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Free download Big Data Analytics In Chemoinformatics And Bioinformatics With Applications To Computer Aided Drug Design Cancer Biology Emerging Pathogens And Computational Toxicology Subhash C Basak full chapter pdf epub
Free download Big Data Analytics In Chemoinformatics And Bioinformatics With Applications To Computer Aided Drug Design Cancer Biology Emerging Pathogens And Computational Toxicology Subhash C Basak full chapter pdf epub
Edited by
Subhash C. Basak
Department of Chemistry and Biochemistry,
University of Minnesota, Duluth, MN,
United States
Marjan Vračko
Theory Department, Kemijski inštitut/National
Institute of Chemistry, Ljubljana, Slovenia
Preface
We are currently living in an age when many spheres of science and life are
flushed with the explosion of big data. We are familiar with the term “data is the
new oil,” but often hear about information overload or data deluge. We need to sys-
tematically manage, model, interpret, visualize, and use such data in diverse
decision-support systems in basic research, technology, health care, and business, to
name just a few.
If we look at the main focus of this book—applications of big data analytics in
chemoinformatics, bioinformatics, new drug discovery, and hazard assessment of
environmental pollutants—, it is evident that data in all these fields are exploding.
Regarding the size of chemical space, the GDB-17 database contains 166.4 bil-
lion molecules containing up to 17 atoms of C, N, O, S, and halogens which fall
within the size range containing many drugs and are typical for druggable lead
compounds. The sequence data on DNA, RNA, and proteins are increasing each
day by new depositions by researchers worldwide. A simple combinatorial exercise
of sequence possibility for a 100-residue long protein suggests 20100 different possi-
ble sequences (considering 20 frequently occurring natural amino acids). Modern
computer software can calculate many hundreds, sometimes thousands of
xx Preface
computed high-level quantum chemical descriptors derived from the density func-
tional theory in the prediction of property/toxicity of chemicals. Chapter 10 covers
the important area of the use of computed pharmacophores in practical drug design
from analysis of large databases. Chapter 11 uses ML based classification methods
for the detection of hot spots in protein protein interactions and prediction of new
hotspots. Chapter 12 discusses applications of decision tree methods like recursive
partitioning, phylogenetic-like trees, multidomain classification, and fuzzy cluster-
ing within the context of small molecule drug discovery from analysis of large
databases.
The third section, Bioinformatics and Computatioanl Toxicology Section, of the
book has seven chapters. Chapter 13 discusses their contributions in the emerging
area of mathematical proteomics approach in developing biodescriptors for the
characterization of bioactivity and toxicity of drugs and pollutants. Chapter 14 dis-
cusses the important role of efficient computational frameworks developed to cata-
log and navigate the protein space to help the drug discovery process. Chapter 15
discusses applications of ML and DL approaches to HT sequencing data in the
development of precision medicine using single-nucleotide polymorphisms as a tool
of reference. Chapter 16 discusses the development and use of a new class of
sequence comparison methods based on alignment-free sequence descriptors in the
characterization of emerging global pathogens like the Zika virus and coronaviruses
(SARS, MERS, and SARS-CoV-2). Chapter 17 discusses the important and emerg-
ing issue of different ways of building QSARs from large and diverse data sets that
can be continuously updated and expanded over time. The importance of modular-
ity in scalable QSAR system development is also discussed. Chapter 18 deals with
the applications of network analysis and big data to study interactions of drugs with
their targets in the biological systems. The authors point out that a paradigm shift
integrating big data and complex network is needed to understand the expanding
universe of drug molecules, targets, and their interactions. Finally, Chapter 19
reports the use of ML approaches consisting of supervised and unsupervised techni-
ques in the analysis of RNA sequence data of breast cancer to derive important bio-
logical insights. They were able to pinpoint some disease-related genes and proteins
in the breast cancer network.
Finally, we would like to specially mention that in drug research and toxicology,
we are witnessing an explosion of data, which are expressed by four principal Vs—
volume, velocity, variety, and veracity. However, the data per se is useless, the real
challenge is the transition to the last two steps on the three-step path to knowledge:
data information knowledge. When we talk about big data in drug research
and toxicology, we often think of omics data and in vitro data derived from HT
screening. On the other hand, a pool of high-quality “small” data exists, which has
been collected in the past. Under the label “small data” we have the standard toxi-
cological data based on well-defined toxic effects. A future challenge for us is to
integrate both data platforms—big and small—into a new and integrated knowledge
extraction system.
