Governing the Rainforest: Sustainable

Development Politics in the Brazilian

Amazon Eve Z. Bratman
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Governing the Rainforest
 Governing
the Rainforest
Sustainable Development Politics in the
Brazilian Amazon

EV E Z . B R AT M A N

1
 3
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For Lior
 Contents

List of Figures and Tables ix

Preface xi
List of Abbreviations xv

1. Introduction: The Sustainable Development Conundrum 1

2. Capital in the Jungle 36
3. Sustainable Development Meets the Amazon 76
4. The Roads through the Forest: Modernizing Amazonia 109
5. The Land in the Middle: Conservation from Conflict 152
6. The River: Contesting Clean Energy 190
7. Conclusion: Weighing Environmental Governance 234

Methodological Appendix 255

Notes 259
References 297
Index 329
 Figures and Tables

Figures

1.1 The Brazilian Amazon 8

1.2 Violence Against Peasants and Rural Workers 26
2.1 Colonel Rondón with Paresi Indians 44
2.2 Rubber Cultivation Areas in the Amazon 50
2.3 More Rubber for Victory 51
2.4 Sign Marking Construction of the Transamazon Highway 72
3.1 Annual Deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon 96
4.1 Violence and Land Conflicts in the State of Pará (1985–​2016) 113
4.2 Transportation Challenges on the BR-​163 119
4.3 Sustainable Forest District of the BR-​163 Highway 133
5.1 Marina Silva visits the RESEX Verde Para Sempre 154
5.2 C.R. Almeida’s “Protected Areas” 160
5.3 The Terra do Meio Conservation Area Mosaic 169
6.1 Electric Integration in Brazil 197
6.2 Projected Dams in Amazonia 198
6.3 Belo Monte Dam and Belo Sun Mining Projects 203
6.4 Activism against the Xingu River Dams, 1989 and 2008 215
6.5 World Bank Funding in Major Renewable Energy Sectors 227

Tables

2.1 Estimated Regional Income for the Brazilian Amazon, 1800–​2010 56

2.2 Population in Municipalities near the Transamazon Highway in Pará 66
3.1 Protected Areas in the Brazilian Amazon 93
3.2 Road Paving in the Brazilian Federal and State Road Network 102
x Figures and Tables

4.1 Population of Municipalities near the Transamazon and BR-​163 Highways 122
4.2 Deforestation in Major Municipalities Bordering Transamazon and BR 163
Highways 130
4.3 The Amazonian State and Federal Road Network 136
5.1 Population Change in the Terra do Meio 184
6.1 Belo Monte and Belo Sun Overview 204
6.2 World Bank and BNDES Lending for Major Renewable Energy Sectors,
2003–​2012 226
 Preface

When I first traveled to Brazil in my early twenties, I was seeking inspiration.

I visited Curitiba, the capital city in the state of Paraná, located about a six-​
hour drive south of São Paulo. Curitiba was heralded by many urban sustain-
ability advocates as one of the “ecological capitals” of the world. While many
other cities in the Global South, turned into sprawling, smog-​ridden industrial
centers in the 1970s, Curitiba had taken a different path. The city developed a
bus rapid transit system, created a pedestrian mall in the downtown, retrofitted
old quarries and turned them into public parks, built libraries, and had adopted
a number of other ecologically oriented innovations. To my relatively novice
eye, Curitiba lived up to the sustainability hype. To say I was inspired after my
visit is an understatement. I was smitten. After this first trip, I presented some
lessons learned from Curitiba to my local city council in Oberlin, Ohio, where
I was studying as an undergraduate student. After that first trip, I began learning
Portuguese, I trained capoeira, and helped a Brazilian rock and roll band go on
tour in the United States. Two subsequent return trips to Brazil were similarly
inspiring. I visited eco-​villages, attended the World Social Forum, interviewed
human rights defenders, and met campesino farmers and city planners alike,
all of whom sparked in me a sense that something hopeful and important was
taking place in Brazil, along the lines of what I imagined to be strong examples
of sustainable development activism and policies. I was eager to find ways to
reproduce sustainable development as I saw it taking shape there. I wanted to
encourage people to reach the goal of attaining a perfect triangulation between
social, economic, and environmental concerns, all while creating thriving
communities that were rich in artistic expression, active political engagements,
and cultural vibrancy.
Four trips later, I was headed to distant Altamira, in the Amazon. The more
I learned about Brazil, the more I realized the depths of inequality, corruption,
and contradictions in policymaking there. I am sure that at times I envisioned
myself in a starry-​eyed vision of Edenic wilderness, filled with potential plant
cures for cancer, blue morph butterflies, and, occasionally, some wise indigenous
people sharing pieces of their sacred cultures with a privileged few insiders. At
the same time, most of the news I encountered about the region was about wor-
risome rates of deforestation and biodiversity loss. It was concerning. A saying
about how the fate of the Amazon was intertwined with the fate of the world
gnawed at me and rattled my conscience about the events taking place in the
xii Preface

region. I approached working in the Amazon with trepidation. After all, what
can a North American tell the world about the Brazilian Amazon that hasn’t al-
ready been said by Amazonians themselves?
Soon, I turned away from trying to gauge whether sustainable development
was working in Brazil and what could be reproduced elsewhere, in lieu of a more
ethnographic set of questions. I wanted to understand, instead, how conserva-
tion, social movements, and development issues were intersecting in Brazilian
politics. At best, as an outsider I could do the important work of ethnographic
inquiry. I could endeavor to explain how and why practices emerging from
policies described as sustainable development took shape as they did. Why did
some groups come to be viewed by the Brazilian government and international
nongovernmental organizations as supportive of Amazonian environmental
concerns, while others were positioned as culprits in its destruction? How did
people at local levels respond as they simultaneously encountered plans to
pave Amazonian highways, learned of projects to dam Amazonian rivers, and
participated in an economic-​ecological zoning effort for their region? How did
discourses and practices involving the green economy and sustainable develop-
ment in the Amazon take shape on an everyday basis, as co-​constituents of grand
plans which sought to make the world’s largest rainforest economically profitable
yet at the same time a place that was environmentally protected and that also
respected the needs of the diverse groups of people living there?
In the course of my field research I was based in the city of Altamira. In the
Xingu prelature, Bishop Erwin Krautler was rumored to wear bulletproof vests
to mass because he had been receiving death threats fairly consistently since the
early 1980s for being outspoken against deforestation, the Belo Monte hydroe-
lectric project, and the creation of conservation areas in the more remote parts
of the prelature. I traveled by boat along the Xingu River, by car (and often in the
back of trucks) along the Transamazon highway, and took buses down the BR-​
163 highway. I visited artisanal gold mining towns, where stories of shootouts
and characters nicknamed “Pit Bull,” “Rambo,” and “White Jaguar” are locally
famous. Influential local power brokers are present as the dominant elite in
nearly every small Amazonian town, and these individuals, in collaboration
with the police, often rule more by intimidation and violent force than by law.
I interviewed some of them, including a few illegal land claimers, as much as
my own concerns for safety and security would allow. I spoke with dozens of
people who were non-​indigenous settlers to the region, hearing their stories of
the long migration from other parts of Brazil and learning of the hardships they
experienced upon first arriving to the region. Rubber tappers showed me how
they traditionally tapped trees for latex and toasted and prepared manioc flour to
make the ubiquitous staple of farinha. They shared with me stories of giant river
snakes, their history of conflicts with land claimers, and we spoke about their
 Preface xiii

hopes and dreams for their children. I met some of the most resilient and kind-
hearted people imaginable in these remote parts of the world. Consistently, the
people I met believed deeply in the potential of the Amazon region to become a
better place for all its citizens, and they were often working to make that vision
be possible. At times this was in high-​profile career paths and risky public ac-
tivism; at other times, doing so meant simply engaging in land stewardship and
farming in a way that fit within a more personal set of aspirations. During my
research, I was reminded by the notion expressed by Paulo Freire that humble
dialogue, embodied through theoretical work and practical action, was a world-​
changing process of transformation. I still cling to this idea in the hope that
through dialoguing with words, theory, and action, we might better come closer
to certain truths and, in that process, to our own humanity. I am immensely priv-
ileged to have been so welcomed into Amazonia through the hospitality and gen-
erosity of countless Brazilians, and I am filled with appreciation and thanks for
the chances they gave me to join in their lives. Countless individuals encouraged,
inspired, and supported me along the way. Inescapably, my gratitude will inade-
quately suffice to acknowledge all those people.
A few remarkable individuals and organizations do stand out as my bastions
for security, advice, and assistance. For support with visa issues and providing me
with important supplementary opportunities for scholarly engagement, Louis
Goodman at American University, Alexandre Barros of UniEuro in Brasilia,
and Reinaldo Corrêa Costa of the Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazônia
(INPA) have my deep thanks. My field research was especially supported by an
American University dissertation fellowship and by a Fulbright Scholarship.
Incredible generosity of time, office space, and spirit was a gift to receive from
the office and staff of the Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT) in Altamira and
Anapu, and the Fundação Viver, Produzir, e Preservar (FVPP). Tarcísio Feitosa
opened up his home and family life to me in important ways, especially in the
early months of my field research. Gracinda Magalhães and her family also took
me in as one of their own and offered insights—​both political and personal—​
during my research at several important junctures. I additionally am grateful to
the following people for their assistance through conversations and insights that
left their mark in the development of this book manuscript: Ane Alencar, Brenda
Baletti, Robin Broad, Binka Le Breton, Jeremy Campbell, Miguel Carter, Janet
Chernela, Christiane Dias, Adam Henne, Kathryn Hochstetler, Nabil Kamel,
Craig Kauffman, Vânia Lemos, Renzo Mártires, Marlon Menezes, Andrew
Miller, Simon Nicholson, Noemi Porro, Sérgio Praça, Matthew Taylor, Linda
Rabben, Malini Ranganathan, Marcelo Salazar, Ana Paula Souza dos Santos,
Cristina Velasquez, and Hilary Zarin. Fabiano Toni’s comments and suggestions
especially helped to strengthen this manuscript, as did comments from one
anonymous reviewer. You all have my heartfelt thanks. Special thanks also go to
xiv Preface

