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CATULLUS
In this book, a sequel to Traditions and Contexts in the Poetry of
Horace (Cambridge ), ten leading Latin scholars provide spe-
cially commissioned in-depth discussions of the poetry of Catullus,
one of ancient Rome’s best loved poets. Some chapters focus on the
collection as a whole and the inter-relationship of various poems;
others deal with intertextuality and translation and Catullus’ response
to his Greek predecessors, both classical and Hellenistic. Two of the
key subjects are the communication of desire and the presentation of
the real world. Some chapters provide analyses of individual poems,
others discuss how Catullus’ poetry was read by Virgil and Ovid. A
wide variety of critical approaches is on offer, and in the Epilogue
the editors provide a provocative survey of the issues raised by the
volume.
i a n d u q u e s n a y taught Classics at the University of Birmingham
and at the University of Cambridge from to and has
published a number of classic papers on the Latin poetry of the first
century bc from Catullus to Ovid.
t ony w oodm a n has taught at the Universities of Newcastle, Leeds
and Durham and is currently Gildersleeve Professor of Classics at the
University of Virginia. He has published monographs and commen-
taries on various Latin subjects and authors, together with award-
winning translations of Sallust and Tacitus. The present volume is the
latest in a series which he has been co-editing since .
CATULLUS
Poems, Books, Readers
edited by
IAN DU QUESNAY AND TONY WOODMAN
cambri dge uni versi ty p re s s
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town,
Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City
Cambridge University Press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb ru, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/
c Cambridge University Press
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published
Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by the MPG Books Group
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data
Catullus : poems, books, readers / edited by Ian M. Le M. Du Quesnay and Tony Woodman.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
isbn ----
. Catullus, Gaius Valerius – Criticism and interpretation. . Catullus, Gaius Valerius – Influence.
I. Du Quesnay, Ian M. Le M., – II. Woodman, A. J. (Anthony John), –
pa.c
′ . – dc
isbn ---- Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or
accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to
in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such
websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
Contents
Notes on contributors page vii
Preface x
Callimachus in Verona: Catullus and Alexandrian poetry
Damien P. Nelis
Representation and the materiality of the book
in the polymetrics
Denis Feeney
Booking lovers: desire and design in Catullus
G. O. Hutchinson
Catullus and the Garland of Meleager
Kathryn Gutzwiller
Poem : the wooing of Acme and Septimius
Francis Cairns
A covering letter: Poem
Tony Woodman
Three problems in Poem
Ian Du Quesnay
Putting on the yoke of necessity: myth, intertextuality
and moral agency in Catullus
Monica R. Gale
Virgil’s Catullan plots
Philip Hardie
v
vi Contents
Catullan contexts in Ovid’s Metamorphoses
K. Sara Myers
Epilogue
Abbreviations and bibliography
Index locorum
General index
Notes on contributors
francis cairns is Professor of Classical Languages at Florida State Uni-
versity and formerly Professor of Latin at the University of Liverpool and
Professor of Latin Language and Literature at the University of Leeds. He is
the author of Generic Composition in Greek and Roman Poetry (), Tibul-
lus: A Hellenistic Poet at Rome (), Virgil’s Augustan Epic (), Sextus
Propertius: The Augustan Elegist (), Papers on Roman Elegy (),
Roman Lyric: Collected Papers on Catullus and Horace () and numerous
articles on Classical, Medieval, and Renaissance literature and on Greek
epigraphy.
ian du quesnay is the Bursar of Newnham College, Cambridge, and
formerly Fellow of Jesus College, and University Lecturer in Classics at the
University of Cambridge. He is the author of various studies of Republican
and Augustan poetry.
denis feeney is Giger Professor of Latin at Princeton University. He is
the author of The Gods in Epic: Poets and Critics of the Classical Tradition
(), Literature and Religion at Rome: Cultures, Contexts, and Beliefs ()
and Caesar’s Calendar: Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History ();
with Tony Woodman, he is co-editor of Traditions and Contexts in the
Poetry of Horace (), and with Stephen Hinds he is co-editor of the
Cambridge University Press series Roman Literature and its Contexts.
monica r. gale is Associate Professor of Classics at Trinity College,
Dublin. She is the author of Myth and Poetry in Lucretius (), Virgil
on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition
() and other books and articles on late-Republican and Augustan
poetry, and is currently working on a commentary on the complete poems
of Catullus for the Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics series.
kathryn gutzwiller is Professor of Classics at the University of Cincin-
nati. Her books include Theocritus’ Pastoral Analogies: The Formation of a
vii
viii Notes on contributors
Genre (), Poetic Garlands: Hellenistic Epigrams in Context (), which
won the American Philological Association’s Charles J. Goodwin Award
of Merit, The New Posidippus: A Hellenistic Poetry Book () and A
Guide to Hellenistic Literature (). Her current projects concern new
mosaics illustrating comedies by Menander from ancient Antioch, to be
published in AJA, and a critical edition of and commentary on the epi-
grams of Meleager. Her projects have been supported by grants from the
National Endowment for the Humanities, Institute for Advanced Study at
Princeton, American Council of Learned Societies, Loeb Classical Library
Foundation and All Souls College, Oxford.
philip hardie is Senior Research Fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge,
Honorary Professor of Latin Literature in the University of Cambridge, and
a Fellow of the British Academy. He is the author of Virgil’s Aeneid: Cosmos
and Imperium (), The Epic Successors of Virgil (), Virgil Aeneid IX
(), Ovid’s Poetics of Illusion (), Lucretian Receptions: History, the
Sublime, Knowledge (), Rumour and Renown: Representations of Fama in
Western Literature (), and editor of The Cambridge Companion to Ovid
() and co-editor with Stuart Gillespie of The Cambridge Companion to
Lucretius (). He is currently finishing a commentary on Books –
of Ovid’s Metamorphoses (Fondazione Valla) and co-editing, with Patrick
Cheney, the volume on the Renaissance in The Oxford History of Classical
Reception in English Literature.
g. o. hutchinson is Professor of Greek and Latin Languages and Liter-
ature at Oxford University. He has written the following books: Aeschylus,
Septem contra Thebas: Edited with Introduction and Commentary (),
Hellenistic Poetry (), Latin Literature from Seneca to Juvenal: A Critical
Study (), Cicero’s Correspondence: A Literary Study (), Greek Lyric
Poetry: A Commentary on Selected Larger Pieces (), Propertius, Elegies
Book IV (), Talking Books: Readings in Hellenistic and Roman Books
of Poetry (). He is at present finishing a book on the use of Greek
literature by Latin literature.
k. sara myers is Professor of Classics at the University of Virginia. She
is author of Ovid’s Causes: Cosmogony and Aetiology in the Metamorphoses
(), has published a commentary on Book of Ovid’s Metamorphoses
in the series Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics (), and is co-editor of
Vertis in usum: Studies in honor of E. Courtney (). Her current interests
include Statius and Roman gardens.
Notes on contributors ix
damien p. nelis is Professor of Latin at the University of Geneva; pre-
viously he was Lecturer in Classics at the University of Durham (–)
and Professor of Latin at Trinity College, Dublin (–). His research
interests lie mainly in Hellenistic and Augustan poetry; he is author of
Vergil’s Aeneid and the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius () and co-
editor of Clio and the Poets: Augustan Poetry and the Traditions of Ancient
Historiography () and Acting with Words: Communication, Rhetorical
Performance and Performative Acts in Latin Literature (). He is cur-
rently co-editing with J. Farrell a book on representations of the Roman
Republic in Augustan poetry and writing a monograph on Virgil’s Georgics.
tony woodman is Basil L. Gildersleeve Professor of Classics at the Uni-
versity of Virginia and Emeritus Professor of Latin at the University of
Durham. He is author of two volumes of commentary on Velleius Pater-
culus (, ), of Rhetoric in Classical Historiography (), Latin
Historians (, with C. S. Kraus), Tacitus Reviewed (), From Poetry
to History: Selected papers () and also of two annotated translations:
Tacitus: The Annals (, revised ) and Sallust: Catiline’s War, The
Jugurthine War, Histories (). With R. H. Martin he has produced
commentaries on Tacitus’ Annals, Books () and ( and often
reprinted). He is co-editor of Quality and Pleasure in Latin Poetry (),
Creative Imitation and Latin Literature (), Poetry and Politics in the Age
of Augustus (), Past Perspectives: Studies in Greek and Roman Historical
Writing (), Author and Audience in Latin Literature (), Tacitus and
the Tacitean Tradition (), Traditions and Contexts in the Poetry of Horace
() and Latin Historiography and Poetry in the Early Empire: Generic
Interactions (). Currently he is co-authoring (with C. S. Kraus) a com-
mentary on Tacitus’ Agricola for the series Cambridge Greek and Latin
Classics.
c ha p te r 1
Callimachus in Verona
Catullus and Alexandrian poetry
Damien P. Nelis
The first poem of Catullus begins with emphasis on smallness (libellum,
libelli), craftmanship (expolitum, doctis, laboriosis) and literary value (nugas).
