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Social Networking Sites Use and Self-Esteem among Filipino Young Adults: Does
Social Comparison Mediate or Moderate this Association?

Article in North American Journal of Psychology · December 2023

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 Social Networking Sites Use and Self-Esteem
among Filipino Young Adults: Does Social
Comparison Mediate or Moderate this
Association?
Marc Eric S. Reyes1, Carmela Alexandra D. Buluran1,
ArriahMarialis B. Celicious1, Russel Heidi G. Dauigoy1,
Keith Christian A. Mallare1, and Ágnes Zsila2, 3
1
University of Santo Tomas, Manila, Philippines
2
Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Budapest, Hungary
3
ELTE Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary

In addition to maintaining social relationships, social networking sites

(SNS) are a platform for social comparison and self-esteem. Social
comparison theory posits an innate drive to assess and evaluate oneself
by comparing oneself to others, influencing self-esteem. Although
existing research relates to SNS usage, social comparison, and self-
esteem in other countries, no studies have been conducted in the cultural
context of the Philippines. It is to be noted that the Philippines is one of
the most active social media communities in the world, with the 18-24
age group making up the most significant proportion of users in the
country. The current study investigates the relationship between SNS use,
social comparison, and self-esteem. We examine social comparison's
possible mediating or moderating role in the association between social
networking site use and self-esteem. Seven hundred fifty-seven Filipino
young adults (66.1% women, Mage = 19.35 years; SD = 1.15) voluntarily
participated and completed the Iowa-Netherlands Comparison
Orientation Measure, Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, and Social
Networking Time Use Scale. It was found that social comparison
mediated but not moderated the association between increased social
networking site use and lower self-esteem. These findings provide a more
nuanced picture of the role of social comparison in this association.
Future research may examine the generalizability of our findings to other
platforms and explore the relationship of the variables with SNS
engagement (i.e., friend or follower count, content on feed, etc.) and
online behavior (active vs. passive use).

Keywords: self-esteem, social comparison, social networking sites, young

adults

_______________________________
Author info: Correspondence should be sent to: Dr. Marc Eric S. Reyes,
Department of Psychology, University of Santo Tomas, Manila, Philippines
1008. Email address: msreyes@ust.edu.ph
North American Journal of Psychology, 2023, Vol. 25, No. 4, 697 - 716.
© NAJP
698 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

Social comparison is an innate tendency to compare oneself to others

to learn about the self (Festinger, 1954). Social comparison is either
upward or downward, depending on the status of those against whom the
self is judged. Upward social comparison occurs when we compare
ourselves to those we regard as superior or having mostly better
characteristics. Similarly, downward social comparison occurs when we
compare ourselves to those we believe are inferior or have mostly worse
features. In general, favorable comparisons result in positive emotions,
while unfavorable comparisons result in negative emotions (Wills, 1981;
Wood, 1989; as cited in Vogel et al., 2014).
However, the actual social comparisons we make are not incidental.
Instead, social comparison serves to acquire knowledge about one
position relative to others, a mechanism for developing self-esteem. As
such, social comparison is specifically motivated by a desire to answer
questions like "How am I doing?" and "Where do I rank?" Such global
comparisons, in turn, support hypotheses or conclusions about the self,
which connect positive or negative emotions globally to self-esteem. If
the answers are "I'm doing poorly" or "I rank low and can't compete,"
self-esteem deteriorates globally. If the answers are "I'm doing well" or "I
rank high and compete well," self-esteem becomes globally positive
(Coopersmith, 1967; as cited in Vogel et al., 2014). The social
comparison thus involves (1) the self, (2) the object or person to which
the self is compared, (3) the actual process of judging or comparing, (4)
the conclusion made as a result of the comparison, (5) the effect of this
comparison upon the person's self-esteem, usually discussed as globally
positive or globally negative, and (6) efforts made to mitigate the
possible adverse effects of the comparison, if any, which are intended to
maintain self-esteem.
A growing body of literature has shown that social comparison has
complex and sometimes counterintuitive effects. For example, when a
discrepancy in performance between the self and others is perceived, the
individual may act more competitively (Garcia et al., 2013). As such,
even unfavorable social comparisons may be a source of maintaining
self-esteem, resulting in the motivation for self-improvement (Buunk et
al., 1990; Lockwood &Kunda, 1997; as cited in Meier & Schafer, 2018).
Both upward and downward social comparisons may affect behavior
(Garcia et al., 2013) and self-perception (Tesser, 1988), as Festinger
(1954) and other studies found (Taylor & Brown, 1988; Tesser &
Campbell, 1982; as cited in Vogel et al., 2014). People compare
themselves to evaluate their opinions, abilities, personality traits, and
emotions. Ultimately, feelings depend largely on personality traits and
social comparison mechanisms (Schachter, 1959; as cited in Vogel et al.,
2014). In a study by Jenkins-Guarnieri et al. (2012), extraversion was the
 Reyes, Buluran, Calicious, Dauigoy, Mallare, & Zsila 699