my brilliant academic colleagues and friends who offered important comments

and support for this work as it developed: Scott Freeman and Annie Claus,
thank you. For their decade-​plus of assistance and mentoring, Ken Conca, Paul
Wapner, Julie Mertus, and Steve Schwartzman all have my deep gratitude. My
graduate research assistants from American University’s School of International
Service also are owed a huge round of appreciation: Amanda Harris, Mukhaye
Muchimuti, and Attiya Sayyed. Additional thanks for their comments on sev-
eral chapters presented here are due to Laura Shelton, Stephanie McNulty, and
Alexandria Poole. I am profoundly indebted to Felipe Storch, a remarkable
Acreano and graduate of Franklin and Marshall College, who helped to trans-
form this manuscript with his rigorous attention to detail and keen historical
research as a Hackman Scholar. Also from Franklin and Marshall College,
Stephanie Schick and Coleman Klein helped steward the manuscript through
its final revision with their respective skills in editing and map-​making, respec-
tively. For early-​stage manuscript comments, thank you to Leo Schlosberg, and
for final-​stage manuscript preparation help, thank you, Derek Meyer, Adam
“Fuzzy” Konner, and the team at Oxford University Press, most notably Alexcee
Bechtold, and Angela Chnapko. All my family members, by birth and by choice,
and especially my partner Joel Rothschild and my sister Dara Hoppe have my
profound gratitude. They spurred me on, nourished and cultivated my love of
learning, engaged in innumerable conversations, encouraged and joined in my
research and travels, and held me up with meals, hugs, patience, generosity, and
humor. Annalee Letchinger was a remarkably thorough editor and offered con-
stant encouragement, well beyond the call of motherly obligation. Thank you,
mom. None of this work would be possible had it not been for the support of so
many people who informed and inspired this work. It is stronger because of all of
them. All remaining inaccuracies and weaknesses in the manuscript are entirely
my own and my full responsibility.
 Abbreviations

APA (Área Protegida Ambiental): Environmental Protection Area

BNDE (Banco de Desenvolvimento Econômico): Brazilian Economic Development Bank
BNDES (Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social): National Bank for
Economic and Social Development
CCBM (Consórcio Construtor Belo Monte): Belo Monte Construction Consortium
CEB (Comunidades Eclesiásticas de Base): Grassroots Evangelical Communities
CIMI (Conselho Indigenista Missionário): Indigenous Missionary Council
CNPT (Centro Nacional para Populações Tradicionais): National Center for Traditional
Populations
CNS (Conselho Nacional de Seringueiros): National Council of Rubber Tappers
CONTAG (Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura): National
Confederation of Agricultural Workers
CPT (Comissão Pastoral da Terra): Pastoral Land Commission
CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores): Unified Workers’ Central
CVRD: (Companhia Vale do Rio Doce): Rio Doce Mining Company (later
re-​named Vale)
EIA: Environmental Impact Assessment
ESEC (Estação Ecológica): Ecological Station
FLONA (Floresta Nacional): National Forest
FUNASA (Fundação Nacional de Saúde): National Health Foundation
FUNAI (Fundação Nacional do Índio): National Indian Foundation
FVPP (Fundação Viver, Produzir, e Preservar): Foundation for Life, Production, and
Preservation
GMO: Genetically modified organism
IACHR: Inter-​American Commission on Human Rights
IBAMA (Instituto Brasileiro de Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis):
Brazilian Institution for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources
ICMBio (Instituto Chico Mendes de Conservação da Biodiversidade): Chico Mendes
Institute for Conservation of Biodiversity)
IIRSA: Initiative for the Integration of the Regional Infrastructure of South America
IMF: International Monetary Fund
INCRA (Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária): National Institute for
Colonization and Land Reform
IPAM (Instituto de Pesquisas Ambientais da Amazônia): Institute for Amazonian
Environmental Research
ISA (Instituto SocioAmbiental): SocialEnvironmental Institute
xvi Abbreviations

ISI: Import-​substitution industrialization

IUCN: International Union on the Conservation of Nature
MAB: (Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens): Movement of People Affected by Dams
MMA (Ministério do Meio Ambiente): Ministry of the Environment
MME (Ministério de Minas e Energia): Ministry of Mines and Energy
MDTX (Movimento pela Desinvolvimento da Transamazonica e Xingu): Movement for
the Development of the Tranamazon and Xingu
MPF (Ministério Público Federal): Federal Public Ministry
MPST (Movimento pela Sobrevivência na Transamazônica): Movement for Survival on
the Transamazon
MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra): Landless Workers’ Movement
NGO: Non-​governmental organization
OECD: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
PAC (Plano Anual de Crescimento): Plan for Annual Growth
PAS (Plano Amazônia Sustentável): Plan for a Sustainable Amazon
PIN (Plano de Integração Nacional): Plan for National Integration
PDS (Projeto de Desenvolvimento Sustentável): Project for Sustainable Development
PRODIAT (Projeto de Desenvolvimento Integrado da Bacia do Araguaia-​Tocantins):
Integrated Development Program for the Araguaia-​Tocantins Basin
PROTERRA (Programa de Redistribuição de Terras e de Estímulo à Agro-​indústria do
Norte e do Nordeste) Program for Land Redistribution and Stimulation of Agroindustry
in the North and Northeast
PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores): Worker’s PartyRESEX (Reserva Extrativista): Extractive
Reserve
SNUC (Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação): The National System of
Conservation Areas
SUDAM (Superintendência de Desenvolvimento da Amazônia): Superintendency for the
Development of Amazonia
TI (Terra Indígena): Indigenous Land
TIPNIS: Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory
UNCED: United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, also known as
the Rio Earth Summit and Eco ’92
WWF: World Wildlife Fund for Nature
 1
Introduction
The Sustainable Development Conundrum

An elderly, gaunt woman wearing a brightly colored feather headdress sits

upon a retaining wall overlooking the Xingu River. Her wan gaze focuses away,
looking upon the quietly flowing water. A dense jungle island is the backdrop for
the broad blue waters. The woman picks up a can of Coca-​Cola and takes a long
drink. “Bye bye Brasil,” she says, flatly. The late afternoon sun casts a long shadow
as the woman remains still, maintaining her contemplative pose. An eerie silence
follows, but for a few chirps of crickets.
This is the scene that gives the title to Bye Bye Brazil, a 1979 film by Brazilian
director Carlos Diegues. The vignette captures a moment within the changing
life in the Amazon. Brazil’s entry into the global economy and drive to estab-
lish new cities in the jungle is wrapped in melancholy. As indigenous people
speak English and drink Coca-​Cola in a distant city located along a tributary to
the Amazon River, the wilderness meets modernity, and ancient cultures meet
global capitalism.
The city in which this scene is set is Altamira, Pará. For the band of traveling
circus performers who are the main characters of the film, Altamira represents
a place where dreams are made. Filled with the mystique of being deep in the
jungle, and rich with cosmopolitan opportunity, Altamira embodies the hopes
of a modern Brazil. But in Altamira, the protagonists’ relationships experience
fissures; big bets are lost, romantic relationships go sour, and instead of fortunes
made, the place is full of hard knocks. Along their journey, the travelers meet in-
digenous tribes fleeing their lands because whites have brought disease and death
to their villages. As the travelers drive through recently cut roads through the
forest, the landscape is one of skeletal tree trunks and roadkill.1 Viewers are left
with the impression of a gradual and lethal process occurring in the rainforest.
It is one that is filled with what environmental writer Rob Nixon calls “slow vio-
lence” (2011), in which ecosystem decline; vulnerable, disempowered, and dis-
placed people; and erosions of life-​sustaining conditions play out in the everyday
experiences of the ecosystems and people living in the region.
This story of cultural losses and ecosystem transformation is relatively ubiqui-
tous in contemporary Amazonia. Similar representations are regularly presented
in radio broadcasts, magazines, and newspaper stories around the world, though
2 Governing the Rainforest

