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‘[A] text that illuminates the many operations, trials, mistakes and
challenges the ANC guerrillas faced as they duelled, often in the
shadows, with the apartheid state. Furthermore, it is an excellent
chronological history of MK’s armed struggle .… Through his rich
engagement with primary sources gleaned from government,
security force and liberation movement archives and personal
accounts, Simpson offers as balanced an account as possible of the
many operations of MK.’
– Toivo Asheeke, Social Dynamics
With offices in
Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece
Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore
South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam
Historical Note
1. Aftermath
2. Founders
3. Union and Disunion
4. Imperial Impi
5. Revolt
6. Red Peril
7. Dominion
8. Springboks and the Swastika
9. Apartheid
10. Defiance
11. Charterists and Africanists
12. States of Emergency
13. Freedom Fighters
14. Silent Sixties
15. Homeland
16. Tar Baby
17. Adapt or Die
18. Total Onslaught
19. Ungovernable
20. Rubicon
21. Liberators
22. The World Turned Upside Down
23. Born Free
24. The Settlement
25. Rainbow Nation
26. Transformation
27. The Second Transition
28. Into the Whirlwind
29. Captive State
30. False Dawn
31. The Reckoning
Notes
Index
Peace thanksgiving service in Pretoria’s Church Square on 8 June 1902, commemorating the
end of the Second Anglo-Boer War.
White overseers and Chinese labourers in a Transvaal gold mine. The Chinese miners were
imported to address a post-war labour shortage; their long pigtails, visible in this picture,
terrified the black Africans who were first called on to provide them instruction in rock
drilling.
Delegates at the first sitting of the National Convention in Durban in October 1908. Bottom
row (left to right): J.W. Sauer, John X. Merriman, M.T. Steyn, Abraham Fischer, Henry de
Villiers, Louis Botha, F.H. Moor, W.H. Milton, Percy FitzPatrick. Second row: E.H. Walton,
E.M. Greene, H.C. van Heerden, J.H.M. Beck, G.H. Maasdorp, H.L. Lindsay, F.S. Malan, S.W.
Burger, T.W. Smartt, Christiaan de Wet, Leander S. Jameson, H.C. Hull, J.B.M. Hertzog, E.F.
Kilpin. Third row: Koos de la Rey, W.B. Morcom, A. Browne, T. Hyslop, J.W. Jagger, C.G.
Smythe, George Farrar, Jan Smuts, A.M.N. de Villiers. Top row: G.T. Plowman, W.E. Bok,
G.R. Hofmeyr, W.E.M. Stanford, C.P.J. Coghlan.
The South African Native and Coloured People’s delegation to London, 1909. Bottom row:
Matt J. Fredericks, Abdullah Abdurahman, W.P. Schreiner, W.B. Rubusana, John Tengo
Jabavu. Second row: Thomas Mapikela, J. Gerrans (representing the Bechuanaland
Protectorate), Daniel Dwanya, D.J. Lenders.
John Langalibalele Dube, the founding president of the South African Native National
Congress, which was renamed the African National Congress in 1923.
Mohandas Gandhi (second from right) pictured with Hermann Kallenbach (to his right) and
his secretary, Sonja Schlesin (to his left), following his release from jail in 1913. Gandhi,
who had arrived in South Africa in 1893, had joined Kallenbach in leading a coal miners’
march from Newcastle to Volksrust in November 1913, which resulted in their arrest.
Louis Botha and the mayor of Windhuk discuss the surrender of the town in May 1915.
King George V inspecting troops of the South African Native Labour Corps on the Western
Front, 10 April 1917.
The 4th South African Infantry Battalion, established to fight in Europe during the Great
War, consisted mainly of Scottish regiments and Caledonian societies in the Union. Members
of the ‘South African Scottish’ are pictured here resting during the German offensive of
1918.
The SANNC delegation to London in 1919. Left to right: Richard Selope Thema, Sol Plaatje,
Josiah T. Gumede, Rev. Henry Ngcayiya, Levi T. Mvabaza. Their account of the realities of
South Africa’s pass laws shocked the British prime minister, David Lloyd George.
Members of the Fordsburg Women’s Commando marching to a strike meeting on 11
February 1922, carrying the banner ‘Workers of the World Fight and Unite for a White S.A.’
The banner reappeared on 20 February, during a demonstration by commandos from
Johannesburg’s western suburbs outside a courthouse where two men appeared in
connection with kidnapping members of the Miners’ Phthisis Bureau. In March, the strike
developed into a full-scale revolt that the Union Defence Force was called in to suppress.