only trait positively related to the intensity of Facebook use among the
Big Five personality traits. It was the strongest predictor of social media
use (Correa et al., 2012). Additionally, individuals with high levels of
openness, another characteristic of the Big Five, reported spending more
time on Facebook (Skues et al., 2012). Moreover, individuals who are
high in neuroticism and low in extraversion are predisposed to social
hypersensitivity because they are more likely to experience social
anxiety. This predisposition, therefore, is expected to create a more
negative experience in social media, thus leading to decreased self-
esteem (Rashall, 2019).
Global self-esteem has been found to influence the frequency of
social comparisons. Those with low self-esteem are more likely to
engage in social comparison (Buunk & Gibbons, 2007; as cited in
Bergagna & Tartaglia, 2018). A significant relationship was found
between peer attachment and self-esteem since this implies that the
higher the level of attachment of respondents to their peers, the higher the
tendency that self-esteem will also increase and vice versa (Iglesia &
Cimafranca III, 2019). Individuals with low self-esteem are more prone
to depression and frequently compare themselves to others (Nesi &
Prinstein, 2015). Mikami and colleagues (2010) found that gender and
popularity can influence the tendency to engage in social comparison. In
a study, popular adolescents had higher self-esteem, made fewer social
comparisons, and experienced fewer adverse affective outcomes on the
self (Mikami et al., 2010). As a consequence, findings revealed that one
way to alter the level of self-esteem is to increase the frequency of social
comparison. Showing a photo of friends triggers specific social
comparisons in the individuals, thus making them feel better or worse
about themselves (Steerset al., 2014).
Social media has become an essential part of people's lives in the
modern era. Social networking sites have increased rapidly in the last few
decades (Reid &Weigle, 2014). According to a recent survey by the Pew
Research Center (Auxier& Anderson, 2021), most social networking site
users are young adults between 18 and 29 years of age. In this survey,
71% of this age cohort reported using Instagram, 65% used Snapchat and
TikTok (48%). Among those between 18 and 24 years of age, the
prevalence of usage was even higher (76% used Instagram, 75%
Snapchat, and 55% TikTok).
Moreover, most 18 to 29-year-old respondents (95%) used YouTube.
The explicit purpose of social networking sites is to keep track of friends'
lives, facilitate communication, play games together, chat, and connect to
others who share a particular interest. Social networking sites allow users
to create personal profiles containing details about themselves, post
pictures, meet others, convey their opinions and beliefs, and follow other
700 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