Subhash C. Basak
Marjan Vračko
List of contributors
Pawan Kumar National Institute of Immunology, Aruna Asaf Ali Marg, New
Delhi, Delhi, India
List of contributors xvii
Ashesh Nandy Centre for Interdisciplinary Research and Education, Kolkata, West
Bengal, India
Shahul H. Nilar Global Blood Therapeutics, San Francisco, CA, United States
List of contributors xv
Preface xix
Acknowledgment 260
Conflicts of interest 260
References 260
Index 455
Chemoinformatics and
bioinformatics by discrete 1
mathematics and numbers: an
adventure from small data to the
realm of emerging big data
Subhash C. Basak
Department of Chemistry and Biochemistry, University of Minnesota Duluth, Duluth, MN,
United States
1.1 Introduction
“Oh, the thirst to know
how many!
The hunger
to know
how many
stars in the sky!
We spent
our childhood counting
stones and plants, fingers and
toes, grains of sand, and teeth,
our youth was past counting
petals and comets’ tails.
We counted
colors, years,
lives, and kisses;
in the country,
Physicochemical Pharmacological/toxicological
Molar volume Macromolecule level
Boiling point Receptor binding (KD)
Melting point Michaelis constant (Km)
Vapor pressure Inhibitor constant (Ki)
Water solubility DNA alkylation
Dissociation constant (pKa) Unscheduled DNA synthesis
Partition coefficient Cell level
Octanol-water (log P) Salmonella mutagenicity
Air-water Mammalian cell transformation
Sediment-water Organism level (acute)
Reactivity (electrophile) Algae
Invertebrates
Fish
Birds
Mammals
Organism level (chronic)
Bioconcentration
Carcinogenicity
Reproductive toxicity
Delayed neurotoxicity
Biodegradation
properties using structural analogs (Auer et al., 1990). The situation becomes more
numerous and complex if one considers the biotransformation and pharmacokinetic
data of the chemicals (TSCA metabolism and pharmacokinetics, 2021). A similar
situation exists in the European Union with the chemicals in commerce (European
Chemicals Agency, 2021) list showing more than 100,000 chemicals registered
with the system.
Table 1.1 provides a partial list of physicochemical, pharmacological, and toxi-
cological properties that drug designers and risk assessors of chemicals frequently
use in evaluating their beneficial and deleterious effects (Basak et al., 1990).
The current QSAR paradigm did not arise out of one or a few “aha” moments,
but it emerged through the confluence of a diverse set of ideas originated by quite a
few researchers of different disciplines over the past couple of centuries. For a
recent review, please see Basak (2021a). Some seminal aspects of the developments
of modern chemoinformatics are discussed as follows.
inhibitor malonic acid differed by one methylene (CH2) group, the catalytic site
of the enzyme still recognized malonic acid. This seminal observation may be
looked upon as the rational basis for the synthesis of analogs of nucleic acid bases
for cancer chemotherapy (Hitchings and Elion, 1954) and the more modern che-
moinformatics approach to computer-aided drug design using the concept of phar-
macophore (Bhattacharjee, 2015). The antibiotic penicillin inhibits cell wall
biosynthesis in bacteria by interfering with the transpeptidation reaction responsible
for the crosslinking of mucopeptide chains in the cell wall polymer. This is attrib-
uted to its putative structural similarity to the D-alanyl-D-alanine portion of the
peptide chain (Goodman and Gilman, 1990).
“The difficulty with these early and important ideas was that no numerical scales
were available that could be used to quantify each of these effects that could
operate singly or in concert. Even when such scales had been devised, it was
difficult to make progress in the separation of substituent effects before high-
speed computers became generally available (approximately 1960).”
where KH is the ionization constant for benzoic acid in water at 25 C and Kx is the
ionization constant for its meta or para derivative under the same experimental con-
ditions. Positive values of σ indicate electron withdrawal by the substituent from
the aromatic ring and negative values represent electron release from the substituent
to the ring.
In the second half of the 20th century, Taft (1952) formulated the linear free
energy-related steric descriptor Es.
