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Education and Solidarity in the
European Union: Europe’s Lost Spirit

Sarah K. St. John
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Education and
Solidarity in the
European Union
Europe’s Lost Spirit
Sarah K. St. John
Education and Solidarity in the European Union
Sarah K. St. John
Education
and Solidarity
in the European
Union
Europe’s Lost Spirit
Sarah K. St. John
European University Institute
Florence, Italy
ISBN 978-3-030-63041-6 ISBN 978-3-030-63042-3 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63042-3
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Contents
1 Introduction 1
Structure of the Book 3
Bibliography 10
Part I Education in the European Union
2 Education and the European “Idea” (1945–1956) 15

The Impetus to Uniting Europe 15
European Spirit and Consciousness: Building Solid
Foundations 18
Appealing to the Educators: Developing European Spirit
Through Education 21
Youth Engagement 23
Teaching the Teachers 25
Exchange of People and of Knowledge 26
Creating Educational Institutions 31
Vocational Education for Skills Training and Adult
Education 36
Education in the Western European Union 38
Bibliography 41
vii
viii CONTENTS
3 The Road to a European Community Education

Policy (1957–1970) 43
The Rome Treaties 43
The Common Agricultural Policy 44
Vocational Educational Training 45
The Treaty of Rome and Education 47
Recognising Qualifications and Diplomas 48
University Exchanges 54
Developing Deeper Cooperation in Education 56
Research Cooperation 60
University Cooperation 67
Bibliography 69
4 Developing a Community Level Education Policy,

1971–Present 71
The 1970s: Facing Challenges 71
Facing Economic Crisis 71
Migration 72
Education Becoming a Player in Facilitating the European
Project 75
Free Movement 75
Educational Mobility 77
Increased Academic Collaboration 78
The “Janne Report” 79
A Formal Place for Education in the European
Commission: The 1970s 83
The Action Programmes 85
The 1980s: Overcoming Recession 89
Legal Cases that Changed the Course of Education
at European Level 90
The Erasmus Programme 91
Launching New Education and Training Action
Programmes 92
Resolutions on the European Dimension in Education
(24 May 1988) 95
The 1990s: Maastricht Treaty and a European Dimension
in Education 96
The 1995 White Paper on Education and Training;
Teaching and Learning: Towards the Learning Society 98
CONTENTS ix
The 2000–2010; the Lisbon Strategy 99

The 2010–2020; Europe 2020 Strategy 102
Bibliography 105
5 An Intellectual Hub for Europe: The College

of Europe and the European University 107
A European University: The Birth of an Idea to Create
a European People 107
Setting Up the College of Europe 108
Defining a Mission for the College of Europe 110
Studying at the College of Europe 111
European Training at the College of Europe 113
Governance and Funding of the College of Europe 113
The European University: A Relaunch in the Community
Sphere 115
National Interests and Contrasting Opinions
on the European University Project 117
Drawing Up Concrete Proposals for a European University 124
A Shift in Orientation: From Community-Led
to Intergovernmental 128
The Establishment of the European University Institute 132
The European University Project’s Main Obstacles 133
Room for Two? The Coexistence of the College of Europe
and the European University 135
Final Thoughts 138
Bibliography 139
6 Education: A Complicated Policy Field 141

Neofunctionalism and Education 141
Intergovernmentalism and Education 143
Statism 144
States and the Distinctive Nature of Education Policy 147
Diversity Between States 152
Diversity Within States 153
x CONTENTS
Diverse Reactions Towards European-Level Education 154

The Temporal Nature of Policy Development 158
The Importance of Context 162
Final Thoughts 167
Bibliography 169
Part II Solidarity: Between Theory and Practice
7 Understanding European Solidarity, Spirit

and Identity: Theory 175
Introduction to European Solidarity 175
(Social) Theories of Solidarity 177
Calling on Hegel to Understand the Role of Spirit 181
Habermas’s Approach to Identity 184
The Transformation of the Public Sphere 185
Communicative Action 186
Learning Processes 187
Democracy and Citizenship 188
Habermas’s European Focus 189
Unpacking European Solidarity in Practice 190
Common Values and Goals 191
Risk Sharing 192
Equality 192
Trust 193
Bibliography 194
8 An Introduction to Europe’s Decade of Crises:

Solidarity in Practice 197
Introduction 197
Crisis After Crisis 198
Financial Crises 199
The European Migrant Crisis 204
Democracy and Legitimacy 208
CONTENTS xi
Disintegration 212
Case Studies 216
Case Study One: The UK’s exit from the European Union 216
Case Study Two: Refugee arrivals in Italy 226
Bibliography 236
Part III The Entwinement of Solidarity and Education in

the European Union
9 Past and Present Challenges, and Future

Opportunities, for Engaging Education to Address
the Solidarity Crisis 241
Introduction: Why Does the EU Really Need Solidarity? 241
What Are the Barriers to Building European Solidarity
and the Implications of Education as a Tool? 242
Nationalism 242
Trust 249
Knowledge 251
Interdependence 252
Distinguishing “Real” Solidarity from “Artificial”
Solidarity 253
Solidarity at the Individual Level 253
Solidarity at the Member State Level 254
Reframing the Problem of Achieving “Real” Solidarity
with Education 255
The Core of the Problem 255
Re-transforming the Public Sphere: Individualism
and Interdependence 257
Education Reframed 259
Vocational Education and Training (VET) and Higher
Education 261
Citizenship Education 264
Non-formal and Informal Education 266
Final Thoughts and Policy Recommendations 267
Bibliography 269
xii CONTENTS
10 Concluding Thoughts: Covid-19 Providing

Yet Another Case Study or Impetus for EU Solidarity? 273
Index 279
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Solidarity has become a question of survival for the European Union (EU)
as it recovers from a decade of crises, only to start the new decade amid
a global pandemic. Global and European challenges, alongside a rise in
populism, have left the establishment of strong EU solidarity struggling,
despite initiatives from within the EU calling to connect with citizens to
strengthen the community. The need to bolster the European project with
deep-rooted solidarity is not a new concept of our times. It was in fact
highlighted as early as the 1948 Congress of Europe in The Hague as a
fundamental necessity for the project’s success. The subsequent European
Cultural Conference of 1949 proposed education as a means to diffuse
the notion of a united Europe. This book tells that story of the European
Movement’s mission to create through education a European spirit to
secure the success of European integration, and how much of that mission
reflected in the Europe of today.
In tracing the development of an EU education policy, which never
managed to be established as a fully fledged area of European compe-
tence, the book draws links between the crisis of solidarity experienced by
the EU today and the difficulties faced throughout European integration
to foster spirit through education. European symbols have been created,
including a European flag, a European patrimony of historic towns and
sites, and a Europe Day, but has it been enough to foster a European
© The Author(s), under exclusive license 1

to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
S. K. St. John, Education and Solidarity in the European Union,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63042-3_1
2 S. K. ST. JOHN
spirit and solidarity? Economic, financial, military, demographic and envi-

ronmental crises at global level have put European solidarity to the test
and have the capacity to strengthen the European Union or shatter it. Was
a European spirit created and lost or did it ever really exist at all? What
role did education play in fostering spirit, to what extent did it succeed
and what were the obstacles in relying on education? The book makes the
case that education has not been a stable mechanism for fostering spirit
due to its national attachment to identity and nation-building. However,
without education, it has been a challenge to foster the spirit needed to
establish a strong sense of European solidarity to overcome the crises the
EU faces today.
The book’s primary objective is to explore the linkage between educa-
tion and European solidarity to suggest that today’s crisis of solidarity
in the EU can be connected to the development of (or lack thereof)
an education policy at European level. Specifically, it analyses the role
assigned to education (secondary, further and higher education, as well
as adult and vocational education) in early discussions on European inte-
gration to foster the European spirit needed to create a cohesive union
of states with a common outlook and mission. It goes on to draw on the
current political landscape to highlight the consequences of weak or non-
existent European spirit—what the European founders had feared. At the
same time, rather than concluding that education should be dismissed as a
means to foster solidarity, the book looks ahead to propose how, through
lessons learnt, the EU can navigate education policy in such a way that
it still has an important role to play in the processes of civic participation
and solidarity-building.
The pursuit of this argument follows two theoretical and analytical
routes, structured in the book in three parts and outlined in this intro-
ductory chapter. The first part of the book, Education in the European
Union, is dedicated to the origins and evolution of education as an area of
European Community policy. To trace competence expansion and analyse
the nature of its development, the study is framed within the debate
between the opposing integration theories of neofunctionalism (policy
development is automatic and is facilitated by the concept of spillover)
and intergovernmentalism (member states play a central role in the policy-
development process which is therefore driven by converging national
interests). The part concludes by illuminating the notion that education
has developed according to—and continues to develop along the lines
1 INTRODUCTION 3
of—intergovernmentalism due to its close attachment to national-identity

formation, nation-building and national solidarity.
The book’s second part focuses on the notion of solidarity between
theory and practice, while the final part, The entwinement of education
and solidarity in the European Union, unpacks the challenges and possi-
bilities for fostering European spirit and solidarity through education,
as advocated by the European Movement, triangulating the theoretical
concepts of Durkheim to understand solidarity, Hegel for input on how
individuals relate to their society, and Habermas on citizens’ participation
in the public sphere and the role of learning processes. It elaborates this
linkage between education and nation-building to seek answers to what
it implies for the EU today in the face of the crises, when a demand for
European solidarity is in short supply.
Exploring through the notion of spirit the intertwine between educa-
tion and solidarity, the book presents an interdisciplinary study that avoids
the compartmentalisation of education studies, philosophy and political
science to bring ideas together that shed fresh light on contemporary
debates currently under the spotlight. The study does not limit its appeal
and benefit to educationalists, but also opens up the field of education
to a wider audience in European policymaking, with attention made to
attracting practitioners looking beyond the confines of their policy area
to understand how education might impact hot policy topics, as well
as to academics seeking to make more sense of education’s scope across
European studies.
Structure of the Book