people's updates (Kim & Lee, 2011; Nadkarni & Hoffman, 2012). For
example, users are given a constant feed of public posts from one's
friends list when logged into Facebook. These posts vary in content, from
current news articles or interesting topics to significant life events and
achievements.
Some researchers have concluded that youth's self-esteem largely
depends on their social networking sites because online social networks
can fulfill specific ego needs (Li et al., 2010; Toma & Hancock, 2013).
Indeed, social networking sites allow for easy and quick transmission of
messages about oneself to many users, a behavior youth high in
egocentrism typically engage in (Lenhart et al., 2010). Others have noted
that during young adulthood, creating and maintaining friendships are
considered essential and developmentally significant (Pennington, 2021;
Rawlins, 1992). Individuals use social networks to explore their
identities, understand themselves, and relate to others (Marengo et al.,
2021). Various social networking sites have improved users'
communication and technical skills (Berry et al., 2018) and enhanced
perceived social support and belongingness (Deters & Mehl, 2013; Tang
et al., 2016).
Another explanation for social networking sites' substantial role in
self-esteem is that these platforms facilitate social comparison. Each
instance of new information posted by potentially hundreds of friends is
an opportunity for social comparison. Studies have found that
comparisons prompted through social networking sites can increase
depressive symptoms (Lupet al., 2015; Steers et al., 2014), produce
higher negative affect and lower positive affect (de Vries et al., 2018;
Vogelet al., 2015), and lower self-esteem (Stapleton et al., 2017; Vogel et
al., 2015). Steers and colleagues (2014) claimed that social networking
sites contribute to establishing a sense of identity that enhances self-
esteem by exploring the underlying mechanism of this association.
Adolescents and young adults strategically use these sites to present
themselves favorably (Chou & Edge, 2012; Gonzales & Hancock, 2011;
Zimmer et al., 2021). Posts on social networking sites tend to be
positively distorted due to impression management (Jordan et al., 2011;
Lee-Won et al., 2014). When posting on these sites, individuals select the
information they wish to display to others, thus creating the impression
they want to portray (Rosenberg & Egbert, 2011). As such, users appear
to be surrounded by the perfect lives of others, making upward
comparisons almost impossible (Appel et al., 2015; de Vries &Kühne,
2015). Individuals with high social comparison orientation who use
social networking sites are at risk for emotional disorders simply because
they amplify their tendency to make comparisons (Gibbons & Buunk,
1999; Lee, 2014).
 Reyes, Buluran, Calicious, Dauigoy, Mallare, & Zsila 701

Social media and social networking sites are pervasive in the

Philippines. Among Filipinos, Facebook is the most actively used
platform (26%), followed by Facebook Messenger (23%), Twitter (13%),
and Instagram (12%). Unsurprisingly, the Philippines has continued to
top other countries regarding social networking site use for four years.
Brazil comes in second, while Thailand is third. The "Digital 2019:
Global Digital Overview" reported that Filipinos spend an average of ten
hours and two minutes daily on the Internet (Lamb, 2019). The same
report found that 99% of Filipinos are registered on at least one social
networking site. The "We Are Social's Global Digital Report 2019"
stated that active social media users in the Philippines reached 76
million, equivalent to 71% of the country's population. Furthermore, the
report found the 18-24 age group made up 33% of active users in the
country (Estares, 2019).
Interestingly, Burke and colleagues (2020) have found that the rate of
social comparison on Facebook is second most frequent in the
Philippines, next to Vietnam and India. Their results also suggest that
social comparison frequency was highest among teens and young adults
in most countries – which stays true to that of the Philippines. This result
may be rooted in the Filipino concept of kapwa. Kapwa, the core value of
Filipino psychology, is a "recognition of shared identity, an inner self
shared with others (Enriquez, 2004); it is a collective identity concept
emphasizing the community over the individual. Research has found that
individuals from collectivist cultures are more influenced by social
comparisons to ensure their conformity to group norms (Kawamura,
2012).
Despite the number of studies available in other countries, few studies
are available regarding the context of the Philippines and Filipino youth
on SNS use and its possible interactions with social comparison and self-
esteem. While there are statistics on the usage of social networking sites,
there is very little, if any, available research that explores the complexity
of its use, specifically on interactions between self-esteem and social
comparison. Therefore, this study endeavors to provide a more nuanced
picture of the nature of associations between SNS use, social comparison,
and self-esteem. Based on the literature, the underlying relationship
mechanisms between SNS use and self-esteem are complex and
multifactorial (see Bergagna & Tartaglia, 2018; Rashall, 2019). Social
comparison was found to be a critical variable that can explain this
association (Lupet al., 2015; Steers et al., 2014); however, the role of this
construct in the association between increased SNS use and lower self-
esteem is still unclear. To further clarify the contribution of social
comparison to explain lower self-esteem in relation to SNS use, the
present study examines the possible mediating and moderating role of
702 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

