltspoonful of salt with a pound of
flour, and rub the soda and sugar through a hair-sieve into it. Stir and
mingle them well, and make them quickly into a firm but not hard
dough with sour buttermilk. Bake the loaf well in a thoroughly heated,
but not fierce oven. In a brick, or good iron oven a few minutes less
than an hour would be sufficient to bake a loaf of similar weight. The
buttermilk should be kept until it is quite acid, but it must never be in
the slightest degree rancid, or otherwise bad. All unfermented bread
should be placed in the oven directly it is made, or it will be heavy.
For a larger baking allow rather less than an ounce of soda to the
gallon (seven pounds) of flour.
Obs.—There are cases in which a knowledge of this, or of any
other equally easy mode of bread-making would be invaluable. For
example:—We learn from the wife of an officer who has for a long
time been stationed off the Isle of Skye, in which his family have their
abode, that the inhabitants depend entirely for bread on supplies
brought to them from Glasgow; and that they are often entirely
without, when the steamer which ought to arrive at intervals of eight
days, is delayed by stress of weather. The residents are then
compelled to have recourse to scones—as a mixture of flour and
water and a little soda (cooked on a flat iron plate), are called—or to
ship’s biscuit; and these are often found unsuitable for young
children and invalids. There are no ovens in the houses, though
there are grates for coal fires, in front of which small loaves of
unfermented bread could be baked extremely well in good American
ovens. Buttermilk can always be procured; and if not, a provision of
carbonate of soda and muriatic acid might be kept at hand to ensure
the means of making wholesome bread. In many other localities the
same plan might prove of equal benefit.
TO KEEP BREAD.