The first of the content chapters Education and the European “Idea”
(1945–1956) addresses the initial concrete steps towards constructing
Europe and the already embedded role of education in this process.
Discussions on the uniting of Europe took place in the framework of the
pressure group the European Movement and specifically at the Congress
of Europe in The Hague in 1948. In addition to the political specifici-
ties of bringing the nations of Europe closer together, representatives
proposed the cultural unification of Europe, stating that if the European
project were to succeed, it could not just be a political union, it had to
exist in the hearts of its citizens. A European spirit was a fundamental
component. The congress considered education to be a mechanism for
fostering European spirit and put forward a series of initiatives for the
4 S. K. ST. JOHN
implementation of this mission. The aim of this chapter is to introduce

the work of the European Movement, and to outline the discussions that
took place in the context of the Congress of Europe and the subsequent
European Cultural Conference (1949) on fostering a European spirit
through initiatives in the field of education. The timeframe reflects the
initial discussions on uniting Europe until the Treaty of Rome establishing
a European Community and evidence is provided by documentation on
the European Movement, consulted at the Historical Archives of the
European Union.
Chapter 3 The road to a European Community education policy (1957 –
1970) outlines the emergence of a formal place for education in European
integration. Emphasis was placed on the development of activities in
education at European level with a cultural attachment in order to foster
European spirit. However, tracing the development of an education policy
at European level reveals a shift in the nature and missions of activities.
Despite marked attention during early discussions on uniting Europe,
education was not included in the 1957 Treaty of Rome setting up
the European Community. Closely related was a provision for vocational
educational training, and although it left a door open for education,
it meant that activities with an economic attachment drove forward
policy development. The chapter aims to summarise the development of
a European Community education policy from 1957 until 1976, when
education took shape as a formal competence of the European Commu-
nity. It aims to reveal how member states and the European Community
have approached cooperation in the field of education and the estab-
lishment of a formal policy field, namely that its association with the
economic and political missions of the European Community facilitated
its path and shaped its purpose at European level. Evidence is drawn from
European Community documentation at the Historical Archives of the
European Union as well as European Community communications and
policy documents.
Chapter 4 Developing a Community level education policy (1971–
present) continues the historical account of EU education policy from the
point when the European Community began to hold a recognised compe-
tence in the area of education, in particular the “Janne Report” of 1973,
which was completed by the Belgian Minister for Education to pinpoint
the basic elements of an education policy at Community level. Two action
programmes, the Social Action Programme and the Education Action
Programme, followed swiftly, helping to cement Community activities in
1 INTRODUCTION 5
the fields of education and training. The 1980s were peak years for educa-
tion policy, which saw the creation of the Erasmus Programme and new
Education and Training Action Programmes, and the 1990s saw further
restructuring and reforms in Teaching and Learning as steps towards the
learning society. The Lisbon Strategy of the 2000s threw focus onto life-
long learning and the Open Method of Communication. Finally, the last
decade has witnessed ever intensifying activities, especially through the
Europe 2020 Strategy, which has placed education high on the agenda
to reinforce a knowledge economy in Europe. Research has been carried
out through the study of policy papers and EU documentation.
Chapter 5 An intellectual hub for Europe: The College of Europe and
the European University presents the complex creation of these insti-
tutions, the latter of which took almost three decades to establish due
to conflicting interests and the implications of cooperating in education
at European level. The creation of these institutions acts as an infor-
mative case study for demonstrating how European cooperation of the
field of education translates into practice. This chapter traces the Euro-
pean University project from its roots within the European Movement
discussions to the establishment of the European University Institute in
Florence and the College of Europe in Bruges. The chapter is based
on archival research at the Historical Archives of the European Union,
where documentation from the European Movement as well as the Euro-
pean University Institute was consulted. The timeframe reflects the first
discussions on the European University in the framework of the European
Movement until the European University Institute was established.
Such a significant role for education in the early stages of European
integration should have implied an impetus to the development of a
European Community education policy, but this did not turn out to be
the case and education continues to struggle to find its place as a full-
fledged EU competence. Chapter 6 Education: A complicated policy field
unpacks the complexities that surround European-level cooperation in
education. Europe’s founders had underestimated what emerged to be
an area of national sensitivity in which the European Community found
itself negotiating statism to develop initiatives in the field of education.
Tracing the evolution of education as an area of European Community
competence reveals that there are numerous opportunities for spillover to
occur, leaning towards neofunctionalist theory, but policy development
appears resisted. What emerges is that member states appear reluctant
to upload power in matters relating to education when initiatives lean
6 S. K. ST. JOHN
towards a cultural orientation, while they appear more willing when a

clear economic benefit can be identified. This suggestion that member
states have been able to influence the direction and scope of policy devel-
opment is in line with an intergovernmentalist view of how integration
occurs, in particular Moravcsik (1998). To explain this reluctance to
engage in European policymaking in matters relating to education, this
chapter explores the notion that education is entwined and embedded
in nation-building, which forms the foundation’s national sovereignty,
identity and solidarity (Neave 2001). This analysis begins by clarifying
the terms nation, nation-states, nationality and national identity, before
exploring the connection with education at national level. The significant
role that education has to play in the building of nation-states mirrors
the necessity for education to be involved in the building of a united
Europe at European level. This is precisely what nation-states are uneasy
about because it implies the risk of diluting national identity with Euro-
pean identity. A patent tension that emerges between fostering European
identity, solidarity and spirit with that of preserving national identity, soli-
darity and spirit, which provides a tangible explanation for member states’
reluctance for the EU to meddle in its educational affairs.
In Chapter 7 Understanding European solidarity, spirit and identity:
Theory the book shifts to Part II. The part’s first chapter has a twofold aim
of introducing non-specialist readers to the concepts of solidarity, identity
and spirit; and exploring the current debates surrounding these concepts.
The chapter draws on the work of scholars such as Karagiannis (2007) to
map a theoretical understanding of solidarity, including the work of Offe,
Baldwin and Durkheim, and leading to Habermas’s “Justice and Solidar-
ity” (1989). Habermas, who brings Hegel into the discussion having been
influenced by Hegelian insights to reciprocal recognition relating also to
spirit, proves an effective theoretical basis upon which to discuss the link
between solidarity, identity and spirit, and the crises of the European
Union. In his publications “The Postnational Constellation” (2001b),
“Europe: The Faltering Project” (2004) and “The Crisis of the European
Union: A Response” (2012), Habermas argued that national identity acts
as a barrier to ever closer union and what he sees as the holy grail of
transnational democracy and cosmopolitan community (Murphy and St.
John 2019).
The chapter highlights the calls for greater solidarity within Europe,
exploring what European solidarity implies in pragmatic terms, including
the different versions of solidarity that emerge when facing different types
1 INTRODUCTION 7
of crises in the European context. This includes how public support

for European solidarity varies according to the issue involved—financial,
immigration, natural disasters, terrorism or the environment—and the
instruments used for risk and burden sharing (Genschel and Hemerijck
2018).
Created with non-specialists in mind, Chapter 8 An Introduction to
Europe’s Decade of Crises: Solidarity in Practice outlines the challenges
and crises facing the EU in the last decade. In particular, the chapter
presents two cases in point to demonstrate scenarios in which the supply
for European spirit and solidarity has not met the demand: disintegration
in the case of the UK and the rise to power of populism in Italy. Solidarity
breaks down when individuals are not informed about how European
integration works, how they can make sense of it and therefore stand
together in times of crisis. On the other hand, it also breaks down when
they feel the European Union is not delivering. Both case studies imply a
need for greater transparency between the EU institutions and the people,
in accordance with Habermas’s ideas on mutual understanding. The case
of the UK voting to leave the bloc, with questions from the people like
“what has the EU ever done for us?” or “why should they tell us what
to do?” suggest a strong indication that a key aspect leading to voters’
decisions is the fact that the European Union is simply not understood.
In the British context, deeper discussions take place on a long-standing
resistance to European integration due to a distinctive nationalist English
identity (Risse 2005). In fact, considering national political elites’ influ-
ence on fostering European identity (Göncz and Lengyel 2016), it can
be said that an almost complete lack of European sentiment portrayed by
the British government to its citizens has resulted in the worst possible
case: a decision to leave the EU.
Italy, however, is historically pro-European, but it has been a prin-
cipal receiver of migrants during the migrant crisis. The feeling in Italy
is that the country has been left to fend for itself in the face of hundreds
of thousands of arrivals, which has led to the popularity of the Lega
(former Northern League) party advocating hard anti-immigration poli-
cies. Lega became a governing party in a coalition with the populist
Movimento Cinque Stelle (M5S), which indicates Italians’ dissatisfaction
with the immigration issue and what is felt to be a lack of support from
the European Union on the matter.
Shifting to the third part, Chapter 9 Past and present challenges, and
future opportunities, for engaging education to address the solidarity crisis
8 S. K. ST. JOHN
provides the core of the book’s analysis. The European Union has been
facing crises for over a decade, beginning with the economic crisis of 2007
and continuing tough challenges, stemming in particular from migra-
tion, which is at the centre of the European Union’s very raison d’être:
free movement. The political landscape is overwhelmed with a wave of
populism that is increasingly taking more nationalistic stances towards
issues to defend against what are perceived to be influxes of migrants.
Although not limited to Europe, this is questioning the legitimacy of the
European Union.
The chapter draws links between the current political climate, dwin-
dling solidarity and the struggles for achieving fully fledged competence in
education at European level. Deepening Habermas’s link discussed earlier
by between identity, solidarity and facing the current crises, Habermas
provides further theoretical enlightenment in his discourse on learning
processes. He suggests that it is possible to learn our way out of nation-
alism and nation-state-bounded public policies. He makes continuous
reference across his publications to the kind of “learning processes”
on which the European Movement placed considerable emphasis in
generating a form of supranational citizenship, culture and identity. In
particular, Habermas develops the concept of communicative action in a
process of renewing cultural knowledge to achieve mutual understanding,
coordinating action towards social integration and solidarity through the
public sphere.
Crises of the last decade have seemingly led the European Commu-
nity to recognise that education can be adopted as a vehicle to help
overcome the challenges it faces. The 2017 European Commission
communication “Strengthening European Identity through Education
and Culture” (COM(2017) 673) includes points on language learning,
mobility, teacher training and the creation of institutions, and the Euro-
pean Parliament published a report on “Learning EU in Schools”
(2015/2138(INI)). This latter document reflects a response to the
ever-increasing realisation that throughout its existence, the European
Union has not been fully understood. Leaning again on Habermas’s
communicative action, it becomes evident that mutual understanding
between individuals and the European Union will be imperative if Euro-
pean solidarity is to be created. If not, citizens become prey to the
populist movements that do provide—often discrediting—information
about the European Union, or to fake news on policy issues that affect
its relationship with people.
1 INTRODUCTION 9
Unfortunately, it appears that the European Community has