social comparison. Therefore, whether social comparison can partially or

fully mediate the association between SNS use and self-esteem is tested.
We also examined whether the strength of association between SNS use
and self-esteem varied at different levels of social comparison.
Given the pervasiveness of social networking sites, the current study
examines the possible mediating and moderating role of social
comparison in the association between social networking site use and
self-esteem among Filipino young adults. Specifically, we hypothesize
that (1) social comparison would be associated with an increased time
spent on social networking sites, (2) increased use of social networking
sites would be associated with lower self-esteem, and (3) increased social
comparison would be negatively associated with self-esteem. We also
intend to test whether the association between increased social
networking site use and lower self-esteem would be mediated or
moderated by social comparison.

METHOD
Design
The present study used an explanatory, cross-sectional design to
investigate the possible mediator or moderator role of social comparison
in the association between social networking site use and self-esteem
among Filipino young adults. The explanatory, cross-sectional design
aims to explore associations, and the data is collected at one point in time
to compare different participants (Belli, 2008; Johnson, 2001).

Participants
The study included 757 Filipino young adults (252 males; 505
females) aged 18 to 24 (M = 19.35 years; SD = 1.15). Purposive
sampling was used to select Filipinos who (1) belong to a young adult
age range, (2) use at least two out of three social networking sites —
Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, and (3) reside in Metro Manila.
Participation was voluntary without remuneration. All participants of this
study were asked and required to have a basic understanding of English,
and the researchers assisted in case of any questions regarding the tests.

Measures
Iowa-Netherlands Comparison Orientation Measure (INCOM). The
INCOM is an 11-item scale developed by Gibbons and Buunk (1999),
which assesses the inclination to compare the self to others. Example
items include "I often compare how my loved ones (boy or girlfriend,
family members, etc.) are doing with how others are doing" and "I
always pay a lot of attention to how I do things compared with how
others do things." All items are answered on a 5-point Likert scale
 Reyes, Buluran, Calicious, Dauigoy, Mallare, & Zsila 703

ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Responses are

summed to create a total score, with items 6 and 10 being reverse scored.
Higher total scores indicate a higher tendency to compare oneself to
others. Prior studies conducted by Gibbons and Buunk (1999) reported
moderate to high internal consistencies (α = .78 to .84), three- to four-
week test-retest reliability of .71, and significant convergent and
divergent validity. The current study obtained an internal consistency of
α = .732.
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES). The RSES (Rosenberg, 1965)
is a 10-item scale to assess self-esteem. Each item is scored on a 4-point
Likert scale ranging from 3 (strongly agree) to 0 (strongly disagree).
Sample items include "I am able to do things as well as most other
people" and "I certainly feel useless at times." Five items are reverse
scored, and the total scores range from 0 to 30, with higher scores
indicating higher self-esteem. Since its development in 1965, studies
have found generally good psychometric properties (Rojas-Barahonaet
al., 2009; Tinakon & Nahathai, 2012), with Cronbach's alphas ranging
from 0.84 to 0.86 (Tinakon & Nahathai, 2012; Vermillion & Dodder,
2007). Test-retest reliability ranged from 0.84 to 0.86 (Cooper-Evanset
al., 2008; Martín-Alboet al., 2007). Internal consistency of α = .863 was
found in the present study.
Social Networking Time Use Scale (SONTUS). The SONTUS is a
self-report questionnaire that measures current involvement with social
networking sites (Olufadi, 2016). The SONTUS consists of 29 items
scored on an 11-point Likert scale, with "1" being "Not applicable to me
during the past week" and 11 referring to "I used it more than three times
during the past week but spent more than 30 minutes each." The scale is
comprised of 5 components: (1) relaxation and free periods (e.g., "When
you are at home sitting idly"), (2) academic-related periods (e.g., "When
you are at a seminar/workshop or training program"), (3) public-places-
related use (e.g., "When you go to the stadium to watch football,
basketball, etc."), (4) stress-related periods (e.g., "When you need to
reduce your emotional stress"), and (5) motives for use (e.g., "When you
are in bed about to sleep"). Scores from these five components are
summed to yield a global score ranging from 5 to 23. Olufadi (2016)
found an internal consistency of α = .92. The SONTUS is positively
associated with the Internet Addiction Test and Facebook Addiction
Scales (Olufadi, 2016) (rs ranged between .26 and .43). In the current
study, the SONTUS obtained an internal consistency of α = .89.