often these realities are less of a news spectacle than the crisis-​driven and “hot”
conflict focus that often features in the media and in public activism. The por-
trayal of a dying rainforest is not only resonant because it captures so much of
the reality of rapid environmental change and societal transformations. It also
involves some of the most fundamental struggles concerning how humans—​
both in the Amazon and among concerned citizens across the world—​relate
to nature. One of the most central debates in the environmental field involves
interrogating what an authentic “nature” entails. Second, and more pragmati-
cally, debates rage over how best to protect nature. On this count, arguments are
fierce over what the right balances and compromises should entail while ensuring
a thriving nonhuman Nature (capital N) along with meeting human needs, such
as economic growth and poverty alleviation. The framework of sustainable de-
velopment is the most common policy and discursive tool for addressing these
debates. This notion, in its most basic form, posits that balancing social equity,
economic growth, and environmental concerns is possible. As such, sustainable
development perennially offers a promise of positive potential, wherein conser-
vationist and development aims might amicably unite.
This book is about development and conservation politics in the Brazilian
Amazon. Centrally, it explores how the Amazon region’s lands and peoples are
shaped by sustainable development plans. The sustainable development frame-
work offers a central (though often inexplicit) set of discourses, values, and
policies through which Amazonian social dynamics, politics, economic plans,
and natural resources are governed. The drive to transform land and natural re-
sources into economically productive assets holds appeal for national economic
planners and corporate interests alike. In contrast, environmentalists argue for
the need to protect rainforest biodiversity and emphasize the importance of the
Amazon as an essential climate-​balancing ecosystem, with intrinsic value for
protection and stewardship. The complexity and diversity of indigenous cultures
pulls mightily within the struggle over the Amazon’s present and future as well,
given the long historical context of genocidal conquests and the interlinking of
human livelihoods with losses of land. For everyday Amazonians, especially for
those who settled in the region when it was made more accessible through the
governmental colonization and development efforts in the 1970s, moving into
the Amazon was simply about making a decent life. Like the travelers in Bye Bye
Brazil, Amazonia represented to many Brazilians a bountiful setting to make a
fresh start away from the highly unequal and poverty-​stricken Brazil they knew,
where adventure awaited and where a bold national vision for progress might be
achieved.
While often oversimplified in narrations as a vast wilderness of ecological
bounty, the realities, values, histories, and experiences that are entangled within
the developmental and environmental politics of the Amazon are enormously
 Introduction: The Sustainable Development Conundrum 3

complex. One of the central aims of this book is to portray those complexities
with a richness of historical depth and nuanced attention to the social dynamics
that are involved as various governance decisions are made about how to live
with and manage tropical rainforest ecosystems.
The main argument advanced in this book is that sustainable development
politics in the Amazon yields highly uneven results among different members
of society and between different geographies. Despite offering a positive vision
for change, the framework instead tends to reproduce and reinforce existing
inequalities. The research presented in this book shows how land use and infra-
structure plans conducted in the name of sustainable development often per-
petuate and reinforce economic and political inequalities. While environmental
concerns do play a catalyst role in the Amazon, sustainable development plans
at work there tend to give social equity concerns short shrift while prioritizing
economic growth and only marginally and occasionally leading to any environ-
mental benefits. The granular examination of sustainable development plans
presented in this book illustrate some significant mismatches between the ideas
people hold about sustainable development’s promise and the actual practice of
sustainable development. For the people living in the areas that are geographi-
cally the closest to where those plans are being implemented on the ground, the
experiences of sustainable development are especially fraught with tension.
The analytical focus in this work is on governing, that is, the ongoing processes
through which people, institutions, political regimes, and NGOs are involved
in policymaking and management of outcomes within a specific geographic
area. Environmental governance takes shape in the Amazon through strategic
planning and public discussions, and more subtly; under the banner of sustain-
able development discourses, numerous land organizing and rural livelihood
projects are conducted in the region. The outcomes of governing the rainforest
are uneven, with ironies, contradictions, and inequalities frequently marking
both social and environmental dynamics. By focusing on the recent conflicts and
development polices in the region, paying attention to how various actors use
the sustainable development framework, we can see more clearly what sustain-
able development offers for different actors and what it does not. Rather than
attempt to solve the riddle or show how closely (or remotely) we have hit the sus-
tainable development mark in the Amazon, this book turns the very idea of sus-
tainable development into the object of study, inquiring into how and why it has
continued to hold such power and influence and with what impacts. This focus
allows for an examination of how different political processes and relationships
orient the lived experiences of sustainable development as a manifestation of po-
litical practice.
Nearly twenty-​five years after Bye Bye Brazil was made, in 2005 I too sat along
the banks of the Xingu River. The irony was not lost on me that thanks to the
4 Governing the Rainforest

privileges of being an American researcher working in the age of globalization,

I was a gringa tracing the footsteps of the indigenous woman drinking the Coca-​
Cola. And, somewhat like the traveling circus performers, I too was drawn to
Altamira because of my hopefulness. The Brazilian government had recently
created one of the world’s largest conservation areas upstream of Altamira, in
the Xingu River basin. Despite the fact that the new conservation areas were
created in the aftermath of a high-​profile assassination, it seemed that things
were looking up for many of the people living in the region. The ribeirinhos, or
river-​based peasants, were no longer experiencing armed conflicts with illegal
land claimers. A new civil–​society managed pool of funds was established from
a massive crackdown on illegal mahogany logging, and the monies were being
directed toward environmental protection, social projects, and indigenous tribes
in the region.2 Still, the Xingu River was slated to receive a mega-​dam within
a few years’ time. The city of Altamira was abuzz with speculation about when
the Transamazon highway would finally become paved. Most people said they
wanted “development” in Altamira, meaning that they supported the dam and
the highway paving because those infrastructures would bring more jobs and
urban growth.
How did these visions of development come to represent a transformative re-
ality for the people in the region? What was their relationship to the Brazilian
state as they alternately contested, supported, and acquiesced to plans conducted
in the name of achieving sustainable development? This work uncovers how
sustainable development is articulated by different actors, ranging from the
grassroots level to international agencies, and explores the tensions between
their approaches. The primary geographical site for this investigation is not the
entire Brazilian Amazon, but rather a specific stretch of the Lower Xingu River
basin, located in the state of Pará. The region is one of the world’s most symboli-
cally laden and high-​profile locations for exploring sustainable development as a
concept and in physical forms.
A scholarly focus on sustainable development makes sense because it is
something that appears both banal and ubiquitous. Anthropological tradition
suggests that by finding something to be strange—​whether a discourse, con-
cept, or culture—​a better understanding about that “thing” can be gained. It is
important to study sustainable development precisely because it is so taken for
granted. Examining how the discourse can serve to legitimate and privilege cer-
tain interests above others, and how it orients particular visions articulated by
state and civil society actors while making other discourses and sets of values
more marginal, is ripe for critical examination. How are sustainable develop-
ment plans embraced, resisted, and represented by local communities? How are
NGOs and social movements involved in the design, promotion, and implemen-
tation of those plans? What is the role of governmental officials and planning
 Introduction: The Sustainable Development Conundrum 5

authorities as they shape policies aimed at achieving other versions of sustain-

able development? As plans for sustainable development come into adoption,
how are different ideological visions contested?
A political ecology lens is useful for shedding light on how environmental gov-
ernance in the Brazilian Amazon affects lives and landscapes. Political ecology is
an approach that emphasizes geographical and historical materialist analysis of
the political interplay between discourses, material struggles, and social relations,
with attention to how society and environmental resources are interrelated.3 The
field examines the narratives, institutions, and political-​economic structures that
underpin how physical environments (land and water resources, for example)
are co-​produced with society. Its interdisciplinary basis is concerned with un-
derstanding how actors contribute to certain environmental practices while
also being situated within ecologies themselves, involving relationships that
are shaped by political and economic factors as much as cultural and physical
connections. This work aligns with the political ecology scholarship that engages
in a more critical approach that seeks to portray the complexity of interrelated
political, economic, ecological, cultural, and social dynamics as part of a larger
environmental epistemology of political analysis (Forsyth 2008, Peet and Watts
1996, Robbins and Monroe Bishop 2008, Robbins 2004, Zimmerer and Bassett
2003, West 2006).4 A political ecology approach allows for complexity, insofar as
its focus on interrelationships and co-​constitutions between humans and nature
runs against the essentialist and mechanistic tendencies to explain how actors
influence governance and underpin social and ecological change.
This book’s analysis begins by taking sustainable development at face value. It
is used as a strategy, a name given to different policies, and an orienting world-
view, through which the insertion of state power, economic priorities, and
conservation-​oriented values become enacted in lives and on landscapes. For the
sake of present discussion, it is important to remember that sustainable develop-
ment is often thought of as a product—​it is in this sense a noun, a thing that can
be achieved through a project or built into a place. The notion thus implies a fixed
end-​point or set of interventions that suggest we can “get there”—​to an imagined
sweet spot where three major dimensions of economic, ecological, and social
equity goals find balance. When understood as a noun, the implication is that
sustainable development is an object or outcome that can be built. It stays rel-
atively fixed. Instead, sustainable development is more usefully conceptualized
as an ongoing process. Just as ecosystems are dynamic, so too are the social sys-
tems that are the object of sustainable development. Change is the constant of
our world, and rather than a harmonious balance, sustainable development is
generally full of friction. Even reaching agreement among key constituencies
on what the specific targets of the three major axes of sustainable development
should involve in specific circumstances is difficult, let alone triangulating
6 Governing the Rainforest

effectively between often-​competing aims in dynamic economic, social, and ec-

ological environments. Furthermore, while ubiquitous, sustainable development
is also commonly recognized as inadequate. It is difficult to imagine not wanting
to have sustainable development; few would venture to argue that we should not
strive for such a laudable objective. But simultaneously, societies and govern-
mental leaders do not fully understand what it means to live within sustainable
development as a feature of contemporary times.