completed a full circle when it comes to using education for fostering
solidarity. The points outlined in the 2017 Communication hark back
to the points already put forward by the European Movement in 1949.
Sixty years of European integration has not fully mobilised education
as an instrument for European solidarity. While initiatives such as the
Erasmus programme have contributed to awakening a sense of being
European among a slither of society, it has not formed an inclusive Euro-
pean solidarity that stands strong against the challenges and crises facing
the European Union today. While, as Habermas advocates, “the suprana-
tional expansion of civic solidarity depends on learning processes” (2012),
the development of education at European level will inherently be loyal
to intergovernmental policy development, which is controlled at national
level and which will protect national identity and nation-building.
The book’s final chapter Concluding thoughts: Covid-19 providing yet
another case study or impetus for EU solidarity? ties together the argument
that the architects of a united Europe aimed to foster a European spirit
through education, which was required for the success of the European
project. However, the current state of the Union suggests that solidarity is
in great demand but the supply is not sufficient and the reactions during
this last crisis in the form of the Covid-19 pandemic are putting EU soli-
darity to the test. It can be argued that Europe has not existed enough,
never existed or no longer exists in people’s hearts, which is what the
founding fathers had feared. Education has proven a flimsy mechanism for
fostering European spirit due to its complex intertwinement with nation-
building, and therefore national identity and solidarity. A fully fledged
European Union education policy could have gone a long way in securing
a certain level of solidarity. It is recognised, however, that blame cannot be
solely placed on a lack of European Union competence in education. Soli-
darity levels have also dropped due to the European Union not fulfilling
individuals’ expectations. The current challenges facing the European
Union therefore present a critical moment in which a re-evaluation should
perhaps be considered of how education policy can be better developed to
resuscitate European spirit, but it is also an opportunity for the European
Union to rethink and push forward reforms in areas where it is falling
short.
Nevertheless, it can be said that while Brexit appears the ultimate
demonstration of a lack of EU solidarity, the other face of Brexit has
forced pockets of strong pro-Europeanness to emerge in a country that
10 S. K. ST. JOHN
historically lacks attachment to Europe, where remain voters feel they

are being robbed of their European identity. This suggests that a certain
degree of European spirit is out there, and going forward, especially in
the current time of the Covid-19 crisis when solidarity is needed more
than ever, the European Union can count on the support of those who
do hold it in their heart.
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St. John, S. K., & Murphy, M. (2019). Educations and Public Policy in the
European Union: Crossing Boundaries. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, Springer
Nature.
Sultana, R. (1995). A Uniting Europe, a Dividing Education? Eurocentrism and
the Curriculum. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 5(2), 115–
144.
PART I
Education in the European Union

CHAPTER 2
Education and the European “Idea”

(1945–1956)
The Impetus to Uniting Europe

The idea of unifying Europe did not spring as a consequence of the
Second World War. Rather it gave impetus to a concept that had been
simmering since as early as the 1700s. Not least, Kant alluded to a United
States of Europe in his 1795 writings on perpetual peace (To Perpetual
Peace: A Philosophical Sketch). Victor Hugo suggested in 1849 “a day
will come when we shall see […] the United States of America and the
United States of Europe face to face, reaching out for each other across
the seas”.1 In 1929, the French Prime Minister Aristide Briand proposed
to the Assembly of the League of Nations the idea of a federation of Euro-
pean nations based on solidarity and in 1930 presented a “Memorandum
on the organisation of a system of European Federal Union”.
The Italian anti-Fascists Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi encouraged
a federation of European States in their 1941 Ventotene Manifesto. They
stated that “the question which must first be resolved, and if it is not
then any other progress made up to that point is mere appearance, is
that of the abolition of the division of Europe into national, sovereign
states”. Furthermore, “a free and united Europe is the necessary premise
to the strengthening of modern civilization, for which the totalitarian era
represented a standstill” (Spinelli and Rossi 1941). Spinelli and Rossi also
1 At the Congrès de la Paix in Paris.
© The Author(s), under exclusive license 15

to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021
S. K. St. John, Education and Solidarity in the European Union,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63042-3_2
16 S. K. ST. JOHN
stated that “the general spirit today is already far more disposed than it
was in the past to a federal reorganization of Europe. The hard experi-
ence of the last decades has opened the eyes even of those who would
not see, and has matured many circumstances favourable to our ideal”.
This mirrored the thinking of Winston Churchill, who already in 1930 in
the Saturday Evening Post, had also suggested that a “European Union”
was possible between continental states. At the end of the war, Churchill
then revived the idea of a “United States of Europe” in a speech at the
University of Zurich in 1946 (Mautell 1998).
Thereafter, Churchill continued to champion European unity through
the Anglo-French United European Movement (UEM), which formed
the origins of the pressure group, the European Movement. The UEM
provided a platform for the coordination of organisations that were
created in the wake of the Second World. It derived from the Inter-
national Committee of the Movements for European Unity (ICMEU),
under which structure it organised a meeting that took at The Hague in
the Netherlands on 7–11 May 1948, commonly known as the “Congress
of Europe”.
The objectives of the Congress of Europe were threefold: to demon-
strate the widespread support that existed for unifying Europe; to secure
an exchange of views and establish agreed recommendations for action
and to provide a new and powerful impetus to the campaign.2 The
Congress wanted to demonstrate that public opinion in support of Euro-
pean unity existed in the free countries of Europe and to discuss the
challenges facing European unity as well as to propose practical solutions
to governments. Lasting three and a half days (or 60 hours), there was
a determination to bridge differences and find a basis on which to join
forces under a common objective in which they all ardently believed.
Presided by Winston Churchill as honorary president, the Congress
of Europe gathered representatives of European as well as international
countries to exchange ideas on the development of a European Union and
discuss the construction of a united Europe. The Congress profoundly
influenced the shaping of the European Movement, which was formally
established soon afterwards on 25 October 1948. The European Move-
ment’s objective was to transform relations between the European States
and its citizens by always placing the citizen at the heart of Community
2 Verbatim Report, Plenary Session I, Congress of Europe at The Hague, ME2945,

HAEU (1948).
2 EDUCATION AND THE EUROPEAN “IDEA” (1945–1956) 17
construction. The European Movement is still in existence, represented in

39 national European offices and regroups 36 international Associations.3
Following the Congress of Europe, the European Movement created
the Council of Europe in May 1949 and, in a further stage, it organ-
ised the European Conference on Culture, which took place in Lausanne,
Switzerland, in December 1949. In a “Message to the Europeans” during
the final plenary session of the Congress of Europe, chaired by former
Prime Minister of Belgium Mr. van Zeeland, delegates pledged their
dedication to working towards a united Europe:
Europe is in danger, Europe is divided, and the greatest danger comes

from her divisions. Impoverished, overladen with barriers that prevent the
circulation of her goods but are no longer able to afford her protection,
our dis-united Europe marches towards her end. Alone, no one of our
countries can hope seriously to defend its independence. Alone, no one of
our countries can solve the economic problems of today.4
Delegates at the Congress of Europe focused their minds on the question

of European unity and a federation of Europe. The Second World War
had put pressure on national economies and a national financial policy
was no longer a viable solution to overcome and reach the root of a
state’s economic difficulty. The problems they faced demanded world-
wide solutions, and such solutions could not be founded on a divided
Europe.
Delegates sought to define how a united Europe could be more than
just cooperation between governments. They thought in terms of creating
federal European institutions with full power, capable of bringing into
existence a new league of free people. Under the pressure of grave events,
a number of governments accepted that it was necessary to foster coop-
eration in the economic and military spheres in order to confront the
dangers that had arisen during and after the war.
They were aware that a united Europe could provide benefits across
its member states, but that such benefits could not be achieved without
some temporary interference in certain national and sectional interests.
There would be resistance from governments towards any meddling in
3 http://europeanmovement.eu/who-we-are/history/.
4 Message to the Europeans adopted at the close of The Hague Congress, 1948 (ME-
421, HAEU).
18 S. K. ST. JOHN
their affairs and so, according to delegates at The Hague, the real problem
in uniting Europe lay in creating a European organisation of supranational
nature. But to talk of a united Europe without conceiving a European
government and a European parliament was far from realistic.5
A vigorous opposition was thus expected from those whose interests
would be adversely affected, and who would therefore seek to mobilise
and misuse patriotic sentiment with the objective of holding back their
governments. In this case, it was considered that if a state were able to
withstand such potential pressures, it would have the solid foundations of
an informed and convinced public opinion that would be ready to face
the challenge of uniting Europe.6
European Spirit and Consciousness:

Building Solid Foundations
To create those foundations, delegates attached an organic meaning to
the concept of European federalism. The Europe they envisaged meant
a way of life for groups and individuals, and a world that was heading
towards conflict put European people, divided and powerless, in danger
of being the first victims. While a united Europe would cause upheaval
because every national-level policy issue would be seen in a new light, it
would be fundamental in allowing citizens to rediscover their true spirit,
a European spirit, and to devise new social orders in harmony with this
spirit.7
This line of thought continued at the European Cultural Conference,
which took place a year later in Lausanne. The General Rapporteur stated
that the problem was simple: “Europe or war”. Europe could not be saved
if nations continued to believe in their separate salvation. It would not be
possible to choose between individual freedom and social justice because
“liberty without justice is disintegration”, and Europe would only be able
5 The Vital Question, proceedings from the Congress of Europe at The Hague, 1948
(ME-421, HAEU).
6 Verbatim Report, Plenary Session I, Congress of Europe at The Hague, 1948 (ME-
2945, HAEU).
7 The Vital Question, proceedings from the Congress of Europe at The Hague, ME421,
HAEU (1948).
to safeguard its own interests by safeguarding the dignity of man.8 In

this sense, the European Cultural Conference appealed to intellectuals
to shoulder their responsibilities by vigilantly watching over governments
and experts, proclaiming the principle of the dignity of man, the foun-
dation of all European civilisations. The conference appealed to national
governments to abolish all barriers that paralyse rather than protect the
cultural life of Europe, and to realise that expenditure on education
confers on nations a more durable power of resistance in the long-term
than expenditure on armaments. Finally, the conference appealed to the
European Assembly to do everything its power to support European
cultural institutions, without which a common awareness among Euro-
peans could not be developed, and to all Europeans to refuse to believe
in the inevitability of war.9
The Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alcide De Gasperi, declared in a
message to conference delegates that the main principle of uniting Europe
is in the conscience of the spiritual and cultural community rather than
the political, legislative, economic and social coordination.10 This need
to address culture within the process of European unification was also
reiterated in a message to the conference from Paul van Zeeland, in which
he suggested that Europe’s battle would be waged not only in economics
and politics, but also in the cultural field, and that European conscience
was becoming ever more a living reality:
Beneath the cross-currents of our interests, there is a common bed, consti-

tuted by traditions and hopes […] and to reveal or to affirm cultural
affinities may become one of the essential factors making for European
unity.11
In his opening address at the Congress of Europe, Dr. Henri Brugmans,

President of the Bureau of the Union of European Federalists (UEF),
declared the need to stimulate European political consciousness, and a
8 Rapport sur la conférence de Lausanne - présenté par le Rapporteur Générale, ME531,