Procedure
Before data collection, ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics
Review Committee of the College of Science, University of Santo
 704 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

Tomas. Most participants were recruited from four educational

institutions in Metro Manila, mainly due to convenience. These
universities were chosen because they are near the University of Santo
Tomas. Participants meeting inclusion criteria were also sourced from
friends and families. Each participant signed the informed consent before
voluntary participation, was briefed on the nature of the study, and was
assured that all data would be kept confidential. Participation was purely
voluntary and without remuneration. Pencil and paper test administration
took about 25 minutes per participant.

Data Analysis
Data were analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social
Science (SPSS) Version 21 and PROCESS Macro Version 3.5.3 (Hayes,
2013). First, Pearson correlations were conducted to explore the
associations between study variables. Based on the suggestion by Hair et
al. (2010), data distribution was considered normal for all variables
(skewness was between -2 and 2, and kurtosis was between -7 and 7 for
all variables). 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals are reported for
the mediation and moderation analysis based on 10,000 bootstrapped
samples. All continuous variables were mean-centered. Both models
were adjusted by adding gender and age as covariates to account for their
effects.
RESULTS
As shown in Table 1, all three research variables were significantly
correlated, although the associations were generally weak. In support of
our first hypothesis, social comparison was associated with increased
time spent on social networking sites (r = .22, p < .001). In support of the
second hypothesis, more frequent use of social networking sites was
associated with slightly lower self-esteem (r = -.10, p = .007). The results
indicate a weak negative correlation between social comparison and self-
esteem (r = -.18, p < .001), supporting our third hypothesis.

Table 1 Descriptive Statistics and Zero-Order Correlations among Social

Comparison, Self-Esteem, and Social Networking Sites Use (N = 757)

Social Self-
M SD Comparison Esteem
Social 38.30 6.07 --
Comparison
Self-Esteem 25.96 5.09 -.18** --
SNS Use 16.07 3.21 .22** -.10**

Note. N = 757, **. Correlation coefficients are significant at p < 0.01 (2-tailed).
SNS = Social Networking Sites
 Reyes, Buluran, Calicious, Dauigoy, Mallare, & Zsila 705

Subsequently, the possible mediator role of social comparison was

investigated in the association between social networking site use and
self-esteem (see Figure 1). Increased social networking sites use was
positively associated with social comparison (B = .41, SE = .07, p < .001,
95% CI = .28; .54), which in turn was associated with lower self-esteem
(B = -.15, SE = .03, p < .001, 95% CI = -.21; -.08). The direct association
between social networking sites use and lower self-esteem was also
significant (B = -.15, SE = .06, p = .01, 95% CI = -.21; -.08). Overall,
95% confidence intervals on 10,000 bootstrapped replication samples did
not contain 0 either for the total effect (B = -.15, 95% CI = -.27; -.04) or
the indirect effect (B = -.06, 95% CI = -.10; -.03), indicating significant
effects. Therefore, social comparison partially mediated the association
between social networking site use and self-esteem. However, the
contribution of the predictor variables in the model to explain self-esteem
was modest (R2 = .04).

Figure 1 Mediation Analysis Exploring the Associations between Social

Networking Sites Use, Social Comparison, and Self-Esteem(N = 757)

Note. ***p< 0.001; **p = 0.01. Unstandardized B coefficients are presented on the
arrows. Gender (1 = men, 2 = women) and age were included in the model as
control variables.

In the following step, the possible moderator role of social

comparison was tested in the association between social networking site
use and self-esteem. Figure 2 depicts the schematic representation of the
analysis. Although the model was significant (F = 6.98; p < .001), the
explained variance was negligible (R2 = .04). The interaction term was
 706 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

not significant (B = .01; SE = .01; p = .30, 95 % CI = -.01; .03),

indicating that the moderator role of social comparison in the association
between social networking sites use and self-esteem was not
demonstrated. Only a marginally significant main effect of social
comparison on self-esteem was found (B = -.31; SE = .16; p = .05, 95 %
CI = -.62; .00) in the model (see Table 2).