The multiparameter linear free energy relationship (LFER) approach, popularly
known as the “Hansch Analysis,” to quantitative structurepropertyactivity
8 Big Data Analytics in Chemoinformatics and Bioinformatics
In Eq. (1.2), BA stands for biological activity, log P stands for the logarithm of
the partition coefficient (experimentally determined or calculated from structure) of
the chemical, σ usually represents Hammett’s (1937) electronic descriptor, and Es
usually symbolizes Taft’s steric parameter (Taft, 1952). A perusal of LEFR-based
QSAR models would indicate that different varieties of hydrophobic, steric, and
electronic parameters have been developed and used in numerous correlation stud-
ies (Hansch and Leo, 1995). A short description of the historical timeline for the
evolution of the LFER approach is depicted in Fig. 1.1.
The LFER approach gives good predictive models for congeneric sets of mole-
cules. As discussed above, both for drug design and hazard assessment of chemicals
Figure 1.1 A short history (1868-date) of the development of linear free energy relationship
approach for quantitative structureactivity relationship modeling based on physical
properties and substituent constants derived from physical organic chemistry. For more
information please see: Basak (2013a, 2021a) and Hansch and Leo (1995). In this approach,
a property (P1) of a molecule is estimated from another available property (P2) or a
combination of other properties.
Chemoinformatics and bioinformatics by discrete mathematics and numbers 9
we need to estimate the properties and bioactivities of chemicals which are structur-
ally diverse (Basak and Majumdar, 2016). Sometimes, one could wish to estimate
pharmacological and toxicological profiles of chemicals not yet synthesized.
Models based on the LFER-type experimental data are of little utility in such cases.
Furthermore, for applications in chemical engineering and technological processes
we need to know the values of many properties of substances (Drefahl and
Reinhard, 1998; Lyman et al., 1990). The use of good quality experimental property
values are always desirable, but such data are often unavailable. The use of QSAR-
predicted properties utilizing computed descriptors as the independent variables is
generally the practical alternative (Katritzky et al., 1995, 2001). More recently,
many large and diverse databases of properties needed for drug design and predic-
tive toxicology are becoming available in the public domain. These are resources
available for the development of broad-based models for property/bioactivity esti-
mation (Gadaleta et al., 2019; Mansouri et al., 2018; Meng et al., 2021).
During the second half of the 20th century and the first quarter of this century,
various chemoinformatics approaches have given us molecular descriptors which
can be computed directly from the molecular structure without the input of any
other experimental data. Such descriptors are finding side spread applications in the
formulation of useful QSAR models (Basak, 2021a, 2012b, 2013a, 2014; Drefahl
and Reinhard, 1998; Katritzky et al., 1995, 2001; Kier and Hall, 1986, 1999).
“The fundamental laws necessary for the mathematical treatment of a large part of
physics and the whole of chemistry are thus completely known, and the difficulty
lies only in the fact that application of these laws leads to equations that are too
complex to be solved.”
—Paul Dirac
v in G are called adjacent if (u, v)ER, that is, they are connected by an edge. A walk
of a graph is a sequence beginning and ending with vertices in which vertices and
edges alternate and each edge is incident with vertices immediately preceding and
following it. A walk of the form v0, e1, v1, e2, . . ., vn joins vertices v0 and vn. The
length of a walk is the number of edges in the walk. A walk is closed if v0 5 vn,
otherwise it is open. A closed walk with n points is a cycle if all its points are dis-
tinct and n $ 3. A path is an open walk in which all vertices are distinct. A graph G
is connected if every pair of its vertices is connected by a path. A graph G is a mul-
tigraph if it contains more than one edge between at least one pair of adjacent verti-
ces, otherwise, G is a simple graph. The distance d (u, v) between vertices u and v
in G is the length of the shortest path connecting u and v.
Because of the general nature of graph-theoretic (GT) methods in the representa-
tion of objects this method has been used in such diverse areas as theoretical phys-
ics, chemistry, biological and social sciences, engineering, computer science and
linguistics (Harary, 1986). For example, GT has been used in the representation and
comparison of proteins, characterization of the nucleotide sequence topology in
DNA and RNA sequences (Nandy, 2015; Nandy et al., 2006; Randic et al., 2000,
2011), representation of protein spots of proteomics maps (Randić et al., 2001),
folding patterns in protein structures (Khan et al., 2018; Liu et al., 2006), structural
characterization of nanosubstances (Toropov and Toropova, 2021), to name just a
few.