Readers have not failed to appreciate that these are also crucially impor-
tant themes in one of the most influential of all Greek literary texts, the
prologue to the Aetia of Callimachus, a passage which poses many prob-
lems of interpretation but which certainly deals with questions of poetic
craft and merit and the use of size as an aesthetic criterion in the evalua-
tion of literature. There is agreement among most scholars that when in
addition Catullus’ ‘little book’ is presented as lepidus, it is crying out to
be judged quite specifically in terms of the Callimachean ‘slender Muse’
(MoÓsan . . . leptalhn, Aetia fr. .). It seems difficult, therefore, to
go against the now well-established and generally accepted idea that Calli-
machus must play an important role in any attempt to investigate Catullus’
poetic art. But how precisely can we define the term ‘Callimachean’? And
how useful is this term for readers who want to try to appreciate the
poetry of Catullus and make sense of its relationship to both Greek and
Latin literary traditions? These are difficult questions, but they must be
posed.
Poem in the Catullan corpus contains these words (–):
sed tamen in tantis maeroribus, Hortale, mitto
haec expressa tibi carmina Battiadae.
But despite such great pain, Hortalus, I am sending
these poems of Callimachus, translated for you.
See, for example, Syndikus () , Wiseman () , Holzberg () , Batstone () ,
Knox () –. More generally, see Wheeler () –. On the text of Callimachus, fr. .
and the problematic reading a¬ kat lept»n, see Lehnus (). On the slender Muse of line
see Fantuzzi and Hunter () –.
For an excellent survey of the whole question see Knox ().
damien p. nelis
Poem begins thus:
Saepe tibi studioso animo uenante requirens
carmina uti possem mittere Battiadae . . .
Often I have sought, like a keen hunter, poems of
Callimachus that I could send to you . . .
There can be little doubt that the attentive reader is expected to appreciate
that there is a connection between these two couplets. In each, and in
the same metrical position, Catullus mentions poems of Callimachus,
identified as a descendant of Battus. Furthermore, the former poem acts
as the introduction to a translation of a section of the Aetia in Poem ,
while the first word of the latter poem, saepe, translates the first word of
the Aetia, pollki. The connection will have been even more obvious if
Poems and did indeed open and close a Catullan libellus of elegiac
poems. Whatever one’s opinion of that idea, if one accepts that there is a
meaningful connection between the two couplets, then it must be obvious
that in turn they create a highly marked and obviously very important
recollection of the explicitly introductory Poem and its Callimachean
credentials.
A great deal of work has gone into investigating these and many other
moments of intertextual and intratextual engagement in Catullus and their
overall importance for attempts to grasp the structure and thematic coher-
ence of his oeuvre. But once again, difficult questions abound. Was our
collection organized by the poet himself or is it the result of editorial
work done after his death? Can we be sure that the corpus as we have it
can be divided up into three separate books? If we believe we can, what
was in each book? Was one of those books entitled Passer? Given such
uncertainty, is it really possible to establish the significance of intratex-
tual patterns both within each of the libelli and between them? Amidst
The Suda states that Battus was the name of Callimachus’ father, but the better known figure of
that name is the mythical founder of Cyrene: Pind. Pyth. ., Hdt. .. The poet himself uses the
patronymic at Ep. .: ‘You are passing by the tomb of Battiades . . . ’. For discussion see Fantuzzi
and Hunter () –, .
See Pontani (), Knox () . For additional Callimachean elements in see Macleod
() = () –, Barchiesi () –.
See Skinner () for a full-scale defence of the thesis that Poems – form an elegiac libellus;
note also Hutchinson () = () ch. . See Butrica () and Skinner (b) for useful
surveys of the history of the transmission of the text and the whole question of the arrangement of
the collection as a whole; see also Claes (), and Gutzwiller and Hutchinson in this volume.
On Callimachean influence and the mention of Battus at . see Cairns () –.
Since the fundamental study of Wiseman () see, for example, Beck (), Claes (), Hutchin-
son () = () –, Hubbard ().
Callimachus in Verona
the debates surrounding these matters Callimachean poetry and poetics
are often invoked as a key part of the argument. In , for example,
T. P. Wiseman wrote: ‘We can see now . . . how Catullus exploited his
readers’ knowledge of the Aetia at the beginning of all three books of his
collection.’ At this point it becomes important to emphasize that in recent
years research on Hellenistic poetry has brought about some radical changes
in the appreciation of Callimachus and of his profoundly influential Aetia.
In , Alan Cameron challenged established and cherished certainties
about Callimachus and opened up new ways of thinking about his poetry
and its reception. His revisionist interpretations offered new perspectives on
a number of much debated issues. Cameron attaches great importance to
orality, performance culture and social function in reaction to approaches
based on the culture of the book and preconceptions based on the image
of the ivory tower and ideas about l’art pour l’art. In addition, his radical
reinterpretation of the Aetia prologue as a text which has little or nothing
to do with epic poetry has strongly challenged many traditional readings of
many Hellenistic and Roman texts. More recently, S. Stephens has argued
that Hellenistic poetry has suffered from being read in terms of purely
Greek cultural patterns and that it requires careful study from an Egyp-
tian perspective as well. Her approach depends on a profound process
of historicization in relation to Callimachus and his contemporaries, espe-
cially Theocritus and Apollonius Rhodius. Concerning the latter, in
R. Hunter had already offered a ground-breaking reading of the Argonautica
from a Ptolemaic perspective. He draws attention to the central position
in the Alexandrian court which the post of Librarian of the Royal Library
accorded Apollonius and emphasizes the importance of those aspects of
the story which celebrate the successes of Greeks overseas. He also draws
attention to contemporary political links between Egypt and the Black Sea
and such episodes as that in Book which looks forward to the foundation
of Cyrene. As a result, Hunter is able to show how Apollonius’ poem can
be read as an exploration of the relationship between Alexandria and its
Greek past, in both literary and historical terms, and also as relating to
the history of the Ptolemaic presence both in North Africa and in the
wider Greek world. Along similar lines, M. A. Harder has argued that
Wiseman () .
Cameron (); for an excellent discussion of the main issues see Harder (). See also Weber
(), Hose (), Strootman () on the social setting and function of Hellenistic poets.
Stephens (); note also Koenen (), Weber (), Selden (). Goldhill () is an
important review of Stephens, generally sceptical but setting out the issues clearly.
Hunter (a) –. His approach has now been extended by Mori ().
damien p. nelis
in his Aetia Callimachus engages in complex and profound ways with
Greek culture and history viewed from a specifically Ptolemaic perspec-
tive. Her approach results in seeing the poem as a serious text whose
ideology and function align it with many of the concerns more usually
associated with epic and historiography. In addition, M. Fantuzzi and
R. Hunter have published an excellent general study of Hellenistic poetry
which marks a watershed, bringing together the results of the explosion
of research which has taken place in the field since the s and setting
out the paths which scholars are likely to follow in the decades to come.
Their work is remarkable for its highly nuanced readings of generic and
intertextual strategies within an overall approach which takes into account
the broader cultural context, both in terms of Greek literary history and
the Alexandrian setting. Finally, R. Hunter has published a short study
devoted entirely to the reception of Callimachus in Latin poetry, one strik-
ing feature of which is his discussion of the idea that Latinists have gone
too far in their construction of a modernist Hellenistic poetics and that
for the late Republican and Augustan poets Callimachus was a classical
Greek poet to be studied and imitated in much the same way as any
other.
But what does all this work on Callimachus and Alexandrian poetry
mean for the study of Catullus? It is the aim of this chapter to outline the
issues involved in answering this question by looking in particular at one
influential feature prevalent in the research just summarized: the tendency
to historicize Hellenistic poetry more firmly than ever before. Fortunately,
in recent years, Catullus has been the focus of several general studies and
attempts to survey the critical status quo, thus facilitating any attempt to get
some kind of grip on the scholarly trends of the last sixty years, particularly
since the publication in of K. Quinn’s epoch-making The Catullan
Revolution.
In her recent survey of major themes in Catullan criticism from c.
to , J. H. Gaisser outlines and contextualizes the contribution made
by Quinn’s study in the light of both earlier and subsequent trends in
interpretation. Of particular interest is the connection she makes between
Harder ().
Fantuzzi and Hunter (); the original Italian version was published in .
Hunter () –, –. A collection of his other work on Hellenistic poetry and its reception
may be found in Hunter (). Acosta-Hughes (a) also calls into question some commonly
held assumptions about the originality of Hellenistic poetics.
See, for example, Martindale (), Holzberg (), Gaisser () and (), Skinner (a).
A second edition of Quinn’s book appeared in , reprinted in and again in with a new
introduction by C. Martindale.