Figure 2 Schematic Depiction of the Moderation Analysis Exploring the

Associations between Social Networking Sites Use, Social Comparison,
and Self-Esteem (N = 757)

Note. Unstandardized B coefficients are presented on the arrows, which were not
significant. Gender (1 = men, 2 = women) and age were added to the model as
control variables.

Table 2 Parameter Estimates of the Moderation Model (N = 757)

Outcome: Self-Esteem
B SE p 95% CI
Constant 40.26 6.76 <.001 26.98; 53.54
Social Comparison -.31 .16 .05 -.62; -.01
Social Networking Sites Use -.46 .37 .21 -1.18; .26
Social Comparison x Social .01 .01 .30 -.01; .03
Networking Sites Use
Gender (1 = men, 2 = women) -.86 .40 .03 -1.65; .07
Age .02 .16 .91 -.30; .34

DISCUSSION
The current study evaluated four hypotheses from the social
comparison theory among Filipino young adults. Consistent with our
three hypotheses, we found significant associations between social
comparison, social networking site use, and self-esteem. Additionally,
 Reyes, Buluran, Calicious, Dauigoy, Mallare, & Zsila 707

results supported the mediating but not the moderating role of social
comparison between increased SNS use and lower self-esteem. Previous
literature (Vogel et al., 2014) indicates that those who use social
networking sites tend to make more social comparisons. Also, as
predicted and consistent with previous literature, we found that a higher
tendency for social comparison is associated with slightly lower self-
esteem (Bergagna & Tartaglia, 2018). We also found social networking
site usage and self-esteem to be significantly associated. Some studies
have supported this finding, suggesting that social networking sites
provide opportunities for individuals to scrutinize and pass on judgments
of one another (Muiseet al., 2009). Indeed, Kalpidouet al. (2011) and
Karakoseet al. (2016) found that negative self-opinion increases as time
spent on Facebook increases. Similar research (Fox & Moreland, 2015;
Mehdizadeh, 2010; Pantic, 2014; Shaw et al., 2015;Tazghini & Siedlecki,
2013) has found that increased social networking sites usage is associated
with psychological difficulties such as depression, anxiety, stress, and
lower self-esteem.
We found evidence for the mediating role of social comparison in the
relationship between SNS use and self-esteem. This result aligns with a
recent meta-analysis by Saiphoo et al. (2020), who found only a small
negative direct association between social networking site use and self-
esteem. However, this association was more robust when problematic use
of social networking sites was included in the analysis. These results
suggest that healthy motivations to use social networking sites (e.g., for
recreation and academic purposes as measured by the SONTUS) have
only a modest direct influence on self-esteem levels. But addictive use of
social networking sites may have a more critical role in this personality
characteristic (Andreassen et al., 2017; Saiphoo et al., 2020), specifically
in vulnerable groups based on gender (i.e., women), age (i.e., younger),
and cultural context (i.e., Eastern cultures) (Cingel et al., 2022). Indeed,
more recent studies suggest that not everyone experiences adverse effects
of social networking site use on self-esteem. The perceived impact is
generally small, inconsistent, and largely dependent on individual
vulnerability factors (e.g., psychological difficulties) and use patterns
(e.g., addictive use) (Cingel et al., 2022; Valkenburg et al., 2021).
Moreover, popular social networking sites allow for asynchronous
communication, providing ample time for users to carefully edit their
comments and enhance the visual appeal of their photos. While social
networking sites offer a medium to make ourselves look and feel better,
they expose us to thousands of content subjectively superior to ours.
Individuals may become motivated to utilize SNSs to enhance their self-
worth through "likes" or positive comments (Attrill, 2015; as cited in
Bais & Reyes, 2020), thus attempting to compensate for their undesirable
708 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