Approaching Rainforest Politics

Scholars have long acknowledged that there are power differentials and new
subject positions created as neoliberalism and environmental governance mobi-
lize different—​and often competing or ambiguous—​desires to change the world
(Gibson-​Graham 1996, 2006, Agrawal 2005). As a discourse and a mechanism
of environmental governance, diverse visions are captured within the plans that
take shape as sustainable development is enacted. These function to open certain
spaces of possibilities for new social, political, and environmental relations, and
to delineate the bounds of resistance as well. Inescapably, however, the frame-
work of sustainable development falls short of what it attempts, because its role is
one of a relatively incomplete and conservative utopia (Hedrén and Linnér 2009).
A utopia, it is worth remembering, ultimately means no place, coming from the
Greek word ou-​topos. Yet even since Thomas More coined the word in 1512,
utopia has had a second meaning. Utopia, More wrote, was intended as a pun,
because it sounded identical to the Greek word eu-​topos, or “good place,” which
also described his perfect but imaginary world (British Library 2017). Places and
spaces, then, become centrally implicated in understanding how sustainable de-
velopment is imagined. These imaginings, moreover, inform how nature itself is
produced, becoming co-​constituted through levels of ideas, social relations, and
actions, and re-​productions of our nature imaginaries through scales of culture,
politics, and economics (Lefebvre 1991 [1974], West 2006).
Critically engaging how sustainable development orients different plans for
Amazonian landscapes and developmental possibilities, and how certain ex-
pectations are established concerning what could and should be done in the
region helps inform scholarship on two counts. First, it reveals a nuanced por-
trayal of how contemporary approaches involving sustainable development are
manifested in the present, through building on a deep historical and political-​
economic analysis of the past. Second, a critical engagement of this sort with
the sustainable development concept opens up new possibilities for research
about the future of the Amazon and the future of sustainable development it-
self. Interrogating sustainable development’s history and its on-​the-​ground
 Introduction: The Sustainable Development Conundrum 7

manifestations offers us the possibility of escaping the problem-​solving ap-

proach that all too often has offered incremental and inadequate solutions that
are ill-​matched for the urgent and monumental problems of climate change, bi-
odiversity losses, and gross social and economic inequalities. Instead, it moves
toward transformational, structural analysis of our problems, in hopes of finding
meaningful routes out of them.5
The specific geographic location within the Brazilian Amazon that is discussed
in this work are the central and southwestern lands of the state of Pará, in the vi-
cinity of the Transamazon highway and the BR-​163 highway. Pará is in the North
region of Brazil, and its capital city, Belém, is located near the eastern mouth of
the Amazon River delta, about 100 km from the Atlantic Ocean (see Figure 1.1).
In the region, we are witness to sustainable development planning
which, upon a surface-​ level examination, seems to embody significant
contradictions: highways that run across the rainforest are paved, the world’s
third-​largest hydroelectric dam is proposed to be built, and at the same time new
conservation areas and forestry regulations are established, all within the same
geographic space. Operating in concert with one another, these new physical
infrastructures are intended to be harmonized with ecological conservation, and
together they become the basis of environmental governance interventions in
the region.

Governing for Sustainable Development

The approach taken here focuses on how the ongoing process of governing so-
ciety takes shape. I understand governing as involving a purposeful effort to
steer, guide, control, and manage (sectors or facets of) society, both through sin-
gular acts and as constellations of political interventions (Kooiman 1993, Kemp,
Parto, and Gibson 2005). Governing happens as new environmental norms are
shaped, as certain institutional forms become entrenched, and as actors, who
often have divergent interests, find places of convergence with ascertainable co-
herence and legitimacy (Baletti 2014). Focusing on governing helps inform the
question of how governance is playing out in practice, at various levels of ac-
tors and discourses. Through centering our interrogation around how particular
policy interventions transform lives and land into spaces of spatial, cultural, and
economic production, we may gain greater insight into how power is exerted,
how it shapes social and ecological realities, and how those realities are navigated
by different actors (Lefebvre 1991 [1974], Brosius 1999, Bunker 1985, Bunker
and Ciccantell 2005).
This book’s theoretical focus is informed by the seminal urban geographer
Henri Lefebvre, insofar as it attempts to excavate these dynamics within the
Figure 1.1 The Brazilian Amazon with major infrastructure, environmentally protected areas, and indigenous
reserves depicted.
 Introduction: The Sustainable Development Conundrum 9

particular spaces in which sustainable development operates. Understood as

mental, social, and physical spaces, Lefebvre encourages an understanding of
a trialectic between lived space, produced through co-​constitutions of objec-
tive spatial practices; conceptualizations of space; and lived experiences (1991
[1974]). In Lefebvre’s view, “ideologies of space” form a bridge between subjects’
perceptions and their lived spaces of activity. In everyday life, ideologies articu-
late with science, make coherence of spatial practices, and are the forces through
which everyday life is practiced in all its contradictions.

Socio-​political contradictions are realized spatially. The contradictions of space

thus make the contradictions of social relations operative. In other words,
spatial contradictions ‘express’ conflicts between socio-​political interests and
forces; it is only in space that such conflicts come effectively into play, and in so
doing they become contradictions of space. (Lefebvre 1991 [1974], 365)

Using Lefebvre as a foundation for understanding how space is co-​constituted

in the modern world, this book endeavors to unpack how sustainable develop-
ment is imagined, negotiated, and physically enacted. As an element of modern
state practice, sustainable development is manifested in specific spatial cultures
through social, physical, economic, and cultural expressions.
A good part of the theoretical foundation for answering the question of how
sustainable development is manifested in lives and landscapes also derives
from the concept of the production of nature. As Neil Smith (1996) argues,
the urge for capital accumulation shapes nature both discursively and mate-
rially. Understanding nature as a co-​constituted element of social relations
(which are simultaneously constituted by economic and political forces), or a
socio-​nature, establishes capitalism within contingent and contested historical-​
geographical processes that position society and nature as inseparable.6 New
natures are produced across space and time in these ongoing processes, and
because of this, the idea of a pristine nature, untouched by humans, is increas-
ingly problematic. Lefebvre’s call to capture socio-​ nature requires tracing
through a complex maze of power relations and natural processes. The produc-
tion of socio-​nature is understood through moments of relation between rep-
resentational visions, symbolic-​level expressions, and material practices. These
elements may each embody characteristics that tend to internalize dialectical re-
lations, but none of these are reducible to or determined by the other (Lefebvre
1991 [1974]). For Lefebvre, process and fluctuation “becomes interiorized in
moments (lived, perceived, conceived) of the production process, but always
in a fleeting, dynamic, and transgressive manner” (Swyngedouw 2015, 21). In
this epistemological perspective, there is no fixity; flows of social relations, lan-
guage, discursive constructions, material and cultural practices, biochemical
10 Governing the Rainforest

and physical processes, and ideological processes are interacting in processes of

creative destruction. The focus on understanding process over fixed ends helps
in conceptualizing sustainable development as an ongoing set of actions and
imaginaries, and it is as relevant to the nature of cities as it is to the remote re-
gions of the Amazon.7
The political ecology of capitalism is deeply intertwined with the idea of sus-
tainable development, which through assemblages of socio-​nature becomes
manifested and co-​constituted by the economic, political, and social forces
interacting on multiple levels. But how can those levels be understood within
such complex metabolisms and shifting relationship dynamics? Environmental
governance scholarship offers a path forward, recognizing that both “the pol-
itics of scale and the politics of networks” (Bulkeley and Betsill 2003, 3) need
sensitive treatment. The close observation skills of anthropological methods
inform subtle turns of phrase and social relations, and political science yields
insight into how governance implicates a whole range of actors, including
states, international institutions, private corporations, epistemic communities,
domestic NGOs, local governments, and transnational civil society groups.
Interrogating the interdependence and fluid frontiers between the public, pri-
vate, and associated spheres of action, intervention, and control is central to
being able to understand how sustainable development is manifested (Kooiman
1993, Barros-​Platiau 2010).
The treatment of governing in this book, importantly, is distinct from tradi-
tional governance scholarship, which is a robust and distinctive field of its own.
A brief discussion on governance versus governing, and the merits of each, is
certainly warranted. Governance is concerned with the political and economic
variables and mechanisms that lead to specific policies, outcomes, and political
practices. The scope of governance extends beyond governments to focus on
regulations, influential actors, and different organizational forms. Environmental
governance is a domain concerned with how interventions change environment-​
related incentives, knowledge, institutions, decision making, and behaviors.
This type of analysis can be applied to a variety of topics, such as climate change,
ozone depletion, water pollution, species preservation, forest loss, or any
number of other environmental issues (see, for example, Bulkeley 2005, Delmas
and Young 2009, Hempel 1995). Governance for sustainable development is
generally considered a sub-​field of environmental governance, which often
emphasizes participatory processes, coordinating policies, sharing information,
establishing common criteria for success, and a host of other criteria that help es-
tablish effective institutions and incentives for desired outcomes to be achieved
(Kemp, Parto, and Gibson 2005). The bulk of international relations research on
environmental governance in practice tends to model the actors and networks
that ultimately wield political influence, and it debates the extent to which such
 Introduction: The Sustainable Development Conundrum 11