A.W.G. Champion and Clements Kadalie (with handwritten names above) at a meeting of
the Industrial and Commercial Union in the 1920s.
Prime Minister J.B.M. Hertzog pictured here alongside his deputy, Jan Smuts, in 1938. Their
decision to establish the United Party in the mid-1930s had put an end to two decades of
enmity between them. But Hertzog’s premiership, which began in 1924, would end in
September 1939 when he was deposed by the United Party’s parliamentary caucus for
advocating neutrality in the Second World War. Smuts would replace him as the head of
government.
Defence Minister Oswald Pirow receives an honour guard during his visit to Nazi Germany in
November 1938.
Robey Leibbrandt, the former South African heavyweight boxing champion who became an
agent of German military intelligence and led ‘Operation Weissdorn’, an effort to disrupt the
Union’s war effort against Hitler’s regime.
Adolph Gysbert (‘Sailor’) Malan climbing into the cockpit of his Supermarine Spitfire in
Sussex during the Second World War.
Jan Smuts with his old friend Winston Churchill at the British Embassy in Cairo, 5 August
1942.
Doctors Monty Naicker, Alfred B. Xuma and Yusuf Dadoo sign the ‘Three Doctors’ Pact’ on 9
March 1947, pledging cooperation between the ANC and the Indian Congresses.
From right to left: D.F. Malan, J.G. Strijdom and H.F. Verwoerd, the first three apartheid
prime ministers, pictured in 1955.
Left to right: Rahima Moosa, Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph and Sophia Williams carrying stacks
of petitions to present to J.G. Strijdom during the Women’s March on 9 August 1956.
Hendrik Verwoerd welcomes his British counterpart, Harold Macmillan, to Cape Town in
February 1960. Macmillan warned white South Africans of a ‘wind of change’ blowing
through the continent, but Verwoerd instead advised them to stand like ‘walls of granite’ on
every facet of apartheid.
Robert Sobukwe leads protesters to Orlando Police Station during the anti-pass march on
the morning of 21 March 1960.
Bodies lie in the streets of Sharpeville in the immediate aftermath of the 21 March 1960
massacre.
ANC president Albert Luthuli speaking in Oslo on 11 December 1961, the day after he
accepted the 1960 Nobel Peace Prize ‘for having always urged violence should not be used’.
His return to Durban on 15 December coincided with the launch of operations by Umkhonto
we Sizwe.
John Harris with his wife, Ann, in 1963. Harris would hang for his role in the fatal bombing
at Johannesburg’s Park Station on 24 July 1964 – the only white person ever executed for
anti-apartheid activity.
Students march outside the University of Cape Town’s Jameson Hall to protest the
overturning of Archie Mafeje’s appointment as a senior lecturer in social anthropology,
though their appeals for the UCT council’s support would prove to be in vain.
Steve Biko, the principal figure in the breakaway of black students from the National Union
of South African Students, who became the first president of the South African Students
Organisation in 1969.
Prime Minister John Vorster, the terror of the revolutionary underground in the early 1960s,
pictured with his wife, Tini, on the election trail in March 1974.
On 16 June 1976, high-school students in Soweto embarked on protests against the
government’s decree that half their subjects would be taught in Afrikaans. Outside Orlando
West Junior Secondary School, policemen fired teargas and live rounds at the
demonstrators, sparking an uprising that would spread across the township and then the
country over the following months.
‘All … here … now!’ Allan Boesak addresses the rally at the Rocklands Civic Centre in
Mitchells Plain on 20 August 1983 which officially launched the United Democratic Front.
The immediate target of the UDF’s organising was the apartheid government’s proposal to
establish a segregated Tricameral Parliament, and its ultimate objective was to establish a
non-racial, unitary South African state.
P.W. Botha and Samora Machel in Komatipoort on 16 March 1984 during the signing
ceremony for the Nkomati Accord, a non-aggression pact between South Africa and
Mozambique. The treaty formed part of the South African government’s strategy to deprive
the ANC’s military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, of bases and transit routes in the southern
African region.
Mourners burn cars after a funeral in Duduza township in July 1985. Tensions in the East
Rand had been inflamed by a police false-flag operation on 25 June in which eight activists
were killed by doctored weapons. By mid-1985, arson had brought most Black Local
Authorities to the point of collapse.
Sam Nujoma, the founding president of the South West Africa People’s Organisation, which
had been engaged in armed struggle since the 1960s against South African rule of Namibia.