Callimachus in Verona
Quinn’s use of the idea of ‘revolution’ and research into the influence
of Callimacheanism on Catullus undertaken by Clausen and Ross. For
Quinn, the poetry of Catullus marks a real ‘change of course’ in the
history of Latin literature. He is well aware of the difficulties involved in
evaluating the precise nature of this change, given the relative paucity of
knowledge concerning both earlier and contemporary poetry, but he goes
on to attempt to situate it in relation to both the Hellenistic and the Roman
background. As for the latter, which is treated in much more detail, he
divides it into three strands: the ‘epic-tragic’ tradition, the ‘comic-satiric
tradition’ and a third ‘made up from epigram and the polymetric fragments’
of Q. Lutatius Catulus, Porcius Licinus, Valerius Aedituus and Laevius.
Subsequently, the whole thrust of Quinn’s argument is to emphasize the
size of the gap between Catullus and his predecessors. When he turns his
attention to Hellenistic poetry, Quinn initially refers to it as a ‘great fresh
wave’ and as ‘the new poetry’ and ‘the new movement’. But his profoundly
negative appreciation of the art and style of Hellenistic poetry soon becomes
apparent. He refers to a ‘disease’ in Hellenistic composition, one which
came from ‘making poetry in a kind of literary laboratory’, while an essential
element in the Catullan achievement is his simple and direct mode of
expression, which is favoured over Alexandrian poetic diction, characterized
as ‘an odd jumble of worn, pretentious literary archaism’. In the end,
Quinn’s approach leads him into stating that ‘the term Alexandrian, once
we become reluctant to accept it as simply pejorative, loses a good deal of
its critical significance’. One of the reasons for his adoption of this critical
position is his desire to counter the approach which tended to argue that
all that was successful in Latin poetry could be put down to the fact that
it was based on translation or close imitation of Greek models. While
his approach was somewhat novel in the s and was highly promising
in opening up new ways of looking at Latin poetry, it led to a failure
on Quinn’s part to attempt to investigate in any detail the connections
between the Greek poetry of the third century and the new Roman poetry
of the first century bc. For him, the novelty of the neoterics had to be
understood in mainly Roman terms. But this approach was soon to be
modified.
In W. Clausen published his famous paper ‘Callimachus and Latin
Poetry’. For Clausen, even if his main interest is in Virgil, the idea of some
Gaisser () –. Quinn () .
Quinn of course owes a very considerable debt to the important study of Wheeler (). In turn,
Granarolo () builds on Quinn.
Quinn () . Quinn () –. Quinn () .
damien p. nelis
kind of Catullan revolution in Latin poetry is a given, but he criticizes
Quinn for failing to appreciate its fully Callimachean inspiration. And
in the bringing of Callimachus to Rome, Clausen gives a key role to
Parthenius, about whom he says, ‘I do not understand why those who have
written recently about the New Poetry make so little of him.’ For Clausen,
no Latin poet was seriously or inventively interested in Callimachus before
the middle of the first century. As a result, the essential element in the
evolution of the New Poetry, and so of Catullus, becomes the discovery
of Callimachus and his poetics, and that discovery is due to Parthenius,
who acts as a teacher and mediator. His main contribution is taken to
lie in his detailed explanation of the complexities of Hellenistic poetry,
knowledge which could then be applied to the handling of new kinds of
subject matter, such as provided in his own Erotica Pathemata, addressed to
Gallus for use in either his elegies or his ‘epos’, i.e. epyllia. In The Cambridge
History of Classical Literature of , Clausen reworked his earlier study
and enshrined its conclusions in two terse statements: ‘Of Hellenistic
poets the one who meant most to the New Poets was Callimachus . . . ’
and ‘Callimachus’ poetry was brought to Rome by Parthenius of Nicaea, a
zealous Callimachean.’ The title of the chapter in which these statements
appear is ‘The new direction in poetry’.
Clausen’s brief paper, beautifully written in his own typically elegant
and profoundly learned style, and bolstered as it was by the then recent
and exhaustive work of Wimmel on the reception of Callimachus in Rome,
exercised enormous influence on Latinists. Doubts were expressed about
the exact role of Parthenius, but for thirty years no serious objection was
mounted against his picture of a Callimachean watershed in Latin literary
history. But what exactly did Latinists mean when they said that Catul-
lus was in some sense a Callimachean? And how did the identification of
Callimachean elements in Catullus affect interpretation of his poetry? For
Clausen himself, poets such as Catullus and his like-minded contempo-
raries Cinna, Calvus, Cornificius and others were linked to Callimachus by
objections to epic poetry and by a kinship which meant they could appreci-
ate ‘his experiments with language, his technical refinements, his passion for
elegance’. Clausen also identifies as Callimachean those interests pursued
Clausen () . In fact, as has been noted often, Rostagni (–) = () – had already
argued for the importance of Parthenius as a key intermediary between Hellenistic and mid-first-
century Roman poetry. On Parthenius see Hinds () –, Lightfoot (), Francese ().
Clausen () and . Wimmel ().
On the role of Parthenius see the doubts expressed by Crowther (). His scepticism concerning
much of what was becoming established opinion about the new poets in the s had aready been
expressed in Crowther ().
Clausen () –.
Callimachus in Verona
in turn by Euphorion and Parthenius: local legends, aetiology, geography,
mythology and the poetic form of the epyllion, which is characterized
by interest in obscure mythological allusion, concentration on feminine
emotions, the morbid and erotic, and the avoidance of traditional forms
of epic narrative. There can be little doubt that work in this vein made a
rich contribution to the understanding of the literary texture of Catullan
poetry and Latin literary history. However, it quickly became clear to some
scholars that use of a critical vocabulary in which the repeated use of such
adjectives as ‘learned’, ‘refined’, and ‘exquisite’ to define certain aspects of
Catullan style which were taken to be quintessentially Callimachean was
of limited critical use, and certain modifications to the broad picture so
briefly outlined by Clausen began to appear.
In , D. O. Ross attempted to provide a precise analysis of certain
aspects of Catullan language and style in order to try to identify those
elements which could be defined as broadly Alexandrian and neoteric.
After looking in great detail at such features as the use of compounds and
diminutives, the postposition of particles, exclamatory ‘A!’ and adjectives
in -osus and -eus, Ross arrived at the conclusion that the collection of epi-
grams which forms the third group of poems in the Catullan corpus was
not indebted to these traditions at all, but was instead to be situated within
an entirely Roman poetic tradition. Given the generally accepted idea
that the epigram is one of the most characteristic of all Hellenistic genres
and the one most quintessentially associated with the ideal of poetic lep-
t»thv, this is a remarkably surprising proposition. What are we to make of
an argument that Catullan epigrams are best read in relation to a Roman
poetic tradition when some of them are close imitations of Callimachean
models? Whether one agrees with him or not, the material Ross gathered
and the unexpected conclusions he reached illustrate perfectly the difficulty
of situating Catullus within the traditions of Greek and Roman literary his-
tory and deciding exactly what may be usefully described as Callimachean,
Hellenistic, Alexandrian or neoteric.
Clausen () .
But note the remarks of Hinds () –, Morelli () –.
Clausen () had already remarked: ‘It is a mistake, not uncommon in our literary histories,
to employ the terms “Hellenistic”, “Alexandrian”, “Callimachean” interchangeably’. For Clausen,
Roman neoteric poetry is essentially Callimachean. The point is made again in an important
contribution by Thomas (a) –, emphasizing the pervasive influence of Callimachus in late
Republican and Augustan Latin poetry and attempting to define Callimacheanism (specifically in
relation to Virgil) in terms of a liking for certain kinds of poetic structure, tropes and word-play,
learning, tone, metapoetics, intertextuality, ambiguity and ideology. On the last of these elements
and the tendency to accord more importance to Callimachus’ poetics than to his politics see
Heyworth (), Nelis ().
damien p. nelis
Subsequently, in , in an important and influential contribution,
R. O. A. M. Lyne attempted to identify precisely a coterie of neoteric
poets and their shared poetic interests, producing strong arguments against
those who refused to believe in the existence of a group of poets who
could be associated with Cicero’s reference to the neōteroi in a letter to
Atticus in bc (Att. ..). Despite the arguments of some sceptics, it is
indeed very hard to believe that, when Cicero on three different occasions
refers to neōteroi, poetae noui and cantores Euphorionis, he does not have
in mind a group of poets active in the middle of the first century bc
who could be characterized by certain shared stylistic traits and tastes in
Greek models. For Lyne it is not epigrams or short polymetric poems
of an erotic or satiric nature but rather the epyllion, as exemplified by
Catullus , which is the defining element of their originality in Roman
terms and of their debt to Hellenistic traditions. Lyne goes on to argue
that Poems – are a distinctly Callimachean group, since they are all,
in one way or another, experiments in narrative form. He sees them as
reactions to the way in which Callimachus developed alternatives to epic,
alternative ways of structuring narrative forms and retelling mythic stories.
It is, then, Callimachean experimentation with the epyllion, a form of
‘perversely ingenious alternative epos’, that becomes the crucial element in
the definition of Catullan and neoteric Callimacheanism.