networks are multilevel, primarily domestic, or primarily transnational in na-

ture (Delmas and Young 2009, Bernstein 2002, Backstrand 2006, Ivanova 2003,
Cronkleton 2008). These studies examine key events and political relationships,
among other pathways, formal and informal, in order to explain how environ-
mental reforms take shape. Yet even as convergence takes shape around norms,
interests, institutions, and environmental values, contradictions also arise, as the
often-​stated goals of governmental bureaucracies may diverge from the actual
sociocultural conditions taking place in any given project’s elaboration. Studying
the messiness of such contradictions has generally fallen to anthropological
treatments, much more than political science (see, e.g., Campbell 2012, Mathews
2011, Wolford 2005).
The importance of achieving good governance looms large as a paradigm
in development practice, involving extensive lists of institutional changes and
capacity-​ building initiatives that are frequently considered preconditions
for economic and political development. Designing effective governance
institutions and organizational structures that provide rule-​ordered behavior
and that get the process right for managing rules and sanctioning contrary
behaviors is a key concern, especially in terms of environmental management
in a developing-​world context (Ostrom 1980, Ostrom 1999, Uphoff 1986).
Developing effective institutions, especially in the relationship between the
state and civil society organizations, is an important part of achieving effective
governance (Grindle 2011, Evans 2002, Jordan, Wurzel, and Zito 2005). Shifts
away from such extensive criteria and toward the notion of basic minimums of
good governance, or “good enough governance,” are a newer and relevant cor-
rective in international development scholarship and practice (Grindle 2011).
The scholarship on governance is certainly important and useful, but it tends to
position specific governmental structures, policies, and interventions as fixed
interventions of bureaucracy and institutional design. The problem of under-
standing how ongoing and co-​constituted forms of social and environmental
interaction take place is ultimately not well served, however, because the dy-
namism and tensions that arise as processes of governance play out through
governing are ignored.
In Brazil, institutions are notoriously entangled within layers of jurisdictional
authority, unfinished and sometimes contradictory processes, and institutional
redundancy; the uncertainty that results from these gaps and redundancies
creates formidable obstacles to building effective organizations and manage-
ment regimes (Abers and Keck 2013). Policymaking is often driven by domestic
actors, and those who are most successful in shaping policy outcomes are dis-
tinguished not by the overall strength of the institutions in which they operate,
but by their individual experiences and abilities to experiment and rescale their
efforts depending on different institutional limitations (Abers and Keck 2013).
12 Governing the Rainforest

Substantive roles, especially in the often contradictory and nonlinear world of

Brazilian environmental politics, are also played by multilevel governance and
international norms (Hochstettler and Keck 2007).
The approaches that are concerned with explaining who holds most influ-
ence over certain political outcomes goes a long way toward explaining the ra-
tionale of the state’s institutions or certain political outcomes. However, they
do relatively little to answer questions concerning how international norms,
economic arrangements, and politics converge with local-​level realities. Such
complexities are expounded upon well in the anthropological literature on
conservation and development (West 2006, Tsing 2005, Agrawal 2005), and
this is where governing gains a strong analytical foothold. Through focusing
on how attempts at influencing norms and political outcomes are made, too,
the contradictions and entanglements of the Brazilian political sphere can be
discussed with significantly greater depth than typical governance scholarship
allows. Hence, my focus concerns governing, which involves seeing govern-
ance at multiple scales coming together to shape on-​the-​ground experiences in
the Amazon, and interrogating the meanings that are made as the rainforest is
shaped by and contested through the framework of sustainable development.
This book navigates through these issues by engaging sustainable development
as a reality-​orienting discourse that is shared across these disparate groups
of actors and becomes manifested in practice through a variety of policies,
projects, and interventions.
The general goal of bringing environmental governance to the Amazon is the
orientation through which a host of sustainable development projects and plans
are established. That is, environmental governance is discussed as a normative
good, involving clear rules for land use, property titling, forestry regulations,
streamlined permitting, and the like. Moreover, governance more broadly is
used to describe the need to confront assassinations, the often-​shocking rates of
rural violence, and deep social inequality. Citizen groups at local and transna-
tional levels voice the need for a more robust criminal justice system and more
rule of law, while bemoaning the absence of governance. In its various forms, en-
vironmental governance becomes manifested in material practice in addition to
representation and semiotics; it situates the ambiguous policy idea of participa-
tion, which also serves as a “mobilizing metaphor” (Porter 1995) in development
projects. This book offers an exploration of the co-​constituted relationships that
are formed as sustainable development discourses and policies gain legitimacy,
involve compromises, and entail competing notions of what success should
look like. The “terrain of struggle” (Li 1999, 316) of sustainable development in
Amazonia is both geographical and relational. Through exploring this terrain,
we are able to examine how environmental governance is worked out in uneven,
dynamic ways.
Another random document with
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 CHAPTER II
I poured myself some more beer and glanced sideways at Foster. He
didn't look like a nut....
"All I've got to say is," I said, "you're a hell of a spry-looking seventy."
"You find my appearance strangely youthful. What would be your
reaction if I told you that I've aged greatly in the past few months?
That a year ago I could have passed as no older than thirty without
the slightest difficulty—"
"I don't think I'd believe you," I said. "And I'm sorry, Mr. Foster; but I
don't believe the bit about the 1918 hospital either. How can I? It's—"
"I know. Fantastic. But let's go back a moment to the book itself. Look
closely at the paper; it's been examined by experts. They're baffled by
it. Attempts to analyze it chemically failed—they were unable to take
a sample. It's impervious to solvents—"
"They couldn't get a sample?" I said. "Why not just tear off the corner
of one of the sheets?"
"Try it," Foster said.
I picked up the book and plucked at the edge of one of the blank
sheets, then pinched harder and pulled. The paper held. I got a better
grip and pulled again. It was like fine, tough leather, except that it
didn't even stretch.
"It's tough, all right," I said. I took out my pocket knife and opened it
and worked on the edge of the paper. Nothing. I went over to the
bureau and put the paper flat against the top and sawed at it, putting
my weight on the knife. I raised the knife and brought it down hard. I
didn't so much as mark the sheet. I put the knife away.
"That's some paper, Mr. Foster," I said.
"Try to tear the binding," Foster said. "Put a match to it. Shoot at it if
you like. Nothing will make an impression on that material. Now,
you're a logical man, Legion. Is there something here outside ordinary
experience or is there not?"
I sat down, feeling for a cigarette. I still didn't have one.
"What does it prove?" I said.
"Only that the book is not a simple fraud. You're facing something
which can't be dismissed as fancy. The book exists. That is our basic
point of departure."
"Where do we go from there?"
"There is a second factor to be considered," Foster went on. "At some
time in the past I seem to have made an enemy. Someone, or
something, is systematically hunting me."

I tried a laugh, but it felt out of place. "Why not sit still and let it catch
up with you? Maybe it could tell you what the whole thing is about."
Foster shook his head. "It started almost thirty years ago," he said. "I
was driving south from Albany, New York, at night. It was a long
straight stretch of road, no houses. I noticed lights following me. Not
headlights—something that bobbed along, off in the fields along the
road. But they kept pace, gradually moving alongside. Then they
closed in ahead, keeping out of range of my headlights. I stopped the
car. I wasn't seriously alarmed, just curious. I wanted a better look, so
I switched on my spotlight and played it on the lights. They
disappeared as the light touched them. After half a dozen were gone
the rest began closing in. I kept picking them off. There was a sound,
too, a sort of high-pitched humming. I caught a whiff of sulphur then,
and suddenly I was afraid—deathly afraid. I caught the last one in the
beam no more than ten feet from the car. I can't describe the horror of
the moment—"
"It sounds pretty weird," I said. "But what was there to be afraid of? It
must have been some kind of heat lightning."
"There is always the pat explanation," Foster said. "But no
explanation can rationalize the instinctive dread I felt. I started up the
car and drove on—right through the night and the next day. I sensed
that I must put distance between myself and whatever it was I had
met. I bought a home in California and tried to put the incident out of
my mind—with limited success. Then it happened again."
"The same thing? Lights?"
"It was more sophisticated the next time. It started with interference—
static—on my radio. Then it affected the wiring in the house. All the
lights began to glow weakly, even though they were switched off. I
could feel it—feel it in my bones—moving closer, hemming me in. I
tried the car; it wouldn't start. Fortunately, I kept a few horses at that
time. I mounted and rode into town—and at a fair gallop, you may be
sure. I saw the lights, but out-distanced them. I caught a train and
kept going."
"I don't see—"
"It happened again; four times in all. I thought perhaps I had
succeeded in eluding it at last. I was mistaken. I have had definite
indications that my time here is drawing to a close. I would have been
gone before now, but there were certain arrangements to be made."
"Look," I said. "This is all wrong. You need a psychiatrist, not an ex-
tough guy. Delusions of persecution—"