HAEU (1949).
9 Rapport sur la conférence de Lausanne - présenté par le Rapporteur Générale, ME531,
HAEU (1949).
10 Message de M. De Gasperi, European Cultural Conference, ME534, HAEU (1949).
11 Message from M. Paul Van Zeeland, European Cultural Conference, ME534, HAEU
(1949).
20 S. K. ST. JOHN
bold and far-seeing European public opinion. European public opinion

would not be the sum of individual national public opinions, but some-
thing sui generis that would be new in history: a common European
citizenship.12 He did not deny that the task would be complicated and
obstacles would need to be faced, but he affirmed that:
If Europe discovers how to regenerate itself in unity, it will at the same

time be able to reassert its independence in the world. It will be both
moral and social independence, since among the great powers it will have
brought forth its own peculiar type of society, born from free association
and from stimulating cooperation13
Mr. Carandini, delegate for Italy, added in his speech in The Hague that
the aim was to create new common rapports between people who share
Europe as their geographical and spiritual base, adhering to a European
citizenship.14 The General Report of the European Cultural Conference
later highlighted that it was necessary to outline a new political frame-
work for Europe that was inspired by spiritual and cultural considerations
in addition to its more obvious political considerations. The European
Cultural Conference aimed to provide this definition and to show that
culture cannot only be of practical assistance to initiatives in other fields
that seek to achieve European unification, but that European unifica-
tion itself is also essential for the survival of European culture in all its
rich diversity.15 However, conference delegates had to consider a balance
between respecting the freedom of the mind, and recognising the respon-
sibilities that go with it. The notion of “culture in the service of European
unity”, which underlines responsibilities, is different to “a united Europe
in defence of culture”, which indicates the way freedom of the mind can
be safeguarded from the dangers that threaten it.
The conference could at least begin by taking stock of the status
quo of culture in Europe, the difficulties hampering its development and
12 Speech of Dr. Henri Brugmans, Congress of Europe at The Hague, ME421, HAEU
(1948).
13 Speech of Dr. Henri Brugmans, Congress of Europe at The Hague, ME421, HAEU
(1948).
14 Speech of M. Carandini for the Congress of Europe at The Hague, plenary session
II. ME421, HAEU (1948).
15 General Report of the European Cultural Conference, ME531, HAEU (1949).
the dangers threatening to destroy it. Accordingly, the two main ques-
tions forming the basis of the discussions were on “the material and
moral conditions of cultural life in Europe” and secondly, a considera-
tion for “institutions and reforms”, with a view to developing a European
outlook.16 The initiators of the Congress considered culture to be some-
thing other than an “ornament, an elegant mask, a pretext for some
phrases”. They realised that perhaps the average person believed the only
serious reasons for wanting the union of Europe might be for its political,
economic and purely material elements, and that the European notion of
man, of his culture, and sense of life could be addressed later. However,
as De Rougement proclaimed during the Congress, culture expresses the
human sense of political and economic life, and whatever the commission
achieves, it should be the awakening of a European conscience.17
The delegates of the Congress of Europe were aware that Europe’s
cultural unification would be complex and would need to be a progres-
sive process. Through the cultural optic, unification would be hindered
by the different dictatorships and totalitarian regimes, against which the
European spirit had to be defended, and which had tried to act on culture.
There was a danger that cultural activities would be seen to support
political ideas and act as political propaganda.18 The question was how
cooperation could be possible between sets of people whose cultural views
differ so sharply. De Madariaga pointed out that political and economic
attributes were not missing from Europe, but if the Europe they envis-
aged were to exist and such diversity were to be overcome, Europe had
to exist in the hearts of the citizens.19
Appealing to the Educators: Developing

European Spirit Through Education
At the European Cultural Conference in Lausanne, the delegate Prof.
Anne Seimen gave a speech in which she provided a solution for creating
European consciousness. She suggested that “no political and social
16 General Report of the European Cultural Conference, ME531, HAEU (1949).

17 Congress of Europe at The Hague, Verbatim Report, IV Cultural Committee,
ME2945, HAEU (1948).
18 Verbatim Report, IV Cultural Committee, Congress of Europe at The Hague,
ME2945, HAEU (1948).
ME2945, HAEU (1948).
22 S. K. ST. JOHN
reorganisation would be able to rest on secure foundations unless it

is accompanied by a thorough reorganisation of education, special and
general, which is the dominant factor in the upbringing of the youth of
all European countries”.20 The European Cultural Conference therefore
extended to social matters to include education and culture’s connection
with schools and universities; education could facilitate the development
of judgement and knowledge across all social classes for the dissemination
and promotion of the European idea.21
As the Rapporteur of the Cultural Committee Denis de Rougement
stated in his general report:
The need is apparent, everywhere. Everyone is perfectly well aware that the
creation of a European Union depends in the first place on the creation,
through education, of a responsible elite of young people trained in a
supranational spirit.22
And
To take the mission seriously, calls for a vigilance which the intellectuals
of free countries must, more than ever, feel incumbent on them. They
must never cease to remind governments, politicians, social legislators and
experts that there are spiritual principles which must not be overlooked in
practice if Europe is to maintain its right to exist and its autonomy.23
Accomplishing the task, through the means of education, of creating a

responsible elite of young people trained in a supranational spirit would
require the cooperation of more than one generation, but it also had to be
driven by energy and clear-sightedness.24 A solution had already surfaced
20 Congrès de Lausanne, Préparation à la conférence Européenne de la culture,

Proposals for a European Education by Prof. Anne Siemen, Hamburg, ME540, HAEU
(1949).
21 Congrès de Lausanne, Préparation à la conférence Européenne de la culture,
Lausanne, Proposals for a European Education by Prof. Anne Siemen, Hamburg, ME540,
HAEU (1949).
ME2945, HAEU (1949).
ME2945, HAEU (1949).
24 General Report, Congrès de Lausanne, ME531, HAEU (1949).
at the Congress of Europe in the speech of Claire Saunier, President of

the French National Commission for Education: to create a sentiment of
a united Europe, it was necessary to appeal to educators.25
Discussions within the framework of the European Movement on how
to mobilise education as a means to fostering European spirit fleshed
out a series of initiatives and proposals that can be organised across five
broad themes: Youth engagement; teaching the teachers; the exchange of
people and of knowledge; creating educational institutions and vocational
education and skills training and adult education.
Youth Engagement
A key to the success of a united Europe was seen in the engagement
of young people. It was discussed prior to the creation of the European
Youth Campaign by the European Movement within the framework of
a series of initiatives involving the youth. According to Gerold Meyer,26
appealing to the European Movement in a proposal for Strasbourg to
become the “City of European Youth”, Europe had to be an attrac-
tive prospect for young people, who should collaborate on and drive
forward the construction of a new Europe that would develop with them
and for them. He suggested that young people had to rid themselves of
their indecisiveness and favour collaboration between nations.27 With the
aim of creating a form of true European solidarity in the youth genera-
tion, a proposal for the organisation of an international meeting between
leaders of youth movements and organisations had the aim of discussing
the theses of the construction of Europe, including the trend of new
education in Europe: European university training.28

ME2945, HAEU (1948).
26 A teacher, also involved in children’s theatre, who was an advocate for Strasbourg as
the City of European Youth.
27 Initiatives concernant la jeunesse proposées au Mouvement Européen avant la création
de la Campagne Européenne de Jeunesse, Cité de la jeunesse à Strasbourg, ME162,
HAEU (1949).
28 Initiatives concernant la jeunesse proposées au Mouvement Européen avant la création
de la Campagne Européenne de Jeunesse, Note rélatif à l’organisation d’une rencontre
internationale de dirigeants de mouvements et d’organisations de jeunesse, ME162,
HAEU (1949).
24 S. K. ST. JOHN
Similarly, with the aim of gaining the interest of large masses of

European students in the development of ideas since the Liberation,
the French National Union of Students intended to invite the national
student organisations of European countries to meet in Nancy on 15–20
December 1951. For the Union, students were seen as the most active
in the area of international cultural exchanges, and they would provide a
means through which to diffuse the European idea, but in turn, the Euro-
pean idea itself would strengthen cross-border cultural relations between
youth movements. In order to provoke European conscience among
university students, harmonising—where possible—the study and living
conditions in European universities seemed indispensable. The Union
proposed to research what European culture could and should expect
from universities, and it would define the objectives and methods of a true
European intellectual youth education. Bringing together students across
Europe, the proposed meeting in Nancy—already a European university
centre—would provide the fertile ground for such discussions and reveal
a mutual understanding of culture across different nations.29
When the European Youth Campaign was established, it stated its aim
as “promoting and defending the cultural and moral values of Europe,
which for the majority have gone beyond borders, becoming common to
nations of the free world”.30 The campaign would develop the following
themes: the necessary deepening of knowledge on European realities;
essential European values; Europe’s chances—human qualities, potential
demography, resources and equipment; spiritual, historical, geographic,
economic and artistic discoveries of other countries and other Euro-
pean trends; the situation of Europe in the world. According to the
campaign, European conscience and being European would: overcome
old and recent antagonisms; study the problems that are not resolvable
at the national level; establish solidarity and organic unity. And the prin-
ciples of a demographic Europe included: Freedom (diversity, tolerance
and respect for one another); solidarity; responsibility (civil, sociological
29 Initiatives concernant la jeunesse proposées au ME avant la création de la CEJ. Note

sur la conférence de l’étudiante Européenne, ME162, HAEU (1951).
30 Initiatives concernant la jeunesse proposées au ME avant la création de la CEJ,
Rapport de la commission des thèmes et d’activités, ME162, HAEU (1951).
and political education); social justice (the needs of man) and cooperation
would result in future trust.31
The European Youth Campaign wanted to organise a demonstration
so that young people could gain a conscience of the European reality
and attract the attention of European opinion on the questions of youth.
A demonstration would create a kind of humanitarian solidarity among
young people, in which they could find European harmony between
people, groups and countries with a common European reality, in the
balancing of varying ideologies. Moreover, the organisation of a Euro-
pean Youth Conference in June 1951 and a “Summer of Youth” in 1952,
aimed to make young people conscious of their common responsibility,
especially at the European level.32
Teaching the Teachers

The European Cultural Conference entertained the idea that, in order to
fully instil the European idea in citizens, it would be necessary to teach
the teachers on the European idea. The President of the Swiss University
Rectors, Florian Casandey, highlighted that:
There are too many intellectuals and scholars who do not pass on what they
learn and the educators, teachers, whatever the degree of their teaching,
they have a task. Those who have the mission of teaching should not
be content with only explaining what is in the books, he should have
spirit, moral dignity and the conscience of man, marked deeply with what
prepares him for life.33
Affirming the European idea would therefore become a key element in

the training of teaching staff because the main purpose of compulsory
schooling is to develop in children the necessary qualities that make it
possible for individuals to live together in society.
Delegates identified that secondary education had the task of forming
and imprinting “Europeanness”, and that schools established on a