upward comparisons (Chen & Lee, 2013). This compensation can also
undermine the possible adverse effect of self-comparison on social media
on self-esteem, which explains the modest contribution of social
comparison to lower self-esteem in relation to SNS use.
We also found that social comparison alone does not moderate the
association between the time spent on social networking sites and self-
esteem. One reason for this finding might be that users exhibit different
social comparison orientations – upward or downward. Although not
absolute, the power of upward social comparison to decrease self-esteem
has been documented in many studies (see Rashall, 2019), while
downward social comparisons generally preserve our self-esteem.
Another explanation might be that individuals may have different
personalities. High extraversion and openness can increase social
networking use and create a relatively more positive social networking
experience than those low in extraversion and high in neuroticism
(Jenkins-Guarnieri et al., 2012; Skues et al., 2012). Future studies may
simultaneously explore personality traits and social comparison
orientations as possible moderating variables.
Lastly, social comparison is only one facet of many possible social
interactions on social media. Communication is generally a non-linear
interaction; negative communication, such as arguments,
miscommunication, and rejection, is not included in this research.
Cyberbullying (Extremera et al., 2018) and gaslighting (Petric, 2018) are
possible interactions that can also reduce self-esteem. However, as these
variables are out of the scope of this research, we suggest that these
variables be explored in the future to expand the variables and effects of
social media use on self-esteem.
In conclusion, our study found that social comparison mediates the
association between increased social networking site use and lower self-
esteem. Indeed, as people engage in more social networking, they are
more likely to compare themselves to others, decreasing their self-
esteem. On the other hand, the moderating role of social comparison was
not demonstrated; therefore, the strength of association between SNS use
and self-esteem did not vary substantially at different levels of social
comparison.

Limitations
The present study has some limitations. First, the design is cross-
sectional, so we cannot establish a direct causality among the variables.
The participant's responses to the questionnaire rely on retrospective self-
report. Furthermore, only selected social networking sites were included
in the study; thus, not all results may be generalized to other platforms.
The scope of the present investigation was somewhat narrow; therefore,
 Reyes, Buluran, Calicious, Dauigoy, Mallare, & Zsila 709

further research is needed to explore other variables, such as SNS

engagement (i.e., friend or follower count, content on feed, etc.), online
behavior (active vs. passive use), and personality traits (e.g.,
extraversion, openness to experience, neuroticism).

Implications and Future Directions

Future research may wish to examine the generalizability of our
findings across the lifespan. As young adults generally use SNS when
forging their social identity, they may be especially vulnerable to the
effects of social comparisons made on social networking sites. Older
individuals may have a more coherent, solid sense of identity and
intuitively understand the psychological mechanisms on Facebook and
other social networking sites (e.g., presenting a social world where
negative emotions are concealed and positive qualities or events are
exaggerated). Therefore, the role of age in these associations should be
investigated. Overall, this study contributes to the growing literature on
the modest direct association of social networking sites use and self-
esteem in a Philippine cultural context.
Moreover, the mediating role of social comparison in this association
was confirmed, highlighting the importance of considering social
comparison as one relevant factor to explain lower self-esteem in
association with SNS use. The moderating role of social comparison did
not receive empirical support. These findings shed light on the different
roles of social comparison in this association. Future studies should also
explore the role of addictive social networking site use in the relationship
between SNS use and self-esteem to gain a more comprehensive picture
of use patterns.

DECLARATIONS
Conflicts of interest/Competing interests: The authors have no conflicts of
interest to declare relevant to the content of this article.

Availability of data and material: not applicable

Code availability: not applicable

Ethics approval: All procedures performed in the present study that involved
human participants were per the ethical standards of the Ethics Review
Committee (ERC) of the College of Science, University of Santo Tomas.

Consent to participate: The current study gave informed consent before

voluntary participation. In addition, participants were briefed on the nature of the
study and assured that all data collected would be kept confidential and that
participation was voluntary without remuneration.
710 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

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Author Note
Funding: Ágnes Zsila was supported by the ÚNKP-22-4 New National
Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology from the
National Research, Development, and Innovation Fund source.

Marc Eric S. Reyes https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5280-1315

We have no conflicts of interest to disclose.
 716 NORTH AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

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