"It seemed obvious that the explanation was to be found somewhere

in my past life," Foster went on. "I turned to the notebook, my only
link. I copied it out, including the encrypted portion. I had photostatic
enlargements made of the initial section—the part written in
unfamiliar characters. None of the experts who have examined the
script have been able to identify it.
"I necessarily, therefore, concentrated my attention on the last section
—the only part written in English. I was immediately struck by a
curious fact I had ignored before. The writer made references to an
Enemy, a mysterious 'they,' against which defensive measures had to
be taken."
"Maybe that's where you got the idea," I said. "When you first read
the book—"
"The writer of the log," Foster said, "was dogged by the same
nemesis that now follows me."
"It doesn't make any sense," I said.
"For the moment," Foster said, "stop looking for logic in the situation.
Look for a pattern instead."
"There's a pattern, all right," I said.
"The next thing that struck me," Foster went on, "was a reference to a
loss of memory—a second point of some familiarity to me. The writer
expresses frustration at the inability to remember certain facts which
would have been useful to him in his pursuit."
"What kind of pursuit?"
"Some sort of scientific project, as nearly as I can gather. The journal
bristles with tantalizing references to matters that are never
explained."
"And you think the man that wrote it had amnesia?"
"Not actually amnesia, perhaps," Foster said. "But there were things
he was unable to remember."
"If that's amnesia, we've all got it," I said. "Nobody's got a perfect
memory."
"But these were matters of importance; not the kind of thing that
simply slip one's mind."
"I can see how you'd want to believe the book had something to do
with your past, Mr. Foster," I said. "It must be a hard thing, not
knowing your own life story. But you're on the wrong track. Maybe the
book is a story you started to write—in code, so nobody would
accidentally read the stuff and kid you about it."
"Legion, what was it you planned to do when you got to Miami?"
The question caught me a little off-guard. "Well, I don't know," I
hedged. "I wanted to get south, where it's warm. I used to know a few
people—"
"In other words, nothing," Foster said. "Legion, I'll pay you well to stay
with me and see this thing through."
I shook my head. "Not me, Mr. Foster. The whole thing sounds—well,
the kindest word I can think of is 'nutty'."
"Legion," Foster said, "do you really believe I'm insane?"
"Let's just say this all seems a little screwy to me, Mr. Foster."
"I'm not asking you just to work for me," Foster said. "I'm asking for
your help."
"You might as well look for your fortune in tea leaves," I said, irritated.
"There's nothing in what you've told me."

"There's more, Legion. Much more. I've recently made an important

discovery. When I know you're with me, I'll tell you. You know enough
now to accept the fact that this isn't entirely a figment of my
imagination."
"I don't know anything," I said. "So far it's all talk."
"If you're concerned about payment—"
"No, damn it," I barked. "Where are the papers you keep talking
about? I ought to have my head examined for sitting here humoring
you. I've got troubles enough—" I stopped talking and rubbed my
hands over my scalp. "I'm sorry, Mr. Foster," I said. "I guess what's
really griping me is that you've got everything I think I want—and
you're not content with it. It bothers me to see you off chasing fairies.
If a man with his health and plenty of money can't enjoy life, what the
hell is there for anybody?"
Foster looked at me thoughtfully. "Legion, if you could have anything
in life you wanted, what would you ask for?"
I swirled the beer in the mug. "Anything? I've wanted a lot of different
things. Once I wanted to be a hero. Later, I wanted to be smart, know
all the answers. Then I had the idea that a chance to do an honest
job, one that needed doing, was the big thing. I never found that job. I
never got smart either, or figured out how to tell a hero from a
coward, without a program."
"In other words," Foster said, "you were looking for an abstraction to
believe in—in this case, Justice. But you won't find justice in nature.
It's a thing that only man expects or acknowledges."
"There are some good things in life; I'd like to get a piece of them."
"Don't lose your capacity for dreaming, in the process."
"Dreams?" I said. "Oh, I've got those. I want an island somewhere in
the sun, where I can spend my time fishing and watching the sea and
working my way through a carefully selected harem and an even
more carefully selected wine cellar."
"You're speaking cynically—but you're still attempting to concretize an
abstraction," Foster said. "But no matter—materialism is simply
another form of idealism."
I looked at Foster. "But I know I'll never have those things—or that
Justice you were talking about, either. Once you really know you'll
never make it...."
"Perhaps unattainability is an essential element of any dream," Foster
said. "But hold onto your dream, whatever it is—don't ever give it up."
"So much for philosophy," I said. "Where is it getting us?"
"You'd like to see the papers," Foster said. He fished a key-ring from
an inner pocket. "If you don't mind going out to the car," he said, "and
perhaps getting your hands dirty, there's a strong-box welded to the
frame. I keep photostats of everything there, along with my passport,
emergency funds, and so on. I've learned to be ready to travel on
very short notice. Lift the floorboards; you'll see the box."
"It's not all that urgent," I said. "I'll take a look in the morning—after
I've caught up on some sleep. But don't get the wrong idea—it's just
my knot-headed curiosity."
"Very well," Foster said. He lay back, sighed. "I'm tired, Legion," he
said. "My mind is tired."
"Yeah," I said, "so is mine—not to mention other portions of my
anatomy."
"Get some sleep," Foster said. "We'll talk again in the morning."

I pushed back the light blanket and slid out of bed. Underfoot, the rug
was as thick and soft as mink. I went across to the closet and pushed
the button that made the door slide aside. My old clothes were still
lying on the floor where I had left them, but I had the clean ones
Foster had lent me. He wouldn't mind if I borrowed them for awhile
longer—it would be cheaper for him in the long run. Foster was as
looney as a six-day bike racer, but there was no point in my waiting
around to tell him so.
The borrowed outfit didn't include a coat. I thought of putting my old
jacket on but it was warm outside and a grey pin-stripe with grease
spots wouldn't help the picture any. I transferred my personal
belongings from the grimy clothes on the floor, and eased the door
open.
Downstairs, the curtains were drawn in the living room. I could
vaguely make out the outline of the bar. It wouldn't hurt to take along
a bite to eat. I groped my way behind the bar, felt along the shelves,
found a stack of small cans that rattled softly. Nuts, probably. I
reached to put a can on the bar and it clattered against something I
couldn't see. I swore silently, felt over the obstruction. It was bulky,
with the cold smoothness of metal, and there were small projections
with sharp corners. It felt for all the world like—
I leaned over it and squinted. With the faint gleam of moonlight from a
chink in the heavy curtains falling just so, I could almost make out the
shape; I crouched a little lower, and caught the glint of light along the
perforated jacket of a .30 calibre machine gun. My eye followed the
barrel, made out the darker square of the entrance hall, and the tiny
reflection of light off the polished brass door-knob at the far end.
I stepped back, flattened against the wall, with a hollow feeling inside.
If I had tried to walk through that door....
Foster was crazy enough for two ordinary nuts. My eyes flicked
around the room. I had to get out quickly before he jumped out and
said Boo and I died of heart-failure. The windows, maybe. I came
around the end of the bar, got down and crawled under the barrel of
the gun, and over to the heavy drapes, pushed them aside. Pale light
glowed beyond the glass. Not the soft light of the moon, but a milky,
churning glow that reminded me of the phosphorescence of sea
water....
I dropped the curtain, ducked back under the gun into the hall, and
pushed through a swinging door into the kitchen. There was a faint
glow from the luminous handle of the refrigerator. I yanked it open,
spilling light on the floor, and looked around. Plenty of gleaming white
fixtures—but no door out. There was a window, almost obscured by
leaves. I eased it open and almost broke my fist on a wrought iron
trellis.