Rapport de la commission des thèmes et d’activités, ME162, HAEU (1951).
Rassemblement de la jeunesse Européenne, ME162, HAEU (1951).
33 Speech of F. Casandey, ME538 (1949).
26 S. K. ST. JOHN
national basis should henceforth have a European scope. Seimen proposed

that adopting education as an instrument to disseminate the European
idea would entail a restructure from within of official schools, and this
was also interpreted as a revision of the secondary level curriculum. The
theme of the European Union could be integrated into the curricula
of history and of modern foreign languages (English and French in
particular), which both lent themselves well to a European outlook. But
revising curricula was touching upon sensitive ground. A general ques-
tionnaire was circulated before the European Cultural Conference took
place to question the countries’ subjectivity to political influences in
education, which found a link between history curriculum and political
views. The questionnaire revealed traces of what was noted as “totali-
tarian feeling”, found in textbooks used in the teaching of history or the
statutes governing the constitution of universities. Seimen was aware that
governments would display resistance towards interference in education
and suggested it would be necessary to provide existing schools in each
country with teaching material about Europe, thus throwing a basis upon
which to build further.34
Teaching and research on the history of Europe was deemed important
at the European Cultural Conference by Prof. Falco of the Italian delega-
tion as it provided a united Europe with cultural foundations. He advised
that research on the past should be encouraged as history should be a
strong component to the creation of a new Europe. For Falco, it was not
about replacing one historiography with another, but about stimulating a
European conscience deriving from scholars taking Europe as the object
of research and proving its convictions. If money and scholars’ willingness
were no object, Falco proposed the creation of a centre for studies on the
history of Europe with a specialised library, regular teaching courses and
cultural exchanges themselves.35
Exchange of People and of Knowledge

Scholarly mobility had been in existence since medieval times, and the
liberty of exchanges was already common, but further developments
34 Suggestions brought to the European Cultural Conference by the French Cultural

Committee for a United Europe, ME540 (1949).
35 Pour une histoire de l’Europe par le Prof. Falco de la délégation italienne, Congrès
de Lausanne, ME540, HAEU (1949).
could be made. For example, the Verbatim Report of the Congress of

Europe outlined the idea that, if it were possible to obtain one student
from each European university who prepares an exam for three years,
he/she could spend six months in a university of his/her choice with
the same curriculum conditions as his/her own institution. The exams
undertaken in the foreign institution would count as if they were done in
the home institution. Such initiatives were realisable immediately at low
cost, but they depended on the willingness of countries to collaborate.36
At the Congress of Europe it was also highlighted that there should be
exchanges between institutions of culture, colleges and high schools, adult
education, reading circles of workers—not just universities—to penetrate
further into all angles of society.37
At Lausanne, delegates reiterated that cultural exchanges should not
be a reserved privilege for intellectuals and members of the liberal
professions, but extended to that of adult education.38 The concept
of exchanges was pertinent in the area of Franco-German relations
and, after 1949, particular effort was made by the French occupying
authority in Germany as well as in the French youth movements to
develop exchange activities. In the school year of 1949–1950, there
were exchanges that were notable for their diversity and adaptation to
varying places and interested social groups. For example, an international
exchange centre organised individual exchanges and bursaries; movements
such as the French Youth Catholic Association, the scouts, the Paris Youth
Council organised study days and weeks with German movements; the
French association of international meetings organised three pedagog-
ical meetings, three sports meetings and eight youth meetings and the
French league of teaching participated in adult-education work experi-
ence. However, none were able to meet the German demand, and the
French and German organisations were not always balanced. The develop-
ment of Franco-German exchanges at youth level confirmed the necessity

ME2945, HAEU (1948).
ME2945, HAEU (1948).
38 Resolutions—Committee on Exchanges, Congrès de Lausanne, ME537, HAEU
(1949).
28 S. K. ST. JOHN
for a new form of cultural relations that were more in line with the new
social and economic conditions.39
In other areas across Europe, activities included a Summer School
on European Studies established in 1939 at the University of Zurich. It
drew on faculty from across Europe and addressed contemporary Euro-
pean culture and its relations with that of other continents.40 In addition,
an enquiry into existing cultural cooperation in Europe highlighted that
within Holland’s ten university institutions, cultural conventions had been
concluded with Great Britain, France and Belgium. At the time, conven-
tions were also being prepared with Luxembourg, South Africa and Italy.
The equivalence of degrees was also being discussed with Belgium and
France, with concrete results yielded with the former.41
Luxembourg had no university institution and was therefore forced
to seek cooperation in this field from outside its borders. Students
who wanted to follow an academic career took a one-year advanced
course at an institution in Luxembourg, which was equivalent to one
year at university. There were 60 students and twelve professors on the
course, and students then attended a foreign university if they wished to
continue an academic career. Luxembourg developed cultural agreements
with Belgium, France and the US and preparations were underway for
agreements with Holland and Great Britain.42
Delegates at the European Cultural Conference identified a need to
supervise and direct the exchanges taking place to ensure that part-
ners were fully respecting their obligations, thus guaranteeing parity
between the universities and schools that participated in the network.
It was proposed that a European Commission for University and Study
Exchanges might be instituted for this purpose.43 When established, this
commission would be responsible for studying the status quo of existing
cultural exchanges, of the restrictions that paralyse such exchanges and
39 Rapport sur les rencontres Franco-Allemandes, Initiatives concernant la jeunesse

proposées au Mouvement Européen avant la création de la Campagne Européenne de
la Jeunesse, ME162, HAEU (1949).
40 Note sur les institutions européennes, Congrès de Lausanne, ME536, HAEU (1949).
41 Holland, Notes concernants les relations interuniversitaires européen, ME819, HAEU
(undated).
42 Luxembourg, Notes concernants les relations interuniversitaires européen, ME819,
HAEU (undated).
of the appropriate reforms to propose in the framework of the European

plan.44 In this context, the recognition of equivalent levels of qualifica-
tions would also need to be evaluated in order for such exchanges to be
successful.45
It was recognised that cultural exchanges were hampered by ques-
tions of passports, visas and currency.46 According to the commission for
exchanges, there were more restrictions and more obstacles in the freer
movement of persons and of cultural material than in 1939. It stated
that European culture could only exist if active communications between
nations were established and called for European governments, especially
those who were members of the Council of Europe, to do so. People
should be free to travel, meet, confer and generally act as free agents,
without government sponsorship.
In response, in its proposals at the European Cultural Conference,
the French Cultural Committee suggested that the movement of people
could be facilitated by issuing European passports to avoid travellers
having to obtain visas, which would increase exchanges of professors,
students and pupils from secondary schools, and promote language
learning.47 Similarly, the Education Committee also put forward the idea
that a European stamp on passports would facilitate academic mobility
as well as the mobility of people in youth movements, and the system of
travelling scholarships.48
In a bid to rescue cultural cooperation from any such obstacles, the
conference recommended that the task of promoting a greater degree of
cooperation in the cultural field should be decentralised, and that the
churches, the universities, youth associations, trade unions and organ-
isations concerned with adult education should be invited to consult
44 Note sur les échanges culturels européens, Congrès de Lausanne, ME537, HAEU
(1949).
45 Préparation à la conférence Européenne de la culture, Proposals for a European
Education by Prof. Anne Siemen, European Cultural Conference, ME540, HAEU (1949).
47 Suggestions brought to the European Cultural Conference by the French Cultural
Committee for a United Europe, ME540 (1949).
48 Resolutions prise par le comité sur l’éducation: Educational Committee Resolution,
Congrès de Lausanne, ME531, HAEU (1949).
30 S. K. ST. JOHN
together, and themselves to accept the responsibility of taking the neces-

sary action in their respective fields. All the universities and other institu-
tions of higher learning, official or not, should be invited to state what
measures facilitate educational cooperation between the various European
cultural agreements.49
An additional barrier came in the varying forms of a country’s univer-
sities: state universities and “free” universities, the latter often being
denominational, dependent on private funds of financed by the local
authority. This lack of uniformity diminished the opportunity for poten-
tial connections between institutions. Professors, however, were still often
recruited by the local authorities, meaning that partisan interests came
into play, which was seen as a possible source of danger if the party in
power became totalitarian.50
The European Cultural Conference also urged the European Move-
ment to put pressure on the various European governments to take
immediate steps to remove all obstacles to the free flow of books
and therefore of knowledge.51 Before the war, no country except the
US taxed books and therefore their flow between countries was easy.
However, in post-war Europe, tax on the flow of books was introduced
and governments treated books with little respect, as if they were merely
an ordinary, commodity of commerce without cultural value or impor-
tance.52 During the Conference, the British publisher Stanley Unwin
claimed:
No government finds it easy to defend the taxation or obstruction of

knowledge when once it is publicly challenged, or likes to be held up
to ridicule by an announcement that they are treating books like potatoes
and taxing them by weight.53
49 Resolutions—Committee on exchanges, Congrès de Lausanne, ME537, HAEU

(1949).
51 Resolutions—Committee on exchanges, Congrès de Lausanne, ME537, HAEU
(1949).
52 Obstacles to the free flow of books, by Stanley Unwin, Congrès de Lausanne,
ME537, HAEU (1949).
ME537, HAEU (1949).
He proposed that the solution was “ruthless publicity” in the form of

praise for countries that allowed books to flow freely and ridicule those
that do not.54
Creating Educational Institutions

However, exchanges were not considered to be enough. There was a need
to create institutions that guaranteed and showed unity among cultures
and in diversity. As De Rougement expressed in the General Report of
the European Cultural Conference, there was a need to equip Europe
with instruments at the continental level that would train the young
people carrying the federal idea, without which technical and material
reforms would be lost. The proposed institutions to create were a Bureau
d’Etudes; a European Cultural Centre; a College of Europe; a Euro-
pean Institute of Political and Social Sciences and a European Fund for
Scientific Research. De Rougement realised that these projects asked for
non-existent funds, but proposed that they could be created with a Euro-
pean title with a fraction of the Education budget in each country. He
questioned the extent to which European countries wanted the educa-
tion of a common European culture, which can be interpreted to suggest
that if they wanted to achieve such a task, each country would have to
make their contribution.55
Although the European Movement had planned five large-scale confer-
ences to take place during 1948, there was no organisation or institution
that could speak to the masses of people. European public opinion needed
to be created among people who had differences in language, creed
and political traditions. There was a need to appeal to universities and
educational institutes to help to create a common civilisation because
no political institution would be capable of such a task. Young people
would be the ones to make a great sacrifice for what the delegates of the
Congress of Europe were calling the “unity of Europe”, but it had to