For chemical graph theory research and applications (Basak, 2013a; Basak et al.,
2011; Janezic et al., 2015), a molecular graph represents molecular topology where
V represents the set of atoms and E usually symbolizes the set of covalent bonds
present in the molecule. It should be noted, however, that the set E should not be
limited to covalent bonds only. In fact, elements of E may symbolize any type of
bond, viz., covalent, ionic, or hydrogen bonds, etc. It was emphasized by Basak
et al. (1988a) that weighted pseudographs constitute a very versatile model for the
representation of a wide range of chemical species. Fig. 1.2 depicts the chemical
structure, labeled hydrogen-filled graph and labeled hydrogen-suppressed graph of
the molecule acetamide. It may be mentioned here that a large number of molecules
Figure 1.2 Structural formula (G0), labeled hydrogen-filled graph (G1), and labeled
hydrogen-suppressed graph (G2) of acetamide.
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Atterbury Plot. The details are somewhat obscure, and the
unravelling of them is complicated by the existence of another
scheme contemporaneous with Atterbury’s, apparently at first
independent, but which became merged in the larger design. The
author of this plot was Christopher Layer, a barrister of the Middle
Temple. Generally, his scheme was secretly to enlist broken and
discharged soldiers. They were to seize the Tower, the Bank, and the
Mint, and to secure the Hanoverian royal family, who were to be
deported. The larger scheme of the Junta was to obtain a foreign
force of 5000 troops to be landed in England under the Duke of
Ormonde, and risings were to be organised in different parts of the
kingdom. The signal for the outbreak was to be the departure of
George i. for Hanover, which was expected to take place in the
summer.
Layer, who does not seem to have been acting with Atterbury and
the Junta until later, was in Rome in the early months of 1721, and
there he unfolded his plan to the Jacobite Court. After he left, a plan
of campaign was arranged which, however, seems to have been
modified afterwards. The original intention was to begin the
movement in Scotland, whither Lord Mar and General Dillon[12] were
to proceed; and to accentuate the latter’s position as commander in
Scotland he was created an earl in the Scottish peerage, although
already an Irish (Jacobite) viscount. Lord Lansdowne was to
command in Cornwall, Lord Strafford in the north, Lord North in
London and Westminster, and Lord Arran was to go to Ireland. The
Chevalier was to leave Rome when Mar and Dillon left Paris, and to
make his way to Rotterdam via Frankfort, and there await events
before deciding where it would be best to land. Things seemed to be
prospering, but the English Jacobites did not sufficiently respond to
the call for financial support. James, deeply disappointed, appealed
to the Pope for help, only to be more bitterly mortified by his refusal.
The Pope, in so many words, said that if the English Jacobites
wanted a revolution they must pay for it themselves. The original
orders for invasion were cancelled in April; but negotiations seem to
have been continued with Spain through Cardinal Acquiviva,
Spanish envoy at Rome, ever James’s friend. A revised plan of
action was prepared. Wogan, who had been sent to Spain, had
succeeded in procuring assistance from that country; ships had been
prepared to carry a force of 5000 or 6000 men to Porto Longone, in
the Isle of Elba, where James was to embark. In July, James was on
the outlook for a Spanish fleet under Admiral Sorano.[13] But it was
too late. The plot had been discovered, the demand for troops
reaching the knowledge of the French ministers, who informed the
British ambassador. Spain was compelled to prevent the
embarkation, and King George did not go to Hanover that summer.