Back in the hall, I tried two more doors, both locked. A third opened,
and I found myself looking down the cellar stairs. They were steep
and dark like cellar stairs always seem to be but they might be the
way out. I felt for a light switch, flipped it on. A weak illumination
showed me a patch of damp-looking floor at the foot of the steps. It
still wasn't inviting, but I went down.
There was an oil furnace in the center of the room, with dusty duct
work spidering out across the ceiling; some heavy packing cases of
rough wood were stacked along one wall, and at the far side of the
room there was a boarded-up coal bin—but no cellar door.
I turned to go back up and heard a sound and froze. Somewhere a
cockroach scuttled briefly. Then I heard the sound again: a faint
grinding of stone against stone. I peered through the cob-webbed
shadows, my mouth suddenly dry. There was nothing.
The thing for me to do was to get up the stairs fast, batter the iron
trellis out of that kitchen window, and run like hell. The trouble was, I
had to move to do it, and the sound of my own steps was so loud it
was paralyzing. Compared to this, the shock of stumbling over the
gun was just a mild kick. Ordinarily I didn't believe in things that went
bump in the night, but this time I was hearing the bumps myself, and
all I could think about was Edgar Allan Poe and his cheery tales
about people who got themselves buried before they were thoroughly
dead.
There was another sound, then a sharp snap, and I saw light spring
up from a crack that opened across the floor in the shadowy corner.
That was enough for me. I jumped for the stairs, took them three at a
time, and banged through the kitchen door. I grabbed up a chair,
swung it up, and slammed it against the trellis. It bounced back and
cracked me across the mouth. I dropped it, tasting blood. Maybe that
was what I needed. The panic faded before a stronger emotion—
anger. I turned and barged along the dark hall to the living room—and
lights suddenly went on. I whirled and saw Foster standing in the hall
doorway, fully dressed.
"OK, Foster!" I yelled. "Just show me the way out of here."
Foster held my eyes, his face tense. "Calm yourself, Mr. Legion," he
said softly. "What happened here?"
"Get over there to that gun," I snapped, nodding toward the .30
calibre on the bar. "Disarm it, and then get the front door open. I'm
leaving."
Foster's eyes flicked over the clothes I was wearing. "So I see," he
said. He looked me in the face again. "What is it that's frightened you,
Legion?"
"Don't act so damned innocent," I said. "Or am I supposed to get the
idea the brownies set up that booby trap while you were asleep?"
His eyes went to the gun and his expression tightened. "It's mine," he
said. "It's an automatic arrangement. Something's activated it—and
without sounding my alarm. You haven't been outside, have you?"
"How could I—"
"This is important, Legion," Foster rapped. "It would take more than
the sight of a machine gun to panic you. What have you seen?"
"I was looking for a back door," I said. "I went down to the cellar. I
didn't like it down there so I came back up."
"What did you see in the cellar?" Foster's face looked strained,
colorless.
"It looked like ..." I hesitated. "There was a crack in the floor, noises,
lights...."
"The floor," Foster said. "Certainly. That's the weak point." He seemed
to be talking to himself.
I jerked a thumb over my shoulder. "Something funny going on
outside your windows, too."

Foster looked toward the heavy hangings. "Listen carefully, Legion,"

he said. "We are in grave danger—both of us. It's fortunate you arose
when you did. This house, as you must have guessed by now, is
something of a fortress. At this moment, it is under attack. The walls
are protected by some rather formidable defense. I can't say as much
for the cellar floor; it's merely three feet of ferro-concrete. We'll have
to go now—very swiftly, and very quietly."
"OK—show me," I said. Foster turned and went back along the hall to
one of the locked doors, pressed something. The door opened and I
followed him inside a small room. He crossed to a blank wall, pressed
against it. A panel slid aside—and Foster jumped back.
"God's wounds!" he gasped. He threw himself at the wall, and the
panel closed. I stood stock still; from somewhere there was a smell
like sulphur.
"What the hell goes on?" I said. My voice cracked, like it always does
when I'm scared.
"That odor!" Foster said. "Quickly—the other way!"
I stepped back and Foster pushed past me and ran along the hall,
with me at his heels. I didn't look back to see what was at my own
heels. Foster took the stairs three at a time, pulled up short on the
landing. He went to his knees, shoved back an Isfahan rug as supple
as sable, and gripped a steel ring set in the floor. He looked at me,
his face white.
"Invoke thy gods," he said hoarsely, and heaved at the ring. A section
of floor swung up, showing the first step of a flight leading down into a
black hole. Foster didn't hesitate; he dropped his feet in, scrambled
down. I followed. The stairs went down about ten feet, ending on a
stone floor. There was the sound of a latch turning, and we stepped
out into a larger room. I saw moonlight through a row of high
windows, and smelled the fragrance of fresh night air.
"We're in the garage," Foster whispered. "Go around to the other side
of the car and get in—quietly." I touched the smooth flank of the
rakish cabriolet, felt my way around it, and eased the door open. I
slipped into the seat and closed the door gently. Beside me, Foster
touched a button and a green light glowed in the dash.
"Ready?" he said.
"Sure."
The starter whined half a turn and the engine caught, and without
waiting, Foster gunned it, let in the clutch. The car leaped for the
closed doors, and I ducked, then saw the doors snap aside as the
low-slung car roared out into the night. We took the first turn in the
drive at forty, and rounded onto the highway at sixty, tires screaming.
I took a look back, and caught a glimpse of the house, its stately
facade white in the moonlight—and then we were out of sight.
"What's it all about?" I called over the rush of air. The needle touched
ninety, kept going.
"Later," Foster barked. I didn't feel like arguing. I watched the mirror
for a few minutes, wondering where all the cops were tonight. Then I
settled down in the padded seat and watched the speedometer eat
up the miles.
 CHAPTER III
It was nearly four-thirty and a tentative grey streak showed through
the palm fronds to the east before I broke the silence.
"By the way," I said. "What was the routine with the steel shutters and
the bullet-proof glass in the kitchen, and the handy home model
machine gun covering the front door? Mice bad around the place, are
they?"
"Those things were necessary—and more."
"Now that the short hairs along my spine have relaxed," I said, "The
whole thing looks pretty silly. We've run far enough now to be able to
stop and turn around and stick our tongues out."
"Not yet—not for a while."
"Why don't we just go back home," I went on, "and—"
"No!" Foster said sharply. "I want your word on that, Legion. No
matter what—don't ever go near that house again."
"It'll be daylight soon," I said. "We'll feel pretty asinine about this little
trip after the sun comes up, but don't worry, I won't tell anybody—"
"We've got to keep moving," Foster said. "At the next town, I'll
telephone for seats on a flight from Miami."
"Hold on," I said. "You're raving. What about your house? We didn't
even stick around long enough to make sure the TV was turned off.
And what about passports, and money, and luggage? And what
makes you think I'm going with you?"
"I've kept myself in readiness for this emergency," Foster said. "There
are disposition instructions for the house on file with a legal firm in
Jacksonville. There is nothing to connect me with my former life, once
I've changed my name and disappeared. As for the rest—we can buy
luggage in the morning. My passport is in the car; perhaps we'd better
go first to Puerto Rico, until we can arrange for one for you."
"Look," I said. "I got spooked in the dark; that's all. Why not just admit
we made fools of ourselves?"
Foster shook his head. "The inherent inertia of the human mind," he
said. "How it fights to resist new ideas."
"The kind of new ideas you're talking about could get both of us
locked up in the chuckle ward," I said.
"Legion," Foster said, "I think you'd better write down what I'm going
to tell you. It's important—vitally important. I won't waste time with
preliminaries. The notebook I showed you—it's in my jacket. You
must read the English portion of it. Afterwards, what I'm about to say
may make more sense."
"I hope you don't feel your last will and testament coming on, Mr.
Foster," I said. "Not before you tell me what that was we were both so
eager to get away from."
"I'll be frank with you," Foster said flatly. "I don't know."