ME537, HAEU (1949).
55 Présentation du Rapport Générale par Denis de Rougement, Congrès de Lausanne,
ME538, HAEU (1949).
32 S. K. ST. JOHN
be translated into concrete language rather than the empty words young
people had been hearing until then.56
With this in mind, in February 1949, the European Movement opened
a “Bureau d’Études” (Bureau of Studies), which would consolidate the
scattered initiatives to develop European awareness by creating small
working groups.57 The delegates of the Congress of Europe in The
Hague had proposed the creation of a European Cultural Centre58
(which eventually replaced the Bureau of Studies) with the aim of:
collecting information on cultural forces in Europe; coordinating the scat-
tered efforts in the field of culture and taking all initiatives that aimed to
develop a European awareness among the people, to express it and to
illustrate it.59
The European Cultural Centre, as described at the Congress of
Europe, aimed to encourage the awakening of a European conscience at
a time when no other institution had the means to. It would give a voice
to European conscience and maintain the network of Western culture,
promoting the sentiment of the European community through institutes
of education. Established independently of all governmental supervision,
it would promote the free circulation of ideas and facilitate the coor-
dination of research, support the efforts of the federation of European
universities and guarantee their independence with respect to their states
and political pressures. It was also suggested that a Centre could be the
means to a future international university.60
Some believed a European Cultural Centre would create a kind of
European supranationalism, blocking out the voices of the nations, but
the Congress of Europe advised that it would not. Neither would it
compete with the universities that believed they were the cultural centres.
In fact, it was proposed that the creation of the Centre could begin
with the setting up of European sections in existing universities, followed

ME2945, HAEU (1948).
58 Verbatim Report, I Plenary Session, Congress of Europe at The Hague, ME2945,
HAEU (1948).
59 Resolutions of the Committee of Institutions, Congrès de Lausanne, ME536, HAEU
(1949).
ME2945, HAEU (1948).
by sections in workers’ institutions. It was recognised that a European

Cultural Centre could become a centre of conflicts between the four types
of Europe: catholic, protestant, liberal and socialist, and it would be more
effective to have committees that recognised the diversity between the
four types of Europe in the way that a centre could not.61
According to the Verbatim Report of the Congress of Europe, divi-
sions in the world creating blocs become dangerous for civilisation,
so there was a need to create a common intellectual base. There was
“a need for special education, an international education, an education
that indicates an international spirit”.62 In May 1947, the international
association of universities during its congress at Brussels created an
international committee of studies for the creation of an international
university, composed of representatives from different countries. It was
felt that the international university was justified from a scientific point of
view because national universities were becoming more like professional
schools. However, it was recognised that it was necessary to start, not by
an international university, but an institute of social studies which could
develop into a true international university.
A “College of Europe” in Bruges was championed at the Congress
of Europe in The Hague. The original idea floated by the Congress of
Europe and taken to the European Cultural Congress was that of a Euro-
pean University. De Madariaga stated in his speech at the Conference that
European solidarity was lagging far behind and Europe needed to become
aware of herself. He suggested that the idea of a European University was
being mooted, but it was an idea that should be pursued. De Madariaga’s
point was that when one thought of “France-University”, the Sorbonne
came to mind, if “England-University”, it was Oxford, but if one thought
of “Europe-University”, nothing emerged. He suggested that “a univer-
sity is both the nursery of the leaders of a nation and the alma mater of its
patriotism”, so if European leaders and European patriotism were desired,
a European University had to be created.63
However, he also pointed out the complications of such a project. Even
if all geographic, financial and academic obstacles had been overcome, a

ME2945, HAEU (1948).
ME2945, HAEU (1948).
63 Speech of Salvador de Madariaga, Congrès de Lausanne, ME538, HAEU (1949).
34 S. K. ST. JOHN
problem still lay in the recruitment of faculty. If one hundred professors

were appointed, each from varying nationalities and rabid nationalists,
it would not necessarily be a European University that was created, but
rather a “Babel Tower”. Even if one hundred professors of only French
and Swedish nationality were appointed, but who were all European at
heart, a European University will have been created.64 Therefore, the
key to a successful European University lay in the balance of compe-
tent academic ability and a truly European outlook. This, according to
De Madariaga, was the aim when establishing a plan for the College of
Europe,65 which would be a more limited, but more feasible, version of
the European University.
Establishing a university would be far more costly and slow process,
even if an existing national university was to be converted into the Euro-
pean University. It would then also be too big an institution for students
to live together and form a new European community. The College of
Europe would be a smaller, more realisable project in the short term,
but one that would not overshadow the European University project. It
would train European experts and form a new generation of administra-
tors for the European institutions, who possessed personal experiences
of Europe and a general European culture. Acting as a School for Higher
Education, the College would admit 50 students, from different countries
and who would be educated to university level, to foster a commu-
nity. The College would not compete with national institutions of higher
education and would not create an obstacle for the creation of a Euro-
pean University. It would in fact act as a kind of pilot institution for
the European University, which would foster the main intellectual hub
of Europe. The College of Europe would be created in Bruges, where a
national university did not already exist, and it could initiate the creation
of other “European Colleges of Higher Education” across Europe, each
with unique specialisations. These colleges would form a network that
came together annually for a conference.66

66 Commission des institutions - Projet sur l’institution permanente du Collège
d’Europe, Congrès de Lausanne, ME536, HAEU (1949).
The College of Europe’s immediate aim would be to undertake a

scientific study of the European situation in all its historical and soci-
ological implications. It would keep in active touch with America, the
Commonwealth and overseas territories associated with Europe, and it
would try to create a confident spirit of initiative, supranational in its
scope, without which it was thought that a real union of the European
countries would be unimaginable. Thanks to the quality and spirit of the
education, the diplomas granted would acquire European value.67 The
European Cultural Conference recorded with satisfaction the success of
the preparatory session of the “European College” at Bruges. It appealed
to the European Assembly and national governments to provide, without
delay, the necessary credits to ensure that the European College would
be a success and recommended that the first regular session should open
before the end of November 1950.68
The European Cultural Conference also proposed the creation of
European Institutes, particularly of nuclear physics, to coordinate scien-
tific research. It was felt that “the cooperation of the European nations
in research in the natural and moral sciences profoundly would influ-
ence the spiritual community and the development of the European
conscience”.69 The Institutes would collaborate closely with national
organisations in similar fields and those of UNESCO. They would aim
to train students, professors, teachers and pupils on the European plan
and would be coordinated with the European Cultural Centre. Several
suggestions were submitted, including a scheme for a mobile European
University, a plan for European Chairs in existing national institutions and
study scholarships.70
In the context of research on European issues, provisions were
suggested in the Resolutions of the Committee of Institutions, for exiled

(1949).
(1949).
70 General Report, Congrès de Lausanne, ME531. HAEU (1949).
36 S. K. ST. JOHN
or emigrant intellectuals and students from European countries with total-

itarian regimes should be enabled to continue their work on European
lines, with European funds available for this.71
Vocational Education for Skills Training and Adult Education

Activities in the field of Vocational Educational Training (VET) were
proposed to promote the free movement of workers for educational
purposes, and to establish best practices in VET across Europe. In view
of creating a European spirit, a European Bureau of Adult Education
(EBAE) was founded, upon the initiative of the European Cultural
Centre, as an autonomous institution in Geneva, which provided a
platform for collaboration between associations of Adult Education.
Its governing bodies were the general conference and the executive
committee (elected by the general conference). Acting as a “technical
office”,72 the Bureau aimed to develop among European people a sense
of their belonging to a common civilisation; to offer Europeans a place
to meet where they could study European cultural issues and to supply
the necessary documentation to do so; to inform and advise interested
organisations on Adult Education; and to encourage contacts to establish
liaisons with non-EU institutions.73
It provided Europeans with all the necessary means possible to facilitate
the exchange of people and ideas, to deal with intellectual confrontation
and the understanding of the current problems, and the development of
European solidarity.74
The Bureau suggested organising courses that ran parallel to university
education. It was intended for candidates nominated by trade and labour
organisations, who, though not university graduates, had the requisite

(1949).
72 Bureau européen de l’éducation populaire, Créations et activités du Bureau Européen
de l’éducation populaire, ME1371, HAEU (1954).
73 Projet du statuts, Créations et activités du Bureau Européen de l’éducation populaire,
ME1371, HAEU (1954).
74 Bureau européen de l’éducation populaire, Créations et activités du Bureau Européen
de l’éducation populaire, ME1371, HAEU (1954).
Another random document with
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= 135,763 lbs.
The factor safety is 1⁄8. Therefore the safe load will be 16,970 lbs.
The strength of cylindrical pillars is to square ones as 10 is to 17.
Braces and Ties subject to a Tensional Strain.—The weight

that will produce fracture in a beam strained in the direction of its
length, is in proportion to the area of the cross section of the beam
multiplied by the weight that would fracture a unit of that area.
The formula is as follows:
B.W. = E S
where E = the cohesive force in lbs. per unit of 1 square inch, as in Table III.
S = the sectional area of the beam in square inches.
Example.—Find the B.W. of a rectangular elm brace 9 in. by 3 in.

under a tensional strain.
The value of E (Table III.) is 4,480.
B.W. = 4,480 × 9 × 3 = 120,960 lbs.
One-fifth of this should be taken as a safe load,
= 24,192 lbs.
= 10 tons 16 cwt.
which is the safe load required.
To find the sectional area of a cylindrical beam square its diameter
and multiply by ·7854.
The effect of fracture of a member of a scaffold depends upon its
cause and upon the importance of the member destroyed.
If the fracture is caused by a live load, say a heavy stone being
suddenly placed over a putlog, it is probable that the suspending
rope, if still attached, would prevent more damage being done. If the
fracture arose from an increasing dead load, say a stack of bricks
being gradually built up by labourers, the mass would probably tear
its way through all obstructions. Nevertheless, the entire scaffold, if
well braced and strutted, should not come down, the damage
remaining local.
The result of fracture of a standard under direct crushing would be
somewhat different, as, providing that the scaffold is rigid, the greater
strain thrown upon the ledgers, due to the increased distance
between supports, would probably cause them to fracture. In this
case the damage would probably still remain local. If, owing to the
fracture, the effect of the bracing were lost, the whole scaffold would
probably fail, as shown in the chapter on Stability.
It should be noted that the ledgers, together with the putlogs when
fixed at both ends, apart from carrying the loads, have an important
effect upon the standards, as, when securely connected, they divide
the uprights into a series of short posts, thus dispelling any likelihood
of failing by flexure.
CHAPTER X
THE PREVENTION OF ACCIDENTS