Mar had used the post office in spite of a warning by Atterbury
not to do so; his correspondence was intercepted, and a letter was
found which incriminated Atterbury and his associates. Government
was not hasty in acting, and the first conspirator to be arrested was
George Kelly, a Non-juring Irish clergyman who acted as Atterbury’s
secretary. He was seized at his lodgings on May 21st; and he very
nearly saved the situation. His papers and sword being placed in a
window by his captors, Kelly managed during a moment of
negligence to recover them. Holding his sword in his right hand he
threatened to run through the first man who approached him, while
all the time he held the incriminating papers to a candle with his left
hand, and not till they were burned did he surrender. It was not until
the end of August that Bishop Atterbury was taken into custody and
committed to the Tower. His trial did not begin until the spring of the
following year. Layer, who was betrayed by a mistress, was arrested
in September and tried in November. He was condemned to death,
but was respited from time to time in the hope that he would give
evidence to incriminate Atterbury and his associates. Layer refused
to reveal anything and was executed at Tyburn in May 1723, at the
very time when the bishop’s trial was taking place in the House of
Lords. Atterbury was found guilty: he was sentenced to be deprived
of all his ecclesiastical benefices and functions, to be incapacitated
from holding any civil offices, and to be banished from the kingdom
for ever. His associates of the Junta escaped with comparatively light
penalties. Kelly, sentenced to imprisonment during the King’s
pleasure, was kept in the Tower until 1736, when he managed to
escape, to reappear later in the drama. Atterbury went abroad and
entered the Chevalier’s service. He died in exile at Paris in 1732, but
he was buried in Westminster Abbey.
The failure of the schemes of Atterbury had a remarkable effect
on the unfortunate Chevalier. Apparently weary of failure and longing
for action, he wrote to the Pope on August 29th, 1722, offering to
serve in a crusade against the Turks; but he was told it would not do,
he must stick to his own task. To it he accordingly returned; and
implicitly believing that his people were longing for his restoration, he
issued a manifesto dated September 22nd, proposing ‘that if George
i. will quietly deliver to him the throne of his fathers he will in return
bestow upon George the title of king in his native dominions and
invite all other states to confirm it.’[14] The manifesto was printed and
circulated in England; it was ordered to be burned by the common
hangman.
It is somewhat remarkable that although the Atterbury Expedition
was to have been begun in Scotland, the records of the period make
no mention of the project, nor do there seem to have been any
preparations for a rising. The only suggestion of secret action being
taken that I know of—and it is no more than a suggestion—is that in
1721, on the same day that General Dillon, who was to command in
Scotland, was created a Scottish earl, a peerage was given to Sir
James Grant of Grant by the Chevalier de St. George.[15] What the
occasion of this honour may have been has never, so far as I know,
been revealed.[16]
Jacobite affairs in Scotland at that time were
administered by a Lanarkshire laird, George
Lockhart of Carnwath. Lockhart had been a Affairs in
member of the old Scots Estates before the Union Scotland.
of the kingdoms in 1707, and after the Union he sat in the Imperial
Parliament until 1715. In that year he raised a troop of horse for the
Jacobite cause, and after the rising he suffered a long imprisonment,
but was eventually released without trial. From 1718 to 1727 he
acted as the Chevalier’s chief confidential agent in Scotland. His
system of Jacobite management was by a body of trustees, which
was organised in 1722, and acted as a committee of regency for the
exiled king. In 1727 Lockhart’s correspondence fell into the hands of
Government and he had to fly the country. He was permitted to
return in the following year, but lived for the rest of his life in
retirement, and took no further part in Jacobite affairs.[17]
For some years after Lockhart’s flight, Scotland seems to have
been without any official representative of the Jacobite Court. In May
1736, however, Colonel James Urquhart[18] was appointed, though
under circumstances which have not yet been made known.
The first to inspire the Jacobite Court with new The Mission of
life and hope, and set in motion the events which Glenbucket.
led up to the great adventure of ’Forty-five was
John Gordon of Glenbucket. This remarkable man was no county
magnate nor of any particular family. At this time he possessed no
landed property; he was merely the tenant of a farm in Glenlivet,
which he held from the Duke of Gordon. His designation ‘of
Glenbucket’ was derived from a small property in the Don valley
which had been purchased by his grandfather, and which he
inherited from his father. He was not a Highlander, having been born
in the Aberdeenshire lowland district of Strathbogie, but he had so
thoroughly conformed himself to Highland spirit and manners that he
had won the affection and confidence of the Highlanders of
Banffshire and Strathspey. Glenbucket was at this time about sixty-
four years old. In his younger days he had been factor or
chamberlain to the Duke of Gordon, a position which conferred on
him considerable influence and power, particularly over the Duke’s
Highland vassals. In the ’Fifteen he had commanded a regiment of
the Gordon retainers, and behaved with gallantry and discretion
throughout the campaign.[20] About the year 1724 he had ceased to
be the Duke’s representative, but his connection with the
Highlanders was continued by the marriages of his daughters. One
of them was the wife of Forbes of Skellater, a considerable laird in
the Highland district of Upper Strathdon; another was married to the
great chief of Glengarry; and a third to Macdonell of Lochgarry.[21]
In the year 1737 Gordon sold Glenbucket, for which he realised
twelve thousand marks (about £700); and he left Scotland to visit the
Chevalier at Rome. On his way he passed through Paris, where he
had an interview with Cardinal Fleury, the French prime minister. To
the Cardinal he suggested a scheme of invasion, by which officers
and men of the Irish regiments in the French service quartered near
the coast could be suddenly and secretly transported to Scotland.[22]
The Cardinal, whose general policy was peace at any price,[23] gave
no encouragement to the scheme.