Foster wheeled into the dark drive of a silent service station, eased to
a stop, set the brake, and slumped back in the seat.
"Do you mind driving for a while, Legion?" he said. "I'm not feeling
very well."
"Sure, I'll drive," I said. I opened the door and got out and went
around to his side. Foster sat limply, eyes closed, his face drawn and
strained. He looked older than he had last night—years older. The
night's experiences hadn't taken anything off my age, either.
Foster opened his eyes, looked at me blankly. He seemed to gather
himself with an effort. "I'm sorry," he said. "I'm not myself."
He moved over and I got in the driver's seat. "If you're sick," I said,
"we'd better find a doctor."
"No, it's all right," he said blurrily. "Just keep going...."
"We're a hundred and fifty miles from Mayport now," I said.
Foster turned to me, started to say something—and slumped in a
dead faint. I grabbed for his pulse; it was strong and steady. I rolled
up an eyelid and a dilated pupil stared sightlessly. He was all right—I
hoped. But the thing to do was get him in bed and call a doctor. We
were at the edge of a small town. I let the brake off and drove slowly
into town, swung around the corner and pulled in in front of the
sagging marquee of a rundown hotel. Foster stirred as I cut the
engine.
"Foster," I said. "I'm going to get you into a bed. Can you walk?" He
groaned softly and opened his eyes. They were glassy. I got out and
got him to the sidewalk. He was still half out. I walked him into the
dingy lobby and over to a reception counter where a dim bulb burned.
I dinged the bell. It was a minute before an old man shuffled out from
where he'd been sleeping. He yawned, eyed me suspiciously, looked
at Foster.
"We don't want no drunks here," he said. "Respectable house."
"My friend is sick," I said. "Give me a double with bath. And call a
doctor."
"What's he got?" the old man said. "Ain't contagious, is it?"
"That's what I want a doctor to tell me."
"I can't get the doc 'fore in the morning. And we got no private
bathrooms."
I signed the register and we rode the open-cage elevator to the fourth
floor and went along a gloomy hall to a door painted a peeling brown.
It didn't look inviting; the room inside wasn't much better. There was a
lot of flowered wallpaper and an old-fashioned wash stand, and two
wide beds. I stretched Foster out on one. He lay relaxed, a serene
expression on his face—the kind undertakers try for but never quite
seem to manage. I sat down on the other bed and pulled off my
shoes. It was my turn to have a tired mind. I lay on the bed and let it
sink down like a grey stone into still water.
I awoke from a dream in which I had just discovered the answer to
the riddle of life. I tried to hold onto it, but it slipped away; it always
does.
Grey daylight was filtering through the dusty windows. Foster lay
slackly on the broad sagging bed, a ceiling lamp with a faded fringed
shade casting a sickly yellow light over him. It didn't make things any
cheerier; I flipped it off.
Foster was lying on his back, arms spread wide, breathing heavily.
Maybe it was only exhaustion and he didn't need a doctor after all.
He'd probably wake up in a little while, raring to go. As for me, I was
feeling hungry again. I'd have to have a buck or so for sandwiches. I
went over to the bed and called Foster's name. He didn't move. If he
was sleeping that soundly, maybe I wouldn't bother him.
I eased his wallet out of his coat pocket, took it to the window and
checked it. It was fat. I took a ten, put the wallet on the table. I
remembered Foster had said something about money in the car. I
had the keys in my pocket. I got my shoes on and let myself out
quietly. Foster hadn't moved.
Down on the street, I waited for a couple of yokels who were looking
over Foster's car to move on, then slid into the seat, leaned over and
got the floorboards up. The strong-box was set into the channel of the
frame. I scraped the road dirt off the lock and opened it with a key
from Foster's key-ring, took out the contents. There was a bundle of
stiffish papers, a passport, some maps—marked up—and a wad of
currency that made my mouth go dry. I rifled through it; fifty grand if it
was a buck.
I stuffed the papers, the money and the passport back in the box and
locked it, and climbed out onto the sidewalk. A few doors down the
street there was a dirty window lettered MAE'S EAT. I went in,
ordered hamburgers and coffee to go, and sat at the counter with
Foster's keys in front of me, and thought about the car that went with
them. The passport only needed a little work on the picture to get me
wherever I wanted to go, and the money would buy me my choice of
islands. Foster would have a nice long nap, and then take a train
home. With his dough, he'd hardly miss what I took.
The counterman put a paper bag in front of me and I paid him and
went out. I stood by the car, jingling the keys on my palm and
thinking. I would be in Miami in an hour, and I knew where to go for
the passport job. Foster was a nice guy, and I liked him—but I'd never
have a break like this again. I reached for the car door and a voice
said, "Paper, Mister?"
I jumped and looked around. A dirty-faced kid was looking at me.
"Sure," I said. I gave him a single and took the paper, flipped it open.
A Mayport dateline caught my eye:
"Police Raid Hideout. A surprise raid by local police led to the
discovery here today of a secret gangland fortress. Chief Chesters of
the Mayport Police stated that the raid came as an aftermath of the
arrival in the city yesterday of a notorious northern gang member. A
number of firearms, including army-type machine guns, were seized
in the raid on a house 9 miles from Mayport on the Fernandina road.
The raid was said by Chief Chesters to be the culmination of a
lengthy investigation. C. R. Foster, 50, owner of the property, is
missing and feared dead. Police are seeking an ex-convict who
visited the house last night. Chief Chesters stated that Foster may
have been the victim of a gangland murder."

I banged through the door to the darkened room and stopped short.
In the gloom I could see Foster sitting on the edge of my bed, looking
my way.
"Look at this," I yelped, flapping the paper in his face. "Now the cops
are dragging the state for me—and on a murder rap at that! Get on
the phone and get this thing straightened out—if you can. You and
your little green men! The cops think they've stumbled on Al
Capone's arsenal. You'll have fun explaining that one...."
Foster looked at me interestedly. He smiled.
"What's funny about it, Foster?" I yelled. "Your dough may buy you
out, but what about me?"
"Forgive me for asking," Foster said pleasantly. "But—who are you?"

There are times when I'm slow on the uptake, but this wasn't one of
them; the implications of what Foster had said hit me hard enough to
make my knees go weak.
"Oh, no, Mr. Foster," I said. "You can't lose your memory again—not
right now, not with the police looking for me. You're my alibi; you're
the one that has to explain all the business about the guns and the ad
in the paper. I just came to see about a job, remember?"
My voice was getting a little shrill. Foster sat looking at me, wearing
an expression between a frown and a smile, like a credit manager
turning down an application.
He shook his head slightly. "My name is not Foster."
"Look," I said. "Your name was Foster yesterday—that's all I care
about. You're the one that owns the house the cops are all upset
about. And you're the corpse I'm supposed to have knocked off.
You've got to go to the cops with me—right now—and tell them I'm
just an innocent bystander."
I went to the window and raised the shades to let some light into the
room, turned back to Foster.
"I'll explain to the cops about you thinking the little men were after you
—" I stopped talking and stared at Foster. For a wild moment I
thought I'd made a mistake—that I'd wandered into the wrong room. I
knew Foster's face, all right; the light was bright enough now to see
clearly; but the man I was talking to couldn't have been a day over
twenty years old.
I went close to him, staring hard. There were the same cool blue
eyes, but the lines around them were gone. The black hair grew lower
and thicker than I remembered it, and the skin was clear and vibrant.
I sat down hard on my bed. "Mama mia," I said.
"¿Que es la dificultad?" Foster said.
"Shut up," I moaned. "I'm confused enough in one language." I was
trying hard to think but I couldn't seem to get started. A few minutes
earlier I'd had the world by the tail—just before it turned around and
bit me. Cold sweat popped out on my forehead when I thought about
how close I had come to driving off in Foster's car; every cop in the
state would be looking for it by now—and if they found me in it, the
jury wouldn't be ten minutes reaching a verdict of guilty.
Then another thought hit me—the kind that brings you bolt upright
with your teeth clenched and your heart hammering. It wouldn't be
long before the local hick cops would notice the car out front. They'd
come in after me, and I'd tell them it belonged to Foster. They'd take
a look at him and say, nuts, the bird we want is fifty years old, and
where did you hide the body?
I got up and started pacing. Foster had already told me there was
nothing to connect him with his house in Mayport; the locals there
had seen enough of him to know he was pushing middle age, at
least. I could kick and scream and tell them this twenty year-old kid
was Foster, but I'd never make it stick. There was no way to prove my
story; they'd figure Foster was dead and that I'd killed him—and
anybody who thinks you need a corpus to prove murder better read
his Perry Mason again.
I glanced out of the window and did a double-take. Two cops were
standing by Foster's car. One of them went around to the back and
got out a pad and took down the license number, then said something
over his shoulder and started across the street. The second cop
planted himself by the car, his eye on the front of the hotel.
I whirled on Foster. "Get your shoes on," I croaked. "Let's get the hell
out of here."
We went down the stairs quietly and found a back door opening on
an alley. Nobody saw us go.

An hour later, I sagged in a grimy coach seat and studied Foster,

sitting across from me—a middle-aged nut with the face of a young
kid and a mind like a blank slate. I had no choice but to drag him with
me; my only chance was to stick close and hope he got back enough
of his memory to get me off the hook.
It was time for me to be figuring my next move. I thought about the
fifty thousand dollars I had left behind in the car, and groaned. Foster
looked concerned.
"Are you in pain?" he said.
"And how I'm in pain," I said. "Before I met you I was a homeless
bum, broke and hungry. Now I can add a couple more items: the cops
are after me, and I've got a mental case to nursemaid."
"What law have you broken?" Foster said.
"None, damn it," I barked. "As a crook, I'm a washout. I've planned
three larcenies in the last twelve hours, and flunked out on all of
them. And now I'm wanted for murder."
"Whom did you kill?" Foster enquired courteously.
I leaned across so I could snarl in his face: "You!" Then, "Get this
through your head, Foster. The only crime I'm guilty of is stupidity. I
listened to your crazy story; because of you I'm in a mess I'll never
get straightened out." I leaned back. "And then there's the question of
old men that take a nap and wake up in their late teens; we'll go into
that later, after I've had my nervous breakdown."
"I'm sorry if I've been the cause of difficulty," Foster said. "I wish that I
could recall the things you've spoken of. Is there anything I can do to
assist you now?"
"And you were the one who wanted help," I said. "There is one thing;
let me have the money you've got on you; we'll need it."
Foster got out his wallet, after I told him where it was, and handed it
to me. I looked through it; there was nothing in it with a photo or
fingerprints. When Foster said he had arranged matters so that he
could disappear without a trace, he hadn't been kidding.
"We'll go to Miami," I said. "I know a place in the Cuban section
where we can lie low, cheap. Maybe if we wait a while, you'll start
remembering things."
"Yes," Foster said. "That would be pleasant."

"You haven't forgotten how to talk, at least," I said. "I wonder what
else you can do. Do you remember how you made all that money?"
"I can remember nothing of your economic system," Foster said. He
looked around. "This is a very primitive world, in many respects. It
should not be difficult to amass wealth here."
"I never had much luck at it," I said. "I haven't even been able to
amass the price of a meal."
"Food is exchanged for money?" Foster asked.
"Everything is exchanged for money," I said. "Including most of the
human virtues."
"This is a strange world," Foster said. "It will take me a long while to
become accustomed to it."
"Yeah, me, too," I said. "Maybe things would be better on Mars."
Foster nodded. "Perhaps," he said. "Perhaps we should go there."
I groaned, then caught myself. "No, I'm not in pain," I said. "But don't
take me so literally, Foster."
We rode along in silence for a while.
"Say, Foster," I said. "Have you still got that notebook of yours?"
Foster tried several pockets, came up with the book. He looked at it,
turned it over, frowning.