The safety of workmen depends not altogether upon the stability and
strength of a scaffold, but also upon the use of certain precautions
which, while not requisite for the progress of the work, are most
necessary for the prevention of accidents.
Fig. 138
Put briefly, the principal of these precautions are:
Ladders should rise at least 6 feet 6 inches above the top platform
they serve.
If the ladder is too short for this height to be allowed, a T piece as
fig. 138 should be fixed across the top of the ladder to give warning
to the workman that he has no higher hand hold.
Ladders above 25 feet in length between foot and rest should be
stayed in the centre to prevent sagging. The stay should be a
wooden shaft with an iron clip. By clipping the rung as shown in fig.
139 they do not meet the workman’s hands and feet when climbing.
The same effect is gained when the top of the ladder rises
considerably above the point of rest, by staying as shown on fig.
140.
Fig. 139
Fig. 140
Ladders should have a level footing and be firmly tied to the point
of rest.
Working platforms should be fitted with guard rails along the
outside and at the ends, at a height of 3 feet 6 inches from the
platform. They may be temporarily removed for the landing of the
workmen and material, although it is not always necessary to do so
in the latter case.
Fig. 141
If a well is left in the working platform through which to hoist
material, the opening should be guarded with rails as for the outside
and ends.
A well hole, if likely to be of permanent use, should be fitted with a
hinged flap door, that can be shut down as required.
Boards on edge should be fitted on the outside and ends of
working platforms, and should rise above the platform at least 7
inches. This will allow of a 9-inch board being used standing on the
putlogs. They should not be fixed near ladders where the workmen
land. Additional boards should be placed at the back of any stack of
bricks or other material in order to prevent it falling off the scaffold.
Fig. 142
Edge boards are usually nailed to the standards. On exposed
situations it is better to tie them, as the wind, continually acting on
their surface, will in time draw the nails.
Platform boards, when lapping, frequently lose their place, being
kicked by the workmen during their progress about the scaffold.
When this happens the boards assume the position shown on fig.
141, and what is known as a trap is formed. The danger of a trap is
shown on fig. 142.
Fig. 143
Platform boards to be safe from tilting, should not project more
than 6 inches beyond the putlogs. At this distance the weight of the
workman is most over the putlog, and even if he stood on the
extreme edge, experiments have shown that his weight is more than
counterbalanced by the weight and length of an ordinary board.
Where scaffold boards are used as a means of communication
between one part of the scaffold and another they should be laid in
pairs, so as to form ‘runs’ at least 18 inches wide. To prevent
unequal sagging they should be strapped on the under side. It would
be better to have properly constructed gangways and most decidedly
safer.
‘Bridging runs’ for barrows are usually three boards wide. Five
boards wide is better, and, as previously shown, they should be
joined to prevent unequal sagging.
Centering should be carried on supports which rise from a solid
foundation (fig. 143). The practice of trusting the supports to keep
their position under pressure from the stay a (fig. 144), or by being
spiked to the new work, is to be regretted, as the only reason for its
use is to effect a very slight saving of timber.
Fig. 144
Fig. 145
The various knots, tyings, marryings, &c., should be carefully
watched, as, if used in a damp condition, the cordage relaxes
considerably when drying. The scaffolder should have instructions to
examine carefully all cordage in use and tighten the same as
required.
The use of sound plant should be insisted upon. Defective plant
should be at once marked, so that its use cannot be unknowingly
continued.
Only the scaffolder or his assistant should be allowed to erect,
alter or adapt the scaffolding for its different purposes. Many
accidents, again, occur owing to the scaffolding having been altered
during a temporary absence of the mechanic, and the reconstruction
not having been made safe by his return. This most frequently
happens when the scaffolding is not under the charge of one
responsible person.
No working platform should be used by the mechanic until its
construction is complete. Sufficient plant should be on the job to
enable this to be done without disturbing the platform already in use.
Scaffolds should not be heavily loaded. Apart from the risk of the
timbers failing, the weight, in the case of the bricklayers’ scaffold,
has a bad effect upon the new work.
Fan guards, as shown on fig. 145, are usually erected in urban
districts to safeguard the public from falling material. There is no
reason why, for the safety of the workmen, they should not be
always fixed.
Due care should be exercised by the workmen themselves, and
observance made to the unwritten rules of experience.
The following instance is given as an illustration of what is meant.
Fig. 146
A scaffolder requiring a pole carried it from point a on fig. 146 to
point b. He carelessly carried it upon his right shoulder, and in
turning the corner the pole hit against the standard c, the recoil
knocking him off the scaffold. If he had carried the pole on his left
shoulder he would have fallen inwardly on the boards, and his life
would not have been lost.
CHAPTER XI
LEGAL MATTERS AFFECTING SCAFFOLDING.

LOCAL BYE-LAWS
Regulations governing the erection of scaffolding have been made
by many of the principal Local Authorities in the Kingdom. Their
purpose is to safeguard the public using the thoroughfares near
which the structures are built. Those issued by the City Corporation
of London are summarised as follows:—
CORPORATION OF LONDON
REGULATIONS FOR SCAFFOLDS
APPLICATIONS
Each application for a scaffold is to be entered in a book, with

headings for the following information:—
Name of street or place, and number of house.
Nature of work to be executed. Area of ground level of new
premises to be built, or old premises largely altered.
Number of storeys, including ground floor, if new premises are to
be built or old premises altered.
Length of scaffolding needed.
Time for which license is requested.
Name and address of Owner.
Name and address of Architect.
Name and address of Builder.
Date of Application.
Signature of Applicant.
REGULATIONS
The Inspector of Pavements is to report in the application book the
time he thinks needful for the scaffold to be licensed; the license is
then to be made out, and the conditions entered in the book by the
Engineer’s Clerk.
If there is disagreement between the applicant and the Inspector,
as to the time needed, the Engineer will decide.
No scaffold is to project beyond the foot-way pavement where it is
narrow, nor more than 6 feet where it is wide enough to admit of
such projection; any deviation on account of special reasons is to be
stated upon the license.
No scaffold is to be enclosed so as to prevent passengers passing
under it.
The lower stages of scaffolds are to be close or doubly planked;
each stage to have fan and edge boards, and such other precautions
to be taken as the Inspector of Pavements requires, to prevent dirt or
wet falling upon the public, or for the public safety.
No materials are to be deposited below any scaffold.
Where practicable or needed, a boarded platform, 4 feet wide, and
as much wider as may be necessary for the traffic, with stout post
rails, and wheel kerbs on the outside of it, are to be constructed
outside the scaffold, as the Inspector may direct.
Where it is necessary in the public interest, applicants shall form a
gantry, stage, or bridge over the public-way, if required, so as to
allow the foot passengers to pass beneath it. The gantry is to be
double planked, and so constructed as to prevent dust, rubbish, or
water falling upon the foot passengers, and the licensee shall keep
the public-way beneath it clean to the satisfaction of the Inspector.
Scaffolds are to be watched and lighted at night.
All fire hydrants must be left unenclosed in recesses formed of
such size and in such manner as may enable the hydrant to be
easily got at and used.
Public lamps are not to be enclosed without the permission of the
Engineer. When such enclosure is permitted, the applicant shall put
a lamp or lamps temporarily outside the scaffold, so that the public-
way may be properly lighted.
The licensee shall undertake to employ and pay the Contractors to
the Corporation to make good the pavements, lamps, and all works
disturbed, to the satisfaction of the Engineer.
Licenses are not allowed to be transferred.
Other cities have similar regulations, but are not generally so
complete in detail.
Scaffoldings.—The Burgh Police (Scotland) Act of 1903 (3 Edw.

VII., ch. 33) contains among its general clauses the following:—
Sec. 32.—The dean of guild court shall on the application of the

burgh surveyor have power to prohibit and stop the erection, use, or
employment, and to order the alteration or removal of any crane,
scaffolding, staging, or shoring in or connected with the construction
and erection, or the demolition, alteration, repair, or securing of any
new or existing building, or in or connected with any excavation for
the purpose of any work authorised by the dean of guild court, where
such crane, scaffolding, staging or shoring is, or is likely to be, in the
judgment of the burgh surveyor, a source of danger.
Sec. 103.—‘Dean of guild court’ shall, in this Act, as regards

burghs where there is no dean of guild court, mean the town council.
The above Act applies to Scotland only, and the section mentioned
first is carried out only so far as it affects the safety of the public at
large.
FACTORY AND WORKSHOP ACT, 1901

Section 105 of the above Act, so far as it relates to buildings,
reads as follows:—
BUILDINGS
105.—(1). The provisions of this Act with respect to—

(1) power to make orders as to dangerous machines (section 17);
(2) accidents (sections 19-22);
(3) regulations for dangerous trades (sections 79-86);
(4) powers of inspection (section 119); and
(5) fines in case of death or injury (section 136)
shall have effect as if any premises on which machinery worked by
steam, water, or other mechanical power, is temporarily used for the
purpose of the construction of a building or any structural work in
connection with a building were included in the word ‘factory,’ and
the purpose for which the machinery is used were a manufacturing
process, and as if the person who, by himself, his agents, or
workmen, temporarily uses any such machinery for the before-
mentioned purpose were the occupier of the said premises; and for
the purpose of the enforcement of those provisions the person so
using any such machinery shall be deemed to be the occupier of a
factory.
(2). The provisions of this Act with respect to notice of accidents,
and the formal investigation of accidents, shall have effect as if any
building which exceeds 30 feet in height, and which is being
constructed or repaired by means of a scaffolding ... were included in
the word ‘factory,’ and as if ... the employer of the persons engaged
in the construction or repair ... were the occupier of a factory.
It will be noticed that the provisions of the Act are more stringent
for buildings which are being constructed or repaired by machinery,
and that these buildings come within the provisions of the Act
whether or not they exceed the limit of 30 feet.
The provisions of the Act as mentioned in the beginning of this
section have been embodied in the following abstract, issued from
the Home Office, January 1902.
Form 57.6
January 1902.
FACTORY AND WORKSHOP ACT, 1901
Abstract of the provisions of the Act as to
BUILDINGS IN COURSE OF CONSTRUCTION OR