Nujoma would become the first president of independent Namibia in March 1990.
ANC president Oliver Tambo meeting Cuban leader Fidel Castro. The presence of Cuban
combat troops in Angola enabled that country to develop into a military headquarters for
both the ANC and SWAPO.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
lausein tämän sankarittaren luonteen: »Epätoivo varhaisella iällä,
varhain koettu petos ja lankeemus, hänet hylänneen sulhasen
uskottomuus, sen jälkeen köyhyys, rehellisen perheen kirous ja
viimein erään rikkaan ukon suojelus, ukon, jota hän muuten vielä
nytkin pitää hyväntekijänään. Nuoreen sydämeen, jossa kenties piili
paljon hyvää, pesiytyi viha jo liian varhain. Luonne muodostui
laskelmia tekeväksi, rahaa kokoavaksi. Kehittyi ivallisuutta ja halua
kostaa yhteiskunnalle.» Tämän karakteristiikan jälkeen
ymmärrämme, että hän saattoi pitää pilanaan kumpaakin,
ainoastaan leikkiäkseen ilkeätä leikkiä. Ja tuon kuukauden aikana,
johon sisältyy toivotonta rakkautta, siveellisiä lankeemuksia, oman
morsiamen pettämistä, vieraitten, hänen kunniallisuutensa varaan
uskottujen rahojen anastamista, — syytetty kaiken lisäksi joutuu
miltei raivon ja vimmastuksen valtaan ainaisesta
mustasukkaisuudesta, ja ketä kohtaan, — omaa isäänsä kohtaan! Ja
pääasia on, että mieletön ukko koettaa houkutella ja viekoitella
hänen intohimonsa esinettä niillä samoilla kolmellatuhannella, joita
poika pitää äidinperintönään ja joiden anastamisesta hän soimaa
isää. Niin, minä myönnän, että tämä oli raskasta kantaa! Tässä
saattoi todella sairastua maniaan. Ei ollut kysymys rahoista, vaan
siitä, että juuri noilla rahoilla niin inhoittavan kyynillisesti tahdottiin
särkeä hänen onnensa —
8.
Tutkielma Smerdjakovista
— Mistä ensiksikin on johtunut se, että tuollainen epäluulo
ollenkaan on voinut syntyä? — tällä kysymyksellä Ippolit Kirillovitš
aloitti. — Ensimmäinen, joka huudahti, että Smerdjakov oli murhaaja,
oli syytetty itse vangitsemisensa hetkellä, mutta hän ei ole
kuitenkaan tuosta ensimmäisestä huudostaan lähtien aina tähän
hetkeen asti esittänyt syytöksensä tueksi ainoatakaan tosiasiaa, —
eipä edes jossakin määrin inhimillisen järjen mukaista viittaustakaan
johonkin tosiasiaan. Sitten on tämän syytöksen esittänyt ainoastaan
kolme henkilöä: syytetyn molemmat veljet ja rouva Svetlov. Mutta
syytetyn vanhempi veli esitti epäluulonsa vasta tänään, sairaana,
kiistämättömän mielenhäiriön ja kuumeen vallassa, kun taas tätä
ennen koko kahden kuukauden ajan, kuten varmasti tiedämme, hän
on täydelleen ollut vakuutettu veljensä syyllisyydestä eikä ole
koettanutkaan väittää mitään tätä ajatusta vastaan. Mutta tästä
puhumme erikseen myöhemmin. Sitten ilmoitti syytetyn nuorempi
veli meille äsken itse, ettei hänellä ole mitään tosiasioita esitettävänä
sen ajatuksensa tueksi, että Smerdjakov on syyllinen, ei
pienimpiäkään, ja että hän on saanut tämän käsityksensä
ainoastaan syytetyn sanoista ja »hänen kasvojensa ilmeestä», —
niin, tämän suurenmoisen todistuksen lausui hänen veljensä äsken
kahdesti. Rouva Svetlov taas lausui kenties vieläkin
suurenmoisemmin: »Mitä syytetty teille sanoo, sitä uskokaa, hän ei
ole niitä miehiä, että valehtelisi.» Tässä ovat noiden kolmen
henkilön, joita syytetyn kohtalo perin läheisesti koskee, kaikki
tosiasialliset todistukset Smerdjakovia vastaan. Ja kuitenkin syytös
Smerdjakovia vastaan on pysynyt vireillä ja levinnyt ja elää yhä, —
voiko sitä uskoa, onko se ajateltavissa? —
9.