More recently, M. Fantuzzi and R. Hunter have considered anew the
longer poems of Catullus in relation to Callimachean and other Hellenistic
models. Situating Catullus within a survey of Roman strategies of engage-
ment with Hellenistic poetry, their reading demonstrates the sophistication
of Catullan techniques. For them, Poem is not simply a translation of
the Coma Berenices; it is also a poem which reflects on the act of translating
Callimachus as just one approach among others to the whole project of
creating in the Latin literary tradition texts to rival the Greek classics. And
some of these other approaches are in fact tried out by Catullus in other
poems. As such, the famous translation of Sappho in Poem should be set
alongside Poem , but without putting any emphasis on periodization:
Catullus is not imitating first an archaic model and then a Hellenistic
exemplar; instead he is thinking about Greek literature as a continuum by
tracing Hellenistic poetry back to its Archaic and Classical roots. In turn,
he is also reflecting on the various ways in which Roman poets react to the
See Lyne () against (e.g.) Crowther ().
See Hollis () –; for a more sceptical position see Tuplin (), Courtney (/) –.
Fantuzzi and Hunter () –.
Callimachus in Verona
Greek literary classics. One of the most telling features of the approach of
Fantuzzi and Hunter is the way in which they offer elucidation of precise
moments of intertextual engagement while also paying close attention to
matters of genre, literary history and the wider cultural context. Their rich
interpretations lead to the realization that the term ‘Callimachean’ is most
useful only when one can show beyond reasonable doubt that Catullus
was actually writing with a specific Callimachean text in mind. Further-
more, the ways in which they elucidate intertextual patterns, for example
the presence of Apollonius Rhodius in Poem as well as in Poem ,
provide an excellent illustration of the limitations involved in use of the
more general term ‘Hellenistic’ and of how over the years it may even have
hindered the appreciation of the influence of specific models.
One thing above all should be clear from the above discussion: in the
period during which Callimachus became a central name in Catullan
studies, Callimacheanism was defined in terms of the choice of certain
kinds of subject matter and certain technical and stylistic features. Little
attention was devoted to Callimachus as a court poet or to the many ways
in which his poetry is quintessentially Ptolemaic in outlook. But these are
exactly the aspects of Callimachean studies which have come to the fore
in recent years. Today, Callimachus is no longer read purely as a poet who
wrote only for a small and learned intellectual elite within the Museum,
nor as a poet worth reading only for a small number of influential texts
marked by polemical opinions about literature. Instead, he is seen as a poet
who also engaged in many different ways with the political and cultural
milieu in which he lived and worked. The fact that significant sections of
his output contain poems addressed to the Ptolemies is now allowed its full
significance in the interpretation of his poetry as a whole. The question
then has to be asked: did Catullus read Callimachean poetry with an eye
to its political aspects as well as to its poetics? It will be useful to begin by
looking at the political nature of Catullan poetry.
∗
The Catullan corpus as a whole contains a significant number of poems
which may be described as broadly political. The brilliant work of
T. P. Wiseman, culminating in his study Catullus and his World,
Cf. Farrell () ch. , esp. –, Hinds () – for important discussions of the ways
in which the idea of a clear-cut neoteric revolution in Roman literary history must be carefully
deconstructed. On the multi-layered intertextual relationship involving Sappho, Callimachus and
Catullus see Acosta-Hughes (b) –.
Fantuzzi and Hunter () –.
For an excellent survey of this question see Konstan (); important too for the broader intellectual
and social context are Feldherr () and Tatum ().
damien p. nelis
both put an end to the simplistic characterization of Catullus as just a
love poet and allowed subsequent research to investigate through various
approaches the relationship between the erotic poems and the rest of the
corpus, the socio-historical setting the poems create and the ways in which
elite Roman audiences are likely to have encountered and interpreted his
work. No matter how we divide up the surviving poems, the fact remains
that a reading of the Catullan corpus as a whole, in whatever order, offers
readers a picture of Roman society from a number of perspectives. Detailed
study of Catullan language has demonstrated that his choice of vocabulary
is often double-edged, with key words having both a literary and a more
broadly social significance. As is well known, Catullus speaks of his erotic
relationship with Lesbia as a foedus and employs the vocabulary of amicitia
and urbanitas in describing its course and the social milieu in which it
evolves. In doing so he is exploiting in highly insightful and complex ways
the language and ideology of social performance employed by the Roman
elite. As a result, the reader of the corpus as a whole is drawn into the
reconstruction of a love affair in a particular cultural moment, i.e. mid-
first-century Italy. It is this period, with the evocation of its protagonists, its
codes of behaviour and its historical problems and discourses, which is set
up in the poems as the background for Catullus’ acts of social performance
as a lover, poet, satirist, friend, enemy, man or brother. To read Catullus is
to bring vividly to life the image of a young Transpadane provincial making
his way in Rome and its empire while offering caustic comment on the
behaviour of its elite in many spheres of activity. This act of reading also
brings to life the voice of a profoundly Hellenized commentator on Roman
poetry. Just as the social or political vocabulary can shed a particular light
on the poetics of this new voice and in particular of its erotic narratives,
so the unfolding erotic plots are also to be related on different levels and
in different ways to the political setting and the representation of social
mores as a whole. As a result, words and actions which on their first usage
seem to belong to a particular sphere or register subsequently turn out to
be much more complex. To take a very well known example, the adjective
lepidus applied to the new book in the first line of the opening poem is
subsequently used of kinds of behaviour (e.g. .), thus converting the
apparently purely poetic term into one with a social force and making it
Cf., for example, Fitzgerald (), Tatum (), Krostenko (), Nappa (), Wray (),
Tatum () and the helpful survey of Skinner (a) –.
This approach has now culminated in the work of Krostenko (), which is summarized in
Krostenko ().
Callimachus in Verona
necessary to link the two registers and to think about their interactions.
As a result of this use of language, the evocation of a literary heritage, via
allusion to Callimachus, and the use of contemporary Roman discourses
about acceptable forms of social behaviour go hand in hand. And so, in
the end, it is not always possible to separate entirely engagement with Cal-
limachus and engagement with the contemporary political scene. It thus
becomes necessary to contextualize the literary-historical and the erotic
elements in Catullan poetry by relating them to the intense, politically
engaged reflection on Roman society of the mid-first century bc which his
work as a whole also provides. Overall, the erotic strain in Catullus’ work
should be seen as subservient to his broader social and political concerns
and the vision of the Roman world he constructs.
Like the poetic output of the Alexandrian poets, therefore, the Roman
new poetry cannot be reduced to the simple idea of l’art pour l’art; it is not
the product of poets sealed in an ivory tower cut off from the sordid realities
of power and violence. Rome’s engagement with Alexandrian Greek poetry
and her encounters with the real world of Greek politics are both part of
the same complex process, and so neotericism has to be considered within
a long and ongoing Roman debate about the processes of the Hellenization
of Rome and indeed also of the Romanization of Italy. Furthermore, it
must never be forgotten that Alexandrian poetics evolve not in a vacuum
but in a world in which Rome and Alexandria were involved in a complex
political relationship. Therefore, if the epyllion is indeed the key feature
in the definition of Roman Alexandrianism or neotericism, as argued by
R. O. A. M. Lyne, then it is not surprising that it may be in Poem that
Catullus offers his readers a most ambitious and profound meditation about
contemporary Roman politics. Is it in the quintessentially idiosyncratic
experiment in epic narrative form offered by this remarkable poem that
he invites his readers to think about the relationship between the Roman
west and the Greek east, within the wider context of Roman imperialism
and the crisis engulfing the Republic during the turbulent decade of the
s bc?
It is of course recognized that via the dedication to Cornelius Nepos the first poem in its own right
enacts a shift from the poetic to the historical and creates a parallel between the two, and indeed to
historiography also: see, for example, Cairns (), Rauk (), Tatum (), Woodman (),
Konstan () –.
See in general Krostenko () –. Hinds () –.
See Heilporn ().
Poem is also highly relevant to this approach, but the focus here will be on Poem . For a Roman
reading of Poem see Nauta () and for discussion of the links between the two poems see
damien p. nelis
As is well known, Catullus is remarkable for its complex handling
of narrative structure. It opens with the departure of Jason and the Argo
for Colchis before abruptly turning to focus on the wedding of Peleus and
Thetis and then going on to concentrate on the description of a cover-
let placed on their wedding couch. On this uestis was depicted Ariadne,
watching Theseus sailing away from the island of Naxos. The description
of the actual decoration leads on to the evocation of the whole background
story involving Athens, Theseus, Ariadne, the Minotaur and Aegeus, before
returning to the situation on Naxos and the arrival of Bacchus. Finally, the
narrator returns to the wedding of Peleus and Thetis and looks forward
to the birth and career of their son, Achilles, before ending with a reflec-
tion on the relationship between the age of heroes, in which the narrative
action of the poem is set, and the contemporary Roman world. The full
meaning of this closing shift has caused a great deal of discussion and
provoked much disagreement, but most scholars are now at least agreed
that appreciation of the poem as a whole depends on the interpretation of
its closing lines and their evocation of the contemporary scene. There is
also general agreement that this is a work of astounding formal complexity
in its handing of narration, ecphrasis and speech and that in its concen-
trated appropriation of many features of Hellenistic narrative modes and
experiments, particularly in its use of Callimachus’ Hecale and Aetia and
Apollonius Rhodius’ Argonautica, it is a highly self-conscious declaration
of literary kinship. But while all these aspects of the poem have received
a huge amount of attention, another possible layer of the poem’s meaning
requires further study.