REPAIR
H.M. Inspector of Factories,
To whom Communications and
Notices should be addressed
Superintending
Inspector of Factories
H.M. Chief Inspector of ARTHUR
WHITELEGGE,
Factories Esq., M.D.,
Home Office, London, S. W.
Certifying Surgeon
Certain provisions of the Factory and Workshop Act, including
those which are stated below, apply as if any premises on which
machinery worked by mechanical power is temporarily used in the
construction of a building, or in structural work in connection with a
building, were a factory, and as if the purpose for which the
machinery is used were a manufacturing process. For the purpose of
the enforcement of those provisions, the person so using (by himself,
his agents, or workmen) any such machinery is deemed to be the
occupier of a factory.
In the case of buildings over 30 feet in height, which are being
constructed or repaired by means of scaffolding, paragraphs 4 and 6
apply in like manner, whether machinery be used or not; and for the
purpose of their enforcement the employer of the persons engaged
in the construction or repair is deemed to be the occupier of a
factory.
The provisions stated below apply also to any private line or siding
used in connection with a building in course of construction or repair
as above.
Dangerous 1.—If any part of the ways, works, machinery, or plant
Machinery (including a steam boiler) is in such condition that it
or Plant. cannot be used without danger to life or limb, a Court of
Summary Jurisdiction may, on complaint of an
Inspector, make an order prohibiting it from being used,
absolutely or until it is duly repaired or altered.
Dangerous 2.—If any machinery, plant, process, or description of
Processes. manual labour is dangerous or injurious to health, or
dangerous to life or limb, regulations may be made by
the Secretary of State.
Steam 3.—Every steam boiler must (a) be maintained in
Boilers. proper condition, and (b) have a proper safety-valve,
steam-gauge, and water-gauge, all maintained in
proper condition, and (c) be thoroughly examined by a
competent person every 14 months. A signed report of
the result of the examination must be entered within 14
days in a Register to be kept for the purpose in the
premises (Form 737).
Accidents. 7)4.—When there occurs in the premises any accident
which causes to a person employed therein such injury
as to prevent him on any one of the three working days
next after the occurrence of the accident from being
employed for five hours on his ordinary work, written
Notice (Form 437) must be sent forthwith to H.M.
Inspector for the district.
5.—Every such accident must also be entered in a
Register to be kept for the purpose in the premises
(Form 737).
6.—If the accident is fatal, or is produced by machinery
moved by power, or by a vat or pan containing hot
liquid, or by explosion, or by escape of gas or steam,
written Notice (Form 437) must also be sent forthwith to
the Certifying Surgeon for the district.
Returns. 7.—If so required by the Secretary of State, a return of
the persons employed must be sent to H.M. Chief
Inspector of Factories at such times and with such
particulars as may be directed.
Powers of 8.—H.M. Inspectors have power to inspect every part of
Inspectors. the premises by day or by night. They may require the
production of registers, certificates, and other papers.
They may examine any person found in the premises
either alone or in the presence of any other person as
they think fit, and may require him to sign a declaration
of the truth of the matters about which he is examined.
They may also exercise such other powers as may be
necessary for carrying the Act into effect. Every person
obstructing an Inspector, or refusing to answer his
questions, is liable to a penalty.
The limiting height of 30 feet has been inserted for the reason,
apparently, that it was not considered desirable to bring those minor
accidents which might reasonably be expected to occur on the
smaller buildings into notice.
NOTICE OF ACCIDENTS ACT, 1906

Certain provisions of the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, have
recently been repealed, viz. Sec. 19, which deals with the notification
of accidents. The repealing Act, and which contains clauses
replacing the section, is known as Notice of Accidents Act, 1906,
which came into operation on the first day of January 1907. The
fourth section, which applies to buildings, reads as follows:—
Sec. 4.—(1) Where any accident occurs in a factory or workshop

which is either—
(a) an accident causing loss of life to a person employed in the
factory or workshop; or
(b) an accident due to any machinery moved by mechanical power,
or to molten metal, hot liquid explosion, escape of gas or steam, or
to electricity, and so disabling any person employed in the factory
or workshop as to cause him to be absent throughout at least one
whole day from his ordinary work; or
(c) an accident due to any other special cause which the Secretary
of State may specify by order, and causing such disablement as
aforesaid; or
(d) an accident disabling for more than seven days a person
employed in the factory or workshop from working at his ordinary
work,
written notice of the accident, in such form and accompanied by

such particulars as the Secretary of State prescribes, shall forthwith
be sent to the inspector of the district and also in the case of the
accidents mentioned in paragraphs (a) and (b) of this subsection,
and (if the order of the Secretary of State specifying the special
cause so requires) of accidents mentioned in paragraph (c), to the
certifying surgeon of the district.
(2) If any accident causing disablement is notified under this
section, and after notification thereof results in the death of the
person disabled, notice in writing of the death shall be sent to the
inspector as soon as the death comes to the knowledge of the
occupier of the factory or workshop.
(3) If any notice with respect to an accident in a factory or
workshop required to be sent by this section is not sent as so
required, the occupier of the factory or workshop shall be liable to a
fine not exceeding ten pounds.
(4) If any accident to which this section applies occurs to a person
employed in a factory or workshop the occupier of which is not the
actual employer of the person killed or injured, the actual employer
shall immediately report the same to the occupier, and in default
shall be liable to a fine not exceeding five pounds.
(5) The foregoing provisions of this section shall be substituted for
section nineteen of the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901.8
This amendment, as before stated, renders Part 4 of the Abstract

inoperative.
The Notice of Accidents Act also imposes new duties upon
employers. Section 5 reads as follows:—
Sec. 5.—(1) If the Secretary of State considers that, by reason of
the risk of serious injury to persons employed, it is expedient that
notice should be given under this Act in every case of any special
class of explosion, fire, collapse of buildings, accidents to machinery
or plant, or other occurrences in a mine or quarry, or in a factory or
workshop, including any place which for the purpose of the
provisions of the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, with respect to
accidents is a factory or workshop, or is included in the word ‘factory’
or ‘workshop,’ or is part of a factory or workshop, the Secretary of
State may by order extend the provisions of this Act requiring notice
of accidents to be given to an inspector to any class of occurrences,
whether personal injury or disablement is caused or not, and, where
any such order is made, the provisions of this Act shall have effect
as extended by the order.
(2) The Secretary of State may by any such order allow the
required notice of any occurrence to which the order relates, instead
of being sent forthwith, to be sent within the time limited by the order.
The Secretary of State, acting under this section, issued an order

in December 1906 which stipulates that such an occurrence as the
breaking of a rope, chain, or other appliance used for raising or
lowering persons or goods by means of mechanical power should be
forthwith notified on Form 43 by the occupier of the factory to the
Inspector for the district.
REPORT BY AN INSPECTOR OF THE HOME

OFFICE ON BUILDING ACCIDENTS
Under Sections 79-85 of the Factory and Workshop Act the
Secretary of State is empowered to make regulations for any
description of manual labour that is dangerous or injurious to health,
or dangerous to life or limb. No regulations for the building trade
have as yet been made, but in the Chief Inspector of Factories’
Annual Report for 1905 a number of suggestions made by a member
of the factory department were printed for the guidance of those
engaged in building operations. They are as follows:—
1. All working platforms from which it is possible for a workman or
material, tools, and plant to fall a distance of more than 8 feet
should, before employment takes place thereon, be provided
throughout their entire length both on the inside and outside, and
at the ends—
(a) with a guard-rail fixed at a height of 3 feet 6 inches above the
scaffold boards;
(b) with boards fixed so that their bottom edges rest on or abut to the
scaffold boards. The boards so fixed shall rise above the working
platform not less than 7 inches.
Always providing—
(i) that where the working platform is fixed within a distance of 12
inches from the buildings, the guard-rail and boards need not be
supplied to the inward side;
(ii) that where it is necessary to deposit upon the working platform
material which could not be deposited thereon if the guard-rail and
boards were fixed, the guard-rail and boards may be removed for
this purpose;
(iii) that the guard-rail and boards need not be fixed within a
reasonable distance of each side of any ladder which provides a
means of access to the working platform;
(iv) that the guard-rail and boards may be removed between any two
standards between which material is being landed;
(v) that the guard-rail may be considered unnecessary where
additional boards on edge are fixed to a height of 3 feet 6 inches.
The reason for the limit of 8 feet is as follows:—

The first platform is generally 5 to 6 feet above the ground and the
material required on that platform can be placed upon it from the
ground level. If this is done safeguards are in the way. But on the
second platform about 10 feet high this would not hold good, and
from that point safeguards should be provided.
Guard-rails should be rigid, and not movable as would be the case if
a rope or chain were fixed. Workmen are used to rigidity in their
surroundings, and their sense of safety is increased by the use of

Education and Solidarity in The European Union Europes Lost Spirit Sarah K ST John Full Chapter

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Education and Solidarity in the

European Union: Europe’s Lost Spirit

ISBN 978-3-030-63041-6 ISBN 978-3-030-63042-3 (eBook)

Cover illustration: Marina Lohrbach_shutterstock.com

Part I Education in the European Union

2 Education and the European “Idea” (1945–1956) 15

3 The Road to a European Community Education

4 Developing a Community Level Education Policy,

The 2000–2010; the Lisbon Strategy 99

5 An Intellectual Hub for Europe: The College

6 Education: A Complicated Policy Field 141

Diverse Reactions Towards European-Level Education 154

Part II Solidarity: Between Theory and Practice

7 Understanding European Solidarity, Spirit

8 An Introduction to Europe’s Decade of Crises:

Part III The Entwinement of Solidarity and Education in

9 Past and Present Challenges, and Future

10 Concluding Thoughts: Covid-19 Providing

© The Author(s), under exclusive license 1

spirit and solidarity? Economic, financial, military, demographic and envi-

of—intergovernmentalism due to its close attachment to national-identity

Structure of the Book

implementation of this mission. The aim of this chapter is to introduce

towards a cultural orientation, while they appear more willing when a

of crises in the European context. This includes how public support

Unfortunately, it appears that the European Community has

historically lacks attachment to Europe, where remain voters feel they

Habermas, J. (2004). Europe: The Faltering Project. Boston: Polity Press.

Education in the European Union

Education and the European “Idea”

The Impetus to Uniting Europe

1 At the Congrès de la Paix in Paris.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license 15

2 Verbatim Report, Plenary Session I, Congress of Europe at The Hague, ME2945,

construction. The European Movement is still in existence, represented in

Europe is in danger, Europe is divided, and the greatest danger comes

Delegates at the Congress of Europe focused their minds on the question

European Spirit and Consciousness:

to safeguard its own interests by safeguarding the dignity of man.8 In

Beneath the cross-currents of our interests, there is a common bed, consti-

In his opening address at the Congress of Europe, Dr. Henri Brugmans,

8 Rapport sur la conférence de Lausanne - présenté par le Rapporteur Générale, ME531,

bold and far-seeing European public opinion. European public opinion

If Europe discovers how to regenerate itself in unity, it will at the same

Appealing to the Educators: Developing

16 General Report of the European Cultural Conference, ME531, HAEU (1949).

reorganisation would be able to rest on secure foundations unless it

Accomplishing the task, through the means of education, of creating a

20 Congrès de Lausanne, Préparation à la conférence Européenne de la culture,

at the Congress of Europe in the speech of Claire Saunier, President of

25 Congress of Europe at The Hague, Verbatim Report, IV Cultural Committee,

Similarly, with the aim of gaining the interest of large masses of

29 Initiatives concernant la jeunesse proposées au ME avant la création de la CEJ. Note

Teaching the Teachers

Affirming the European idea would therefore become a key element in

31 Initiatives concernant la jeunesse proposées au ME avant la création de la CEJ,

national basis should henceforth have a European scope. Seimen proposed

Exchange of People and of Knowledge

34 Suggestions brought to the European Cultural Conference by the French Cultural

could be made. For example, the Verbatim Report of the Congress of

36 Congress of Europe at The Hague, Verbatim Report, IV Cultural Committee,

39 Rapport sur les rencontres Franco-Allemandes, Initiatives concernant la jeunesse

of the appropriate reforms to propose in the framework of the European