Le duc de Perth
Le lord Jean Drumond de
Perth
My lord Lovat
Milord Linton
Cameron, baron de Locheil
Le chevalier Campbell
D’Achinbreck
M’Grieger baron de
Balhaldies.
[Translation.]
Having learned from the Baron of Balhaldies of the
happy success of the representations that we had
instructed him to make to Your Eminence, with the
approval of our legitimate Sovereign, we now hasten to
send this Baron back with the proofs of our lively and
respectful gratitude, and with the most solemn
undertaking, both by ourselves and by those who are
engaged along with us, to take up arms to throw off the
yoke of the usurpation, that we are ready to fulfil faithfully
all that was put forward in the Memorial, which my lord
Sempill and the said Baron of Balhaldies signed with their
own hands, and had the honour to place in the hands of
Your Eminence last May.
The chiefs of our Highland clans, whose names we
have sent at the same time with the number of men that
each binds himself to furnish, will without fail keep their
engagements, and we venture to be responsible to Your
Eminence that there will be 20,000 men on foot for the
service of our true and only lord, King James viii. of
Scotland, as soon as it will please His Most Christian
Majesty to send us arms and munitions, and the troops
that are necessary to guard those arms until we shall be
able to assemble.
These 20,000 men will be able so easily to defeat or to
destroy the troops that the Government employs at
present in our country, and even all those that it may be
able to despatch upon the first alarm, so that we feel
entirely justified in hoping that with divine assistance and
under the auspices of the most Christian King, the loyal
Scots will be in a condition, not only in a short time to re-
establish the authority of their legitimate King throughout
the whole Kingdom of Scotland, and to sustain him there
against the efforts of the partisans of Hanover, but also to
aid powerfully in the recovery of these other States, which
will be all the easier since our neighbours of England are
not less wearied than we are of the odious tyranny under
which we all equally groan; and we know that they are
thoroughly determined to unite with us, and with any
power whatever that would give them the opportunity they
require to place themselves once more under a legitimate
and natural Government. We are at present taking
measures to act along with them.
As to the assistance that is necessary for Scotland in
particular, we should have preferred that His Most
Christian Majesty might have been willing to grant us
French troops, who would have renewed among us the
lessons of heroic bravery and incorruptible fidelity, that our
ancestors have so often learned in France itself, but since
Your Eminence thinks fit to send subjects of our King, we
will receive them with joy as coming from him, and we will
endeavour to make them feel the value that we attach to
their devotion to our legitimate Sovereign, and the honour
that they have acquired in treading so long in the footsteps
of the best subjects and of the bravest troops in the
Universe.
The Baron of Balhaldies knows so perfectly our
situation, the plans that we have concerted, and
everything that affects us, that it will be unnecessary to
enter into any detail. We implore Your Eminence to listen
to him favourably, and to be assured that he will have the
honour of reporting to you with the utmost accuracy.
If the ministers of the Government were only less
suspicious of our actions or less watchful, we would
willingly pledge all our belongings to defray the cost of this
expedition, but as no contracts (of loan or sale) are
binding by our customs unless they have been inscribed in
the public registers, it is not possible for us to raise a sum
that would be sufficient, with the necessary secrecy that
present circumstances require. It is this consideration
alone that prevents us from raising a fund for the
necessary expense, the raising of which would bear
further proof of our zeal, which we should give with
pleasure, and of the confidence with which we place
ourselves under the standard of our natural King; but the
good of the service obliges us to restrain our wishes and
to have recourse to the generosity of His Most Christian
Majesty until it is possible to establish the royal rights in
our country in a regular manner.
We are persuaded that it would be possible to
accomplish this three months after the arrival of the Irish
troops, and we do not doubt that our country, reunited
under the Government of its king, so much desired, would
make such efforts as would enable Your Excellency to
prove to His Most Christian Majesty that the modern Scots
are the true descendants of those who have had the
honour of being counted during so many centuries the
most faithful allies of the kings, his predecessors.
We are very sensibly touched by what Your Eminence
has done, and will continue to do, to make the Catholic
king understand the advantages that he would have in
acting in favour of the King our master in the present
juncture. We had believed that these advantages could
not escape the notice of the Spanish Ministers, but
whatever strange things they may have done in the
conduct of this war, your Eminence is now acting in such a
way as cannot fail happily to extricate them from the
consequences of their mistakes, and to frustrate the unjust
attitude of those nations who are ready to fall upon the
treasures of the new world.
We praise God, Monseigneur, and we pray with fervour
that He would preserve Your Eminence, not only for the
accomplishment of the great work which we are going to
undertake under your protection, but also that you may
see the great and happy effects throughout Europe as well
as in the three kingdoms of Britain in which your name will
be not less precious in all time to come than in France
itself, which has been enlarged so remarkably under your
ministry; and that the glory of your name will be raised to
the highest pitch by making justice flourish among your
neighbours. We have the Honour to be, with profound
veneration and perfect devotion, Monseigneur, Your
Eminence’s very humble and obedient servants.
It was not until after the signing of the letter to Murray taken
Fleury that Murray was taken into the confidence into the
of the Jacobite leaders, and it was at this time that confidence of
he first met Lord Lovat. This was also the occasion the Concert.
of his first meeting with Balhaldy; their relations at
this time were quite friendly; Balhaldy handed over to Murray the
negotiation of a delicate ecclesiastical matter with which he had
been entrusted by the Chevalier.[46]
Another early duty was to raise money for the Cause, but to
Murray’s mortification, he had to give up the scheme of a loan,
because all the sympathisers to whom he applied declined to
subscribe; not, they said, because they objected to giving their
money, but each and all refused to be the first to compromise himself
by heading the subscription list. At this time Murray was not
permitted to undertake any active propaganda for a rising, as the
associated leaders feared that by increasing the numbers in the
secret there would be too great danger of leakage. The Associators
preferred to keep such work in their own hands, and each of them
had a district assigned to him.
After Balhaldy’s departure the unfortunate Associators were kept
in a state of agonising suspense, for nothing was heard from France
until the end of 1742. In December of that year, Lord Traquair
received a letter from Balhaldy couched in vague terms, assuring
him that troops and all things necessary for a rising would be
embarked early in the spring. The scheme, he wrote, was to make a
landing near Aberdeen and another in Kintyre. The whole tone of the
letter was so confident that the Associators felt that a French
expedition might be expected almost immediately, and they were
profoundly conscious that Scotland was not ready. So alarmed were
the leaders at the possibility of a premature landing, and so
uncertain were they about the promises vaguely conveyed in
Balhaldy’s letter, that they determined to send Murray over to Paris
to find out what the actual French promises were, and how they were
to be performed; and moreover to warn the Government of King
Louis how matters stood in Scotland.
Murray set off in January 1743. On his way he visited the Duke of
Perth, then residing at York, making what friends he could among
the English Jacobites. When Murray got to London, he was informed
of Cardinal Fleury’s death,[47] which somewhat staggered him, but
he determined to go on to France to find out how matters stood.
On arriving in Paris, Murray met Balhaldy and
Sempill. Balhaldy was surprised and not
particularly glad to see him, but he treated him Murray’s visit to
courteously, and discussing affairs with Murray, he Paris, 1743.
patronisingly informed him that he had not been told everything.
Sempill was very polite. He told Murray that a scheme had been
prepared by Fleury, but that the Cardinal’s illness and death had
interrupted it.[48] Sempill also told him that luckily he had persuaded
the Cardinal to impart his schemes to Monsieur Amelot, the Minister
for Foreign Affairs. An interview with the Minister was obtained at