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Edited by
GEORGE KARARACH AND RAPHAEL O. OTIENO
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
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Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
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Acknowledgements
The analysis and opinions expressed in this book are those of the contributors
alone and do not reflect the views or policies of any official entity such as the
ACBF, MEFMI, and the African Development Bank (AfDB). We accept respon-
sibility for any errors and/or omissions that may be encountered in the book.
George Kararach Raphael O. Otieno
Tunis, February 2016 Harare, February 2016
Contents
List of Figures ix
List of Tables xiii
List of Contributors xvii
INTRODUCTION
1. The Political Economy and Evolution of Development
Policy in Zimbabwe 3
George Kararach, Raphael O. Otieno, and Tiviniton Makuve
PA R T I : O V E R V I E W O F TH E C R I S I S
2. Pre-Crisis Macroeconomic Performance and Triggers of the
Economic Crisis in Zimbabwe 23
Arnold M. Chidakwa and Gibson Chigumira
P A R T I I : PR O D U C T I V E S E C T O R P E R F O RM A N C E
3. Response of the Manufacturing Sector to the Zimbabwe
Economic Crisis 55
Cornelius Dube and Erinah Chipumho
4. The Performance of the Tourism Sector in Zimbabwe during
the 2000–08 Economic Crisis 85
Sanderson Abel and Evengelista Mudzonga
5. Experiences in the Zimbabwe Hotel Industry during
Hyperinflation 106
Miriam Mugwati, Doreen Nkala, and Eukeria Mashiri
6. The Impact of Hyperinflation on the Agriculture Sector:
Lessons from Zimbabwe, 1998–2008 125
Brighton Shayanewako, Elson Chuzu, and Adonis Tafirenyika Ntuli
P A R T I I I : B AN K I N G , C A P I T A L M A R K E T S ,
AND FINANCIAL SERVICES
7. Bank Failures in Zimbabwe: Evidence and Lessons, 2000–09 139
Jonathan Tembo
8. Operations, Regulation, and Practices of the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange during the Hyperinflationary
Period, 2000–08 157
Sehliselo Mpofu and Jecob Nyamadzawo
9. Stock Market Returns and Hyperinflation in Zimbabwe, 1998–2008 199
Nyasha Mahonye and Leonard Mandishara
viii Contents
PA R T I V : M O NE T A RY P O L I C Y AN D P U B L I C
F I NA N C I A L M AN A G E M E NT
11. Zimbabwe Monetary Policy, 1998–2012: From Hyperinflation to
Dollarization 249
Mark J. Ellyne and Michael R. Daly
12. Relegating the Core Business: The Case of the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe Undertaking Quasi-Fiscal Activities, 2000–08 290
Leonard Mandishara and David Mupamhadzi
13. Management of Public Debt in Zimbabwe During the
Hyperinflationary Period 305
Jecob Nyamadzawo and Bothwell Nyajena
14. Monetary Policy Formulation and Implementation in a
Hyperinflationary Environment: The Case of Zimbabwe, 2000–08 336
Gladys Shumbambiri
P A R T V : S O C I A L D I M EN S I O N S O F TH E C RI S I S
15. The Impact of Human Capital Losses in Zimbabwe: A Focus
on the Public Sector for the Crisis Period, 2000–08 379
Tawanda Chinembiri
16. The Social Protection Policy Responses in the Primary
and Secondary Education Sector during the Crisis Period 403
Evengelista Mudzonga
17. The Health Sector’s Response to the Impact of Hyperinflation: The
Case of Zimbabwe 428
Shepard Mutsau
18. Social Challenges of Hyperinflation: A Case of Health
and Education in Zimbabwe, 2000–08 441
Sanderson Abel
19. Health Care Finance and Health Outcomes during Zimbabwe’s
Economic Crisis 465
Nicholas Masiyandima
P A RT V I : C O N C L U D I N G RE M A R K S
20. Development Policy and Managing Shocks in Developing
Countries: Lessons on Currency Reform in Zimbabwe 497
George Kararach
Index 539
List of Figures
Appendix Figures
8.A1 Market Capitalization (Z$)—Including 2008 161
8.A2 Market Capitalization (Z$)—Excluding 2008 161
8.A3 Industrial Index—Including 2008 161
8.A4 Industrial Index—Excluding 2008 162
8.A5 Mining Index—Including 2008 162
8.A6 Mining Index—Excluding 2008 162
8.A7 Turnover Values (Z$)—Including 2008 163
8.A8 Turnover Values (Z$)—Excluding 2008 163
8.A9 Turnover (Volume)—Including 2008 163
8.A10 Turnover (Volume)—Excluding 2008 164
8.A11 Foreign Deal Values (Z$)—Including 2008 164