D. Konstan has recently written the following in relation to Poem ,
as part of an attempt to situate Catullan poetry as a whole in its wider
political context:
The conquest of the sea . . . , the expedition to far Pontus, the extraordinary
opulence of Peleus’ villa, the reminiscence of a bygone age of valor already
tainted by opportunism, the moral corruption of the present, and the evo-
cation of a future war in Troy, with violence and destructiveness parading as
heroism – might this not reflect Catullus’ feelings toward the father-in-law
and son-in-law who had ruined the entire world in the pursuit of wealth
and power?
Fantuzzi-Hunter () –. For political readings of the decision to offer a translation of the
Coma Berenices to Hortensius in Poem see Konstan () – and Du Quesnay in this volume.
Putnam (), Curran (), Bramble (), Konstan (), Fitzgerald () and Schmale
() are landmarks in the study of the poem.
On Poem as a translation or close adaptation of a Greek model or models, see Nuzzo ()
–.
Konstan () .
Callimachus in Verona
Konstan is perfectly aware that by reading the poem as a political alle-
gory and bringing Pompey and Caesar into the picture, he is indulging
in speculation and he admits to expecting that many will find his ideas
fanciful. Nevertheless, he has proposed a fascinating way of looking at
the text, and put forward attractive arguments in support of it. The key
question, then, is this: if recent research has successfully historicized the
work of the great literary masters of the Hellenistic period, especially Cal-
limachus and Apollonius Rhodius, how does this approach fit with current
approaches to interpreting the influence of these same poets on Catullus?
Is it still possible to concentrate only on attempting to delineate the his-
tory of particular poetic strategies, while ignoring the historical context?
When Catullus read Callimachus and Apollonius, did he appreciate in their
poetry only the experiments in narrative form, obedience to certain metri-
cal rules, their artful choice of erudite vocabulary, attention to questions of
euphony and structure, the use of obscure myths and complex intertextual
allusion to earlier poetry? Or did he also see that their poetry, even when
it seemed only to recount stories from the distant world of Greek myth,
actually dealt in various ways with the realities of contemporary Ptolemaic
power in Egypt, with questions of patronage and influence, of politics
and morality, of national identity and, in the broadest sense, of the course
of Greek history and of the place of Greeks in the wider Mediterranean
world?
Some approaches to this question have failed to win wide assent.
Although there is no doubt that Roman readers were perfectly capa-
ble of spotting allegorical allusion to contemporary events in mythical
narratives, few scholars have believed L. Herrmann’s suggestion that
Peleus and Thetis at the opening of Poem represent Pompey and Julia
and that Poem was written to celebrate the imminent birth of their
child (represented in the poem by Achilles) in bc. Similarly, few have
accepted his idea that the description of Peleus as Thessaliae columen at
. and Emathiae tutamen at . could also be seen as referring to
Pompey. Certainly, no allegorical reading can be applied to the text as a
whole, and many of Herrmann’s arguments are, by any standards, wildly
Pompey and Caesar became related when the former married the latter’s daughter Julia in bc; see
Seager () .
Konstan () elegantly summarizes the viewpoint that the political context evoked by the poems
is that of – bc and that Catullus’ poetry as a whole, including the erotic texts, offers a complex
and profound reflection on Roman imperialism and morality in these years.
See McNelis () – on ‘Greek myth and Roman realities’.
See Herrmann () and also the discussion of his arguments by Konstan () –. Konstan
() – is the most up-to-date statement of this position; see now also Hardie in this volume.
damien p. nelis
speculative. But there are other ways of approaching the text which may
perhaps help to set these issues in a wider perspective and at least pro-
mote further discussion of an approach which, if there is anything to it, is
obviously of primordial importance for the understanding of the nature of
Catullan poetry.
As already noted, Poem begins with the Argonauts, before veering
off in quite striking fashion to recount other stories. Recent scholarship
has gone a long way toward elucidating the central importance of the
Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius as a key model of Catullus, both in
relation to the opening description of the Argo and to the stories of Peleus
and Thetis and Ariadne and Theseus which follow. There can be little doubt
that Catullus composed with the Argonautica constantly in mind. But
did he read the Argonautica as a political poem which uses the story of the
Argonauts to think about the situation of Greeks in Egypt and explore the
cultural relationship between Ptolemaic Alexandria and the Greek past?
Certainly, important aspects of the influence of Apollonius on Virgil’s
Aeneid can be put down to this political or cultural interpretation of the
Hellenistic epic. And since Catullus is also a model in sections of the
Aeneid in which Apollonius is a central model, especially the Dido episode,
it seems worth asking whether Apollonius may have been read by Catullus
in much the same way as by R. Hunter and Virgil. This approach has in
fact already been applied to another version of the Argonautic saga written
(on traditional datings) several years after Poem . Both A. Arcellaschi
and D. Braund have independently connected Varro Atacinus’ translation
of Apollonius Rhodius to Rome’s eastern policies in the mid-s bc, the
essential point in the argument being that the period in which Julius
Caesar was planning a massive military campaign against Parthia must
have seemed a suitable one in which to indulge in a Latin translation of a
famous poem recounting the successful adventures of Greek heroes in the
eastern Mediterranean.
As far as the thematic coherence of Catullus is concerned, sev-
eral scholars have in fact already pointed out that there are important
He argues, for example, that Daphnis in Virgil’s ninth Eclogue represents Catullus, whom Virgil, as
Menalcas, is exhorting to write about the Caesar and the sidus Iulium. He even suggests that the
wedding couch of Julia and Pompey was decorated with the story of Ariadne and that the regal
treasure of Peleus (regali . . . gaza, .) corresponds to the royal treasure of Mithridates.
See DeBrohun () for an excellent survey, with full bibliography. Nuzzo () is admirably
alive to the importance of Apollonius throughout.
Hunter (a) –, Nelis () –.
See Hardie in this volume. On Virgil’s Dido and Catullus see Cairns () –.
See Arcellaschi () –, Braund (). On the fragmentary remains of the Argonautae see Hol-
lis () –; note that he down-dates the poem from the mid-s, to which it is traditionally
assigned, to ‘soon after bc’.
Callimachus in Verona
connections between the poem’s Argonautic opening and its closing move-
ment in which the mythical world is brought into direct relation to the
Roman present. The complexity of the poem as a whole has, however,
provoked considerable disagreement over the precise nature of the relation-
ship between the heroic past and the corrupt and violent picture of the
present. While there is on one level an obvious overall trajectory tracing
moral decline, Catullus simultaneously seems to see the past both in ide-
alized terms as a time when true harmony reigned on earth and as a time
when the world was already corrupt. As has been pointed out repeatedly,
lines –, which declare that the artwork on the coverlet represents the
heroum . . . uirtutes, must provoke a strong sense of irony, given that the
uestis in question depicts Theseus’ desertion of Ariadne, which is hardly an
obvious example of heroic uirtus, whatever his other achievements.
One obvious parallel between the opening of the poem and its close
helps to explain in part why Catullus chose to begin with the Argo and
how this beginning fits into the thematic unity of the text as a whole. At
line the song of the Parcae ends and, as the narrator moves into his
finale, we read (–):
talia praefantes quondam felicia Pelei
carmina diuino cecinerunt pectore Parcae.
praesentes namque ante domos inuisere castas
heroum . . .
foretelling such things long ago, for Peleus
the fates sang joyous songs with all-seeing mind.
For in earlier times the gods in person came to visit
the holy homes of heroes . . .
Catullus goes on to contrast this period, in which gods and mankind
mingled freely on earth, with the corruption of a subsequent period of
estrangement ():
sed postquam tellus scelere est imbuta nefando . . .
but after the earth was stained with frightful crime . . .
And finally he relates this nefas directly to ‘us’, i.e. to contemporary Romans
(–):
omnia fanda nefanda malo permixta furore
iustificam nobis mentem auertere deorum.
all right and wrong caught up in mad folly
turned away from us the just attention of the gods.
See for example Bramble () –, Konstan (), Feeney () –.
See Konstan () –, O’Hara () –.
damien p. nelis
Just as the quondam of line recalls the poem’s opening line (Peliaco
quondam prognatae uertice pinus), this evocation of the fall of humanity
from an earlier state of bliss is in fact a reworking of a central theme of the
whole opening section of the poem. The launch of the Argo in antiquity was
frequently represented as a key moment in the breaking down of natural
barriers leading to humanity’s loss of the peace and security of the Golden
Age. Right from the beginning, therefore, Catullus’ narrative deals with
the theme of moral decline, thus establishing a direct connection between
the description of the first sailing of the Argo and the grim depiction of
both heroic and human violence and terror which brings the poem to a
close. Of itself this thematic and structural connection need not invite
any more precise allegorical reading of the Argonautic section, but it does
create a link within the poem’s narrative logic between the myth of the
Argo and the contemporary Roman scene, a parallel which suggests that
some further aspects of the myth must also be considered before a fully
informed interpretation of its role in the poem is possible.
∗
The myth of the Argonauts came to Catullus with a rich literary history
going all the way back to Homer. At Odyssey . the story is already
famous and the Argo well known to everyone (%rgÜ psi mlousa).
The epic tales of both Jason and Odysseus, whatever their mythic origins
in earlier substrata of Indo-European story-telling, became involved in
patterns of Greek thinking about colonization. One result of this process
is that the myth came to be used to deal with narratives of cultural origins,
history and identity. Admittedly, the highly fragmentary remains of the
earliest Greek versions of the Argonautic saga make interpretation of the
cultural and political use of the myth difficult, but some points can be
made.
Among the meagre and scattered fragments of early versions of the Arg-
onautic saga, Eumelus’ Corinthiaca stands out as an example of Corinthian
myth-making using aspects of the story in order to fill in the ori-
gins of the city and the history of its kingship. Corinth was of little
importance in traditonal epic myth and is hardly mentioned in Homer
(only Il. . and .). Therefore, a mythical history having to be
See Bramble () , Feeney () –. On Argo as the first ship see Jackson () = ()
–, O’Hara () –.
See West (). He argues that Homer’s Laestrygonians, Sirens, Helios, Circe, the Clashing Rocks
and the descent to Hades are all borrowed from the Argonautic saga.
See in general Malkin ().
See Dougherty (), Calame (), Stephens () ch. .
For surveys of the early Argonautic tradition see Braswell () –, Dräger () ch. .
Callimachus in Verona
constructed, Eumelus has Aeetes as first King of Corinth and afterwards of
Colchis. The Corinthians subsequently invite Jason and Medea to Corinth
from Iolcus, marking a return of the original ruling family. Whatever
the historical details involved, it is easy to see how travelling heroes were
extremely useful for myth-makers seeking to trace in poetic form their
city’s origins back to a heroic past and in doing so to provide justification
for contemporary power structures.
It is Pindar who provides our first example of the telling of the myth
of the Argonauts in a complete surviving poem. The myth occurs in the
Fourth Pythian, a poem for Arkesilas of Cyrene, victor in the chariot race
in bc. The real motive for the composition of the poem is to be
found in contemporary political conditions in Cyrene. Herodotus (.–
) records challenges to Battiad rule in the s bc and in lines –
Pindar clearly reveals the serious threats faced by Arkesilas, before going on
to support the recall of the exiled Demophilus. The essential link between
the political situation and the myth comes from the fact that the Battiadai
claimed the Argonaut Euphemus as one of their ancestors. Medea explains
in the opening section of the poem how Euphemus had received a clod
of earth from Triton near Lake Tritonis in Libya. This clod is brought to
Thera, from where Cyrene was much later colonized. Pindar’s plea for the
monarchy runs thus: by divine will, the Euphemids were chosen to become
kings of Cyrene and by divine will their rule has continued. The basis for
this approach is to be found in the myth of the Argonauts, their adventures
in North Africa and specifically the presence of Euphemus among them.
As told by Apollonius Rhodius, in direct and consistent interaction
with Pindar’s version, the same story occurs near the end of the Arg-
onautica (.–). Once again, a mythical narrative about Greeks in
Cyrenaica obviously interacts with contemporary concerns, the context on
this occasion being relations between Cyrene and Alexandria and Magas
and the Ptolemies. So close is the connection between the two poems in
dealing with the Argonauts and the founding of Cyrene that for Pindar
and Arkesilas we can read Apollonius and Ptolemy Philadelphus, as the
story of Euphemus and the clod is used in both poems to provide the
mythic background to current political contexts involving the presence
of Greeks in North Africa. Subsequently, in different ways and with
different emphases, Susan Stephens and Anatole Mori have both argued
persuasively for the obvious contemporary relevance of the Argonautic saga
For discussion see West (), with down-dating to the sixth century and a terminus post quem of
bc.
See Hunter (a) –, –.
damien p. nelis
in Ptolemaic Alexandria. Overall, the remarkable popularity of the story
of the Argonauts in the Hellenistic period (Callimachus and Theocritus
also deal with various parts of the story, for example) can be put down to
the fact that it clearly spoke on several levels to Greeks living in Alexandria
and it thus became a central element in the ways in which a series of poets
depicted the Greek past from a contemporary Ptolemaic perspective.
Most frustratingly, we are not in a position to appreciate fully the role the
myth played in the Aetia of Callimachus. Apollonius’ version is influenced
to an unknowable extent by that of Callimachus, and the wider issue of
how the Argo story operated within the Aetia as a whole is an interesting
question which merits more detailed study than it has received. As far as we
can tell from the fragmentary remains, Argonautic episodes appeared near
the beginning and end of the four-book version of the poem, and the myth,
strongly marked as a pre-Homeric story in terms of mythical chronology,
may well have played an important role in Callimachus’ handling of history
and geography in the poem as a whole. As an example of the kind of
connection we could possibly make if we knew more about the Aetia, one
need only reflect on Feeney’s observation that the status of King Minos as
‘the first thalassocrat’ is an important issue in Catullus and that it is ‘not
casually introduced: the penalty of human sacrifice that Theseus sails to halt
is one that was imposed on Athens by Minos during an imperial punitive
expedition’. In his very first aetiological story, Callimachus dealt with the
career of Minos. One early fragment ( Massimilla = Pf.) informs us that
Minos ‘stretched a heavy yoke on the neck of the islands’ and the Florentine
scholia inform us that Callimachus also mentioned the death of Androgeos.
In introducing the story of Theseus in Poem did Catullus allude to the
Callimachean use of the myth of Minos in the first book of the Aetia?
We will probably never know, but the possibility is intriguing. If Minos
played an important role in the poem’s construction of historical narratives
and its handling of past, present and future time seen from a Ptolemaic
perspective, then Catullus’ opening of Poem with first the Argonauts
and then Theseus may perhaps be seen in a new light. Could its opening
scene also be seen as conveying contemporary political significance for
Rome’s role in, and relations with, the wider Mediterranean world?
Consistently, therefore, Greek writers from the Archaic to the Hellenistic
period use the story of the Argonauts to reflect on politics and history, on
the links between present and past, on the questions of origins, traditions
See Stephens () ch. , Mori (). On which aspects see Harder ().
Feeney () . On Minos in the Aetia see Harder () –.
Callimachus in Verona
and cultural change. When we encounter the Argonauts in Latin litera-
ture, it is not surprising, as we have seen, that scholars have suggested the
presence of similar resonances in the Argonautae of Varro Atacinus. Those
looking for the possible relevance of the Argonautic opening of Catullus
to the contemporary Roman world should take into account, therefore,
that Catullus has chosen a myth which was already heavily politicized in
both Greek and Roman authors. As we have observed, every writer who
uses it seems in one way or another to see in it a story that can convey reflec-
tions on cultural origins and identities, the processes of historical change
and political power. To write about the Argonauts is to engage inevitably
with ideas about history and culture and so the myth frequently became a
medium for reflecting on particular moments in history, be it in Corinth,
Cyrene, Alexandria or Rome.
One obvious problem confronts any attempt to probe further in search
of more precise topical allusion in the use of the Argo myth in Catullus
, and that is the question of the dating of the composition of the poem.
There seems to be general agreement that the situation Catullus evokes in
his poems as a whole fits well with the period following the formation in
bc of what is often called the First Triumvirate. Certainly, the famous
and vicious attack on Caesar and Pompey in Poem is usually dated
to late or early . As already mentioned, Konstan has gone on from
such indications to argue that the corpus as a whole evokes the politics of
the s bc, during which the appetites of Caesar and Pompey for military
conquest and political power in Rome came to dominate the political
scene. If this is indeed the case, is there anything in Poem which could
invite the contemporary reader to connect the mythic elements to current
events?
One piece of evidence may be provided by the possibility that a near-
contemporary Roman reader may have sensed the presence of connections.
It is well known that Virgil’s fourth Eclogue is a poem that deals explicitly
with a precise historical moment in Rome’s history, the year of Pollio’s
consulship in bc and, in all probability, with the marriage of Antony
and Octavia. Scholars have frequently noted that Eclogue owes much
to Poem . In general terms, where Catullus depicts humanity’s loss of
In general on Rome and the myth of the Argonauts see Fabre-Serris () –.
See p. above. Cf. Leigh () for historicizing readings of Roman Comedy.
For a detailed allegorical reading of Valerius Flaccus’ epic in relation to Flavian Rome see Taylor
().
Note however Newman () , who is tempted by a date c. bc.
Konstan (). See Clausen () –.
See for example Fabre-Serris () –, Hardie in this volume and Trimble (forthcoming).
damien p. nelis
conditions which are associated with the Golden Age, Virgil offers glimpses
of their possible return. And, quite specifically, he refers to the voyage of
the Argonauts in charting the stages of that return, doing so by borrowing
Catullan language (Ecl. .–):
at simul heroum laudes et facta parentis
iam legere et quae sit poteris cognoscere uirtus,
...
pauca tamen suberunt priscae uestigia fraudis,
quae temptare Thetin ratibus, quae cingere muris
oppida, quae iubeant telluri infindere sulcos.
alter erit tum Tiphys et altera quae uehat Argo
delectos heroas.
But as soon as you learn to read the praiseworthy
deeds of heroes and the achievements of your
father and understand what virtue is
...
however, a few traces of former deceit will remain,
which may drive mankind to risk sailing the sea
in ships, encircle cities with walls and plough the
earth. Then there will be another Tiphys and a
new Argo to carry chosen heroes.
In these lines, the period during which the Argo sailed is associated explic-
itly with fraus, while the subsequent disappearance of the art of sailing will
mark the return of peace and security, thus inverting the Catullan evocation
of the association between the sailing of Argo and the end of the Golden
Age. It is of course possible to read Virgil’s use of Poem in purely literary
terms, but it is worth considering whether Virgil may have seen in Catullus
the trace of a political subtext. The similarities in detail between the two
poems may make sense only when it is realized that each evokes an impor-
tant dynastic marriage intended to bring stability to Roman politics –
that between Pompey and Julia in bc and that between Antony and
Octavia in bc. In a similar vein, it could also be pointed out that a par-
allel relationship may exist between another famous Virgilian episode, the
Aristaeus story in Georgics , and Poem . It is clear that Virgil’s account
of the story of Aristaeus and Orpheus, often characterized as an epyllion,
is in many ways indebted to Poem . This being the case, it should be
noted that some scholars have seen in this section of Georgics a political
allegory, within which the Virgilian fabula can be read as commenting on
the political situation involving Octavian, Antony and Cleopatra in the
Cf. lecti, .; heroes, .; uirtutes, .; Thetis, .–. See Crabbe ().
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The perpetual change among Europeans in great things as well as
in small—in manners and customs, in social ideas and practices, in
dress, in laws, in ideas and forms of government—indicate the
operation of widely different influences.
CHAPTER XXXV.
ARE ALL ORIENTALS MAD?
They hear a voice you cannot hear.
They see a hand you cannot see.—Tickell.
A friend of mine who has resided much among Orientals, and is
very familiar with their ways of thinking and acting, is in the habit of
affirming that he never had dealings with any one of them without
soon discovering in him a loose screw. Every mother’s son of them,
he thinks, is, to some degree, and in some way or other, mad. The
meaning of this I take to be that their way of looking at, and
estimating things, and feeling about them, is different from ours.
They see what we cannot, and cannot see what we can. This is, I
believe, very much a question of religion.
In the world of spirit a religion is a real, organic, living, acting
entity. It animates, it subdues, it pervades, it colours, it guides men’s
minds and hearts. They breathe it. They feed upon it. They are what
it makes them. Now our religion is characterized by liberty. It leaves
men to construct their own polities, and to devise for themselves the
laws they are to live by. It obliges them to understand that they are
the arbiters and the architects of their own fortunes. It leaves them
free, from age to age, to battle about, and to construct their own
theology, with the certainty that whether the same or different forms
are used, it will always in the end be adjusted to the ideas of the age,
and even of the individual. It appeals to men’s own ideas of God,
which vary as knowledge advances; and to the sense mankind have
of what is just, and merciful, and lovely, and of good report. It does
not define these things, for it supposes that the ideas of them are in
man. It makes the light that is within the measure of duty. One of the
general results of such a religion is, that it renders men capable, and
desirous, too, of thinking. It produces within them an habitual desire
to see things as they are, and to conform their feelings and their
conduct to realities.
The system which is most diametrically opposite to this is that
which the Oriental has adopted. He has no liberty of any kind. He
must think, and feel, and live in accordance with, and every detail of
his inner and outer life must be conformed to, what were the ideas of
the Arab barbarians of twelve centuries ago. This is the procrustean
bed on which the mind of every Oriental is laid. This, then, is what
my friend’s nineteenth-century Christianity, or, if you prefer it, his
nineteenth-century ideas and feelings, have been brought into
contact with—the ideas and feelings of Arab barbarians of twelve
centuries ago. It would be somewhat surprising if he did not perceive
something of lunacy in the minds of such people.
What struck me in the Oriental was a kind of childishness. Both
men and women appeared to be only children of a larger growth.
There was an expression of childishness in their features, and there
were very perceptible indications of a corresponding condition of
their minds. It looked like moral and intellectual arrest. The manhood
of the mind had never been called into exercise, and had, in
consequence, become aborted. They never think. Why should they?
All truth of every kind has already been fully revealed to them. To
question what they have received, or to endeavour to attain to more,
would be impious. They have hardly any occasion to act, for is it not
Allah who directly does everything as it pleases Him, on the earth
beneath, as well as in the heaven above?... There is in them a
softness of expression which could not co-exist with activity, and
firmness, and largeness of brain. Child-like, they believe anything
and everything. The more wonderful, and the more contradictory to
nature it may be, the more readily do they believe it. They have no
idea of extorting the secrets of nature. What good would it do them
to seek to know anything or everything? Allah will reveal what He
pleases, and when. Such knowledge would not promote their
happiness. Their idea of blissfulness is that of the Arab of the Desert.
Shade and rest. Plashing fountains and delightful odours. Lovely
houris. This is not the stuff that makes men.
Nature also works against them. Much time is needed for the
acquisition and digestion of knowledge, and for the growth of the
moral and intellectual faculties to what we regard as their full stature.
The time, however, allotted to them for these sovereign purposes is
very short. Where girls are married women at eleven, what time can
there be for the mind to mature itself? Compare this with the many
years of deliberate culture amongst ourselves. What can be done by
the age of eleven? What should we be if our mental culture and
growth ended at that age? But in their case it is so with half the
community—the mothers; and so also with the other half—the
fathers, only in a somewhat less degree. Of the negroes of the
interior Sir Samuel Baker observes that the little children are quick
enough, but that mental development appears to have ceased by the
age of fourteen. I observed, and heard from several Americans that
they had observed, something of the same kind in the negro schools
of the United States. Up to an age not quite so advanced as that Sir
S. Baker speaks of, the coloured children appear to be as quick as
the children of the whites; but beyond that point they begin to fall
behind. Their apprehensiveness appears to have exhausted itself.
This must doom the black race in the United States, in their struggle
with the whites for the means of subsistence, to extinction. Just so,
too, must his prematurity always place the Oriental, in the struggle
between nations, at a disadvantage in comparison with the
European. In him Nature does not allow herself the time for doing
what ought to be done.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE KORAN.
An quicquid recipitur ad modum recipientis recipiatur.—Lemma.
With respect to the Koran, the Orientals are at this day in the
position into which, as respects our Holy Scriptures, an attempt was
made to bring our forefathers in the days of mediæval scholasticism.
They believe that in their sacred volume is contained all knowledge,
either explicitly or implicitly. We have long abandoned definitively this
idea. We have come to understand that the New Testament
announces itself only as a moral revelation; and of that gives only
the spirit, and not the letter; that is to say, that it does not profess to
give, and, as a matter of fact, does not contain, a definite system of
law, but the principles only which should regulate such a system. It
leaves us, therefore, to go not only for our astronomy to
astronomers, and for our geology to geologists, but also for our
municipal law to jurists and legislators, so long as what they
propound and enact is not at discord with Christian principles. The
Mahomedan, however, has not this liberty, for the Koran professes to
contain an all-embracing and sufficient code. It regulates everything.
This is very unfortunate; or, whatever it was at first, it has, in process
of time, come to be very unfortunate; for it makes the ideas—what
we must regard as the ignorance rather than the knowledge—of a
more than half-savage Arab of the seventh century the rule by which
everything in law, life, and thought is to be measured for all time.
While I was in the East I was full of commiseration for the people I
saw bound hand and foot in this way. They are handsome, clean-
limbed fellows, and quick-witted enough. There is in them the
making of great nations. Power, however, is an attribute of mind, and
mind cannot work unless it be free. While I commiserated them, I
saw no hope for them. The evil they are afflicted by appears not to
admit of a remedy; because while, for men who have advanced so
far as they have, it is intellectual suicide to be faithful to such a
religion, to be unfaithful to it has hitherto proved to be moral suicide.
Their ideas and sentiments on all the ordinary concerns and
events of life, and, in short, on all subjects, are the same in all, all
being drawn from the same source. So also are even their very
modes of expression. There is a prescribed form for everything that
occurs; of course, not drawn, in every instance, first-hand from the
Koran, but, at all events, ultimately from it, for these expressions are
what have come to be adopted by the people universally, as being
most in harmony with the spirit and ideas of the Book. The words to
be used at meetings and at partings, under all circumstances; the
words in which unbecoming acts and sentiments are to be corrected
and acknowledged; the words, in short, which are appropriate to
every occasion of life, are all prescribed, and laid up in the memory,
ready for use. God’s name is rarely omitted in these formulæ,
reference being made sometimes to one of His attributes, sometimes
to another, as the occasion may require. Sometimes a pious
sentiment is to be expressed; sometimes a pious ejaculation will be
the correct thing. But everybody knows what is to be said on every
occurrence, great or small, of life.
Learning the Koran by heart is education. It is for this that schools
are established. Reading, writing, and arithmetic are de luxe, or for
certain occupations only. History and science, of course, have no
existence to their minds.
They treat the material volume itself, which contains the sacred
words, with corresponding respect. For instance, when carrying it
they will not allow it to descend below the girdle. They will not place
it on the ground, or on a low shelf. They will not, when unclean,
touch it. They will not print it for fear of there being something
unclean in the ink, the paper, or the printer. They will not sell it to any
unbelievers, even to such partial unbelievers as Jews or Christians.
And in many other ways, indeed in every way in their power, they
endeavour to show how sacred in their eyes is the Book.
In principle and effect it makes no great difference whether the
letter of the Sacred Text be exclusively adhered to, or whether it be
supplemented by more or less of tradition, and of the interpretations
and decisions of certain learned and pious Doctors of the Law. The
latter case, as far as the view we are now taking of the action of the
system is concerned, would be equivalent only to the addition of a
few more chapters to the Sacred Text. The existing generation would
equally be barred from doing anything for itself. If the laws of Alfred,
or of Edward the Confessor, had been preserved and accepted by
ourselves as a heaven-sent code, incapable of addition or
improvement; or if the laws of either had been received, with an
enlargement of certain traditions, interpretations, and decisions—we
should, in either case, equally have lost the practice and the idea of
legislating for ourselves: that is to say, we should have lost the
invigorating and improving process of incessantly discussing,
adapting, and endeavouring to perfect our polity and our code: so
that what is now with us the self-acting and highest discipline of the
intellect, and of the moral faculty, would have been transformed into
the constant and most effectual discipline for their enfeeblement and
extinction.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
ORIENTAL PRAYER.
Like one that stands upon a promontory,
And spies a far-off shore where he would tread,
Wishing his foot were equal to his eye.—Shakspeare.
Prayer is still in the East, just what it was of old time, a matter of
prescribed words, postures, and repetitions. This, however, is only
what it is on the outside, and it is not the outside of anything that
keeps it alive, but what is within. It is there we must look for what
gives life. We shall be misled, too, again, if in our search for life in
this practice we suppose that what prompts it in Orientals must be,
precisely, the same as what prompts it in ourselves. Our
manifestation of this instinct is somewhat different from theirs. Prayer
with them is the bringing the mind into close contact with the ideas of
infinitude—infinite power, infinite wisdom, infinite goodness. It calls
up within them, by an intense effort of the imagination, their idea of
God, just as the same kind of effort calls up within ourselves any
image we please. The image called up, whatever it may be,
produces certain corresponding sensations and emotions. But none
can produce such deep emotions as the idea of God: it moves the
whole soul. It is the ultimate concentrated essence of all thought.
The man who is brought under its influence is prostrated in
abasement, or nerved to patient endurance, or driven into wild
fanaticism. It calms and soothes. It fills with light. It puts into a
trance. Mental sensations may be pleasurable just as those of the
body, and the deeper the sensation the more intense the
satisfaction. In their simple religion these attributes of God are really,
as well as ostensibly, the nucleus, the soul, of the matter. All things
else are merely corollaries to and deductions from them—matter that
is evidently very subordinate. Theirs is a religion of one idea, the
idea of God. And the calling up within them of this idea is their
prayer.
Or we may put this in another way. We may say that prayer is with
them the conscious presentation to their minds of certain ideas, and
the prostration of their minds before them—namely, the ideas of the
different forms of moral perfectness, the idea of intellectual
perfectness or complete knowledge, and the idea, belonging to the
physical order, of perfect power. Their conception of these ideas is,
of course, not identical with ours, but such as their past history, and
the existing conditions of Eastern society, enable them to attain to.
We can separate this effort of theirs into two parts. First, there is the
creation in the mind of these ideas of the several kinds of
perfectness; and then there is the effect the holding of them in the
mind has on the mind itself. That effect is the production in
themselves of a tendency towards making these forms of moral
being, such as they have been conceived, instinctive sentiments,
and instinctive principles of action.
In this view prayer is with the Oriental, the effort by which he both
forms the conception of what is good, and actually becomes good;
both, of course, in accordance with the measure of what is possible
for him. But why, it may be asked, should he do this? All men who
have lived in organized societies have done it; though, indeed, the
character of the act has not in all been so distinctly moral as it is with
the Oriental. Still it has been a natural ladder by which individuals
and communities, and mankind generally, have mounted from lower
to higher stages of moral being. It has been the natural means by
which the moral ideas, which the working of the successive stages of
social progress suggested, have been brought into shape, purified,
disseminated, and made universal and instinctive. As respects the
community everybody understands that its peace, and order, and
even that its existence, very much depend on there being a general
unanimity in moral ideas and sentiments throughout all its classes
and members. And it has always been perceived that the most
effectual way of bringing this about is that all should have the same
object of worship—that is to say, that the prayers of all should be the
same. Formerly, when these things were more studied than they are
now, this was regarded as the one paramount way. Fellow-citizens
then were those who worshipped the same Gods in the same
temples; aliens were those who worshipped other Gods. There could
be no citizenship where there was a diversity of prayers; for that
gave rise to, and implied, a diversity of moral standards. And with
respect to the individual, the spontaneous working of what is within
has pretty generally revealed to him that this moral effect of prayer is
his highest personal concern. He regards it as the advancement of
his truest self; for, if he is not a moral being, he cannot tell in what he
differs, specifically, from the lower animals; and prayer, he knows it
is, which has been the chief means for keeping alive, and nurturing,
and bringing into form, his moral being. It gives birth, form,
permanence, and vitality to moral aspirations.
To dwell for a moment longer on the subject, looking still at the
same fact, but now from a somewhat different point of view. The
object of their prayer has been the highly compound abstraction of
all, but more especially in the moral order, that would, according to
their ideas and knowledge, contribute towards the upholding and
building up of a human society. We see indications of this elsewhere
besides among Orientals. In a democracy wisdom and counsel in the
general body of the community are necessary, and so at Athens was
worshipped the Goddess of Wisdom. The maintenance and
enlargement of Rome depended on the sword, and so the god of
Rome was the God of War. The martial spirit and martial virtues were
necessary to them. When concord became necessary, a temple was
erected to Concord. This also explains the deification of living
Egyptian Pharaohs, and of living Roman emperors. Each was in his
time the “præsens deus” of society. What was done was done by
their providence. Their will was the law of society, and its regulative
power.
Even revealed religion is not exempt from this necessity. When the
existence of the Hebrew people depended on the sword, Jehovah
was the Lord of Hosts, the God of Battles. He taught the hands to
war, and the fingers to fight. He gave them the victory over all their
enemies round about. He it was Who made them a peculiar people
—that is to say, Who brought about within them the sentiment of
national exclusiveness; and Who, in short, made them zealous of all
the good works that would maintain society under its existing
conditions and circumstances. At the Christian epoch, when the chief
hope of the world was in peace and order, He was regarded as the
institutor of civil government; and as having made all people of one
blood, so that there could be no ground for anything exclusive. As
men’s ideas changed, the substance of their prayers changed
correspondingly. To deny these facts is to deny both history, and the
plain, unmistakable announcements of the Sacred Volume. And to
reject the grand, simple, instructive explanation universal history thus
gives is to refuse to accept that view of the working of providence in
human affairs, which God submits to our consideration, just as He
does the order and the mind of the visible material world. It is, in fact,
to refuse to be taught of God.
But to return to the modern Egypto-Arabs. To us there appears to
be very little, surprisingly little, in their minds. They have but little
thought about political matters, no thoughts about history, no
thoughts about the knowledge of outward nature. Their ideas, then,
of God, which are the summary of their religion, obtain full sway over
them. Prayer is the continual exhibition of them to their minds. It stirs
and keeps alive their hearts and souls. While these ideas are acting
upon them they are conscious of an unselfish, and sublime,
exaltation of their moral, and intellectual being.
With us Prayer has somewhat of a different aspect, both as to its
immediate source, and even, apparently, in some degree, as to its
substance. It is not always primarily, or mainly, an attempt to bring
our inmost thought into contact with the pure and simple idea of God.
It almost seems as if something had occurred which had interposed
an insulating medium between our hearts and that idea, which
cannot now, as of old, directly reach our hearts, and generate within
them its own forms of moral perfectness. Much of our Prayer is
prompted by the thought of our own wants, and of our own sins; and
so has something of a personal, and of a selfish character. Still,
perhaps, this is ultimately the same thing. It may be only an indirect
way of reaching the same point. It is, evidently, a perpetual reminder
of our moral requirements, and a perpetual effort to form just and
elevated conceptions of those requirements. This mode of culture
quickens the moral sentiments, raises them to