8.A12 Foreign Deal Shares—Including 2008 164
8.A13 In & Outflows (Z$)—Including 2008 165
8.A14 In & Outflows (Shares)—Including 2008 165
List of Tables
Appendix Tables
15.A1 Work Permits Issued to Nurses in the UK, 2002 401
15.A2 Staffing levels in Government Hospitals, 1995–2000 402
20.A1 Framework for Analysing Alternative Currency Regimes 526
List of Contributors
Research Unit. He has published papers and contributed chapters in several books
including in The International Handbook on Private Enforcement of Competition
Law (2010) and in Competition Policy and Consumer Policy: Complementarities
and Conflicts in The Promotion of Consumer Welfare (2009).
Mark J. Ellyne teaches applied macroeconomics, international economics, mon-
etary policy, fiscal policy, financial programming, and regional integration at
University of Cape Town, South Africa. He is also a consultant to Southern Africa
Development Community on exchange control issues. He retired from the Inter-
national Monetary Fund after twenty-four years of service as an international
macroeconomist designing and implementing economic adjustment programmes
in sub-Saharan Africa.
Jecob Nyamadzawo has an MSc in Economics from the University of Zimbabwe.
He is currently working as Research Fellow at Zimbabwe Economic Policy
Analysis and Research Unit, concentrating on empirical macro/microeconomic
policy analysis and research. He previously worked as Senior Economist in the
Department of Domestic and International Finance, and External Loans in the
Ministry of Finance, Zimbabwe. He has published on government social economic
policies as well as on international economics.
George Kararach is an Economic Affairs Officer at the Macroeconomic Policy
Division, UN Economic Commission for Africa, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and
Senior Consultant in the Statistics Department at the African Development
Bank, Abidjan, Cote d’Iviore.
Nyasha Mahonye has a PhD in Economics from the University of Cape Town,
South Africa. She is currently a lecturer at School of Economics and Business
Sciences, Witwatersrand University, South Africa. She has published extensively
in South Africa.
Tiviniton Makuve is currently a Programme Manager in Debt Management at
Macroeconomic and Financial Management Institute of Eastern and Southern
Africa (MEFMI), based in Harare, Zimbabwe. He holds a Master of Science degree
in Economics from the University of Zimbabwe and is a MEFMI Graduate Fellow
in Debt Management. He previously worked as Senior Analyst at the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe.
Leonard Mandishara holds an MSc in Economics from the University of
Zimbabwe. He is Acting Deputy Director, Department of Economic Research in
the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion, Zimbabwe.
Previously he served as Graduate Teaching Assistant, Department of Economics,
University of Zimbabwe.
Eukeria Mashiri holds MSc in Accounting from Midland State University,
Zimbabwe. He is currently lecturing Accounting and other Commercial Modules
to undergraduate and postgraduate students at the Midland State University. He
previously worked in the accounting departments with various private companies
in Zimbabwe.
Nicholas Masiyandima is a PhD Economics student at the University of Cape
Town, South Africa. Before enrolling for PhD in 2010, he was Deputy Division
List of Contributors xix
Chief, External Sector division at the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, in charge of the
international relations and capital account aspects. He has research experience in
regional integration economics at the Southern African Development Community.
Sehliselo Mpofu has a PhD in Economics from the University of Witwatersrand,
South Africa. She is currently Director of the Macroeconomic Management
Programme at the Macroeconomic and Financial Management Institute of East-
ern and Southern Africa. Previously she worked as Senior Research Fellow at
Zimbabwe Economic Policy Analysis and Research Unit and also in various senior
positions in the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. She has published extensively in
aspects of economics and finance.
Evengelista Mudzonga holds two Masters degrees (MSc in Economics from
University of Zimbabwe, and an MBA from Zimbabwe Open University). She
is currently a researcher of Trade and Development Studies Centre, Harare,
Zimbabwe. She has extensive working experience with the Southern African
Development Community, serving different capacities, most of them related to
researching on integration aspects. She has authored and co-authored various
studies/papers on regional economics and trade.
Miriam Mugwati holds an MSc in Marketing Strategy from Midlands State
University, Zimbabwe. She is currently a lecturer and head of Business Studies
department at Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. She has locally published
papers related to micro-business developments in Zimbabwe.
David Mupamhadzi is a PhD student in Development Economics at University of
Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa. He also holds an MSc in Economics, an MBA, and a
BSc in Economics, all from the University of Zimbabwe. David is an economist
with vast knowledge of the Zimbabwe economy, regional and international
markets. He was Economic Advisor to the Minister of Economic Planning and
Investment Promotion in Zimbabwe from 2009 to 2013. He has also worked as
an economist for Banc ABC, Century Bank, Trust Bank, and ZABG, among
other roles.
Shepard Mutsau holds three Masters degrees (MSc in Rural and Urban Planning
from University of Zimbabwe, Msc in Development Studies from National Uni-
versity of Science and Technology, and MSc in Peace, Leadership and Governance
from Africa University, Zimbabwe). He is currently a lecturer in the Department
of Development Studies, Zimbabwe Open University. He specializes in develop-
ment planning, development economics, disaster risk management, governance
and conflict management, project planning and management, monitoring and
evaluation of development projects.
Desire T. Mutsawu has over fifteen years of experience in the insurance industry
working with the First Old Mutual Life in Zimbabwe. He holds a BSc in Risk
Management and Insurance from National University of Science and Technology,
Zimbabwe.
Doreen Nkala holds an MSc in Marketing Strategy from Midlands State Univer-
sity, Zimbabwe. She is currently a lecturer at Midlands State University. She has
published on corporate governance and growth strategy for small traders in
Zimbabwe.
xx List of Contributors
1.1 BACKGROUND
the country that suffered serious decay from seeming policy disarray as the
economy slipped towards a hyper-inflationary environment. The question then
is: how did the Zimbabwean state lose its developmental nature? To answer this
question, the political economy has to be interpreted in historical perspective.
1 . 2 F R O M RH O D E S I A T O Z I M B A B W E :
STATISM, DESTABILIZATION, AND
RACIALIST POLITICAL ECONOMY
Zimbabwe moved from a society that, before independence, was highly racial. The
independent state, however, tried to change this situation and with time the em-
powerment of the black population started neutralizing the pre-independence racial
divide. However, looking at what happened during the chaotic land reforms in
Zimbabwe that entailed invasion and compulsory takeover of white owned farms
by people led by war veterans, many scholars would be sympathetic to Guy Scott’s1
opinion that it was the racism in the earlier years coupled with disproportionate
resource endowment favouring the whites that sowed the seeds for polarized politics
in the country. Nevertheless, a more convincing view is that evolution in the political
system, whereby the role of state institutions diminished while the powers and
controls were increasingly bestowed on the ruling political class, contributed a
great deal to the type of policies that could be adopted and implemented.
For example, if there were strong and independent institutions, the lawlessness
witnessed during the land invasions would not have occurred. Furthermore, the
land reform programme would have benefited more of the landless than the
political elite. Our submission is that if the land reforms were to give much of
the repossessed land to the poor, the land would have been better utilized for
productive activities. Nevertheless, much of the land was given to the elite whose
preoccupation was to own the land, not to use it productively.
Zimbabwe moved from a social developmental state in the 1980s to a predatory
crony-capitalist state after 2000. Whereas the communal areas were the primary
focus for poverty reduction in the 1980s, they were abandoned in the 1990s, and
only resettlement, based on literally seizing land, remained on the government
empowerment agenda after 2000. In the 1980s the priority for land allocation was
the resettlement of landless and war-stricken families. However, after 2000 seized
farmland was redistributed to senior politicians, officers, and other party loyalists.
In the 1980s the state accepted strong property rights based on freehold tenure but
there was gradual erosion of property rights in the 1990s, ending with the
nationalization of most commercial farms in 2005 without compensation.
Today, it seems the common good of the nation has been sacrificed by a predatory
state that condones corrupt, rent-seeking behaviour for the enrichment of the
politically privileged few (Doré, 2012).
However, another important tendency for state involvement in the economy
was driven by the newly independent state’s need for ‘survival’. Zimbabwe was
1
Guy Scott was Vice President, and then, later, President of Zambia.
Political Economy and Evolution of Policies 5
1 . 3 EV OL UT I O N O F Z I M B A B W E’ S MA C R O EC O N O M I C
POLICIES, 1980–2008
Ndhlela (2011) argued that Zimbabwe pursued two diametrically opposite policy
regimes since independence: interventionist and market-based approaches. From
1980 to 1991 the country pursued interventionist policies. The control regime was
followed by the liberalization period (1991–96) of structural adjustment pro-
grammes. From 1997 to 2008 another interventionist regime, albeit unsuccessful,
was restored. The 1997 to 2008 regime was so unsuccessful that it led to the crisis
that the economy witnessed during the hyperinflationary period. In Chapter 2.0,
Chidakwa and Chigumira outline in detail the major triggers of the economic
crisis in Zimbabwe, including disruptions in the agriculture sector and other ‘self-
defeating’ policies that were pursued.
2
The primary objective of the SADCC was to minimize on the states from the negative effects of
apartheid South Africa’s domination of the regional economy.
Political Economy and Evolution of Policies 7
Despite its heterogeneity, the economy was dualistic in terms of ownership struc-
ture and level of development, where a highly protected and favoured modern
economy co-existed with a largely marginalized communal economy that provided
a livelihood for about 80 per cent of the country’s population (GoZ, 2009). The
skewed ownership structure largely emanated from the colonial legacy which
created artificial barriers to entry by ‘indigenous’/black entrepreneurs into main-
stream economic activities. The result was that the white minority dominated
formal sector economic activity and owned two-thirds of high-potential land,
while the black majority were concentrated in rural, communal areas and the
urban informal sector. Hence, the economic policy framework pursued was shaped
by the need to transform the inherited colonial legacy which caused a grossly
inequitable pattern of income distribution and predominant foreign ownership of
assets. This promoted broad-based sustainable economic growth and reduced
socio-economic disparities, with the state as an engine of growth and development
(GoZ, 1981).
The socio-economic objectives of the government were formally articulated in
the Growth with Equity policy framework published in February 1981. This policy
had two core components: an extensive system of economic controls to support
industrial autarky and a massive redistributive system of social expenditures—
notably, high levels of health and education expenditures. The policy stated that
one of the government’s main objectives was ‘to . . . achieve a greater and more
equitable degree of ownership of natural resources, including land, and to pro-
mote participation in, and ownership of, a significant portion of the economy by
nationals and the state’ (GoZ, 1981). The policies of the new government repre-
sented continuity with those of the previous regime as state intervention in the
economy through state enterprises and the manipulation and regulation of trade,
fiscal, monetary, price, and wages were dominant.
A large portion of commodities (beef, dairy, grain, etc.) was heavily regulated,
while industry was protected from foreign competition and state-owned busi-
nesses monopolized the domestic market. The government also launched ambi-
tious plans geared towards increased social sector expenditures, expansion of rural
infrastructure and redressing social and economic inequalities through the land
resettlement programme. In urban areas, the minimum wage, black affirmative
and indigenization policies were pursued for redistributive purposes. Basic com-
modity price controls were followed in order to ensure decent living conditions
for the urban population. The core of the government’s redistributive agenda was
through increased public expenditures on education, health, and public sector
employment.
The overall consequence of the various state interventions was that, while
short- to medium-term gains in social welfare were realized, long-term economic
growth and efficiency were compromised (Mhone, 1995). The phenomenal GDP
growth rates of 11 per cent and 14 per cent realized in 1980 and 1981 respectively
were largely attributed to the country’s reintegration into the international trading
system following the removal of sanctions (then imposed on the white racist
minority government), as well as mineral and the commodity price booms of
1980. However, by 1982 the growth of the previous two years was overtaken by
sharp global economic decline and drought as well as the effects of the destabil-
ization policy of South Africa highlighted earlier. From then on, the economy
8 George Kararach, Raphael O. Otieno, and Tiviniton Makuve
The TNDP envisaged a GDP growth rate of 8 per cent per annum, an increase
in the ratio of investment to GDP from 19 per cent in 1981/82 to 23 per cent in
1984/85, an increase in the ratio of domestic savings to GDP from 11 per cent in
1981/82 to 17 per cent by 1984/85 and a 3 per cent annual growth in employment.
However, these targets were not achieved as elucidated below (see also Table 1.1).
A combination of international recession, which resulted in falling commodity
prices, deteriorating terms of trade, a two-year drought, the vulnerability of the
economy to outside shocks including regional ‘conflicts’, and the influence of the
Bretton Woods institutions forced the government to radically shift its develop-
ment goals. Emerging economic problems prompted the early intervention of the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) (through lending) whose conditionalities
diverted the government away from more ambitious aspects of its early inward-
looking development strategies, replacing government attempts to exert control
through state-led planning with incentives to the export sector and reductions in
spending on social programmes. The debt–service ratio, which represented 2 per
cent of export earnings in 1980, had risen to 30 per cent by 1984, generating
additional pressure on the balance of payments. Unlike many African countries,
Zimbabwe was able to effectively manage this debt; however, it was ultimately
forced to curb heavy spending on healthcare, education, and land reform in order
to maintain production levels for debt repayment.
The socio-economic performance over the period was below that envisaged
under the TNDP. For example, the real GDP growth rate of 3 per cent per annum
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alarms
alas
Alaska
Alaskan
Alawi
Albania
Albanian
Albanians
Albay
Albemarle
Albert
Albrecht
Albuquerque
alcabalas
alcalde
alcaldes
Alcock
alcohol
alcoholic
Alderley
aldermen
Aldersgate
Aldingen
Aldrich
ale
Alene
Aleph
Aleppo
alert
Alexander
Alexandra
Alexandre
Alexandretta
ALEXANDRIA
Alexandrian
Alexandrie
Alexandrovich
Alexandrovsky
Alexeieff
Alexis
Alfaro
Alfonso
Alford
Alfred
Alger
Algeria
Algerian
Algerians
Algerine
Algiers
algæ
Alhambra
Ali
Aliaga
Alicante
Alice
alien
alienate
alienated
alienation
alienist
Aliens
alight
alighting
alike
alive
Aliwal
alkaline
All
Allahabad
Allan
allay
allayed
allegation
allegations
allege
Alleged
Allegheny
allegiance
alleging
Allen
alleviate
alleviation
alleys
Allgemeine
ALLIANCE
alliances
allied
allies
allotment
allotments
allotted
allow
allowable
allowance
allowances
allowed
allowing
allows
allude
alluded
alludes
alluding
allured
allusion
allusions
alluvial
ally
Almanac
Almighty
Almirante
Almodovar
almond
Almost
Almyro
Alois
ALOISI
alone
Along
Alongside
Alonzo
aloof
aloud
Aloy
Alphabet
alphabetic
alphabetical
Alphonse
Alphonso
Alpine
Alps
Already
Alsace
Alsatian
also
altar
altars
alter
alterable
alteration
alterations
altered
altering
alternate
alternately
alternating
alternative
alternatives
alters
Altgeld
although
altitude
altitudes
altogether
aluminium
aluminum
Alva
Alvan
Alvey
always
am
Amacura
Amadeus
Amakuru
amalgamate
Amalgamated
amalgamating
amalgamation
amalgamations
Aman
Amand
Amapala
Amarna
Amasa
Amasia
AMATONGALAND
amazement
amazing
Amazon
Amazonian
Ambassador
ambassadorial
ambassadors
ambiguity
ambiguous
Ambil
ambit
ambition
ambitions
ambitious
Amboyna
Ambrogiana
Ambrose
Ambulance
ambulances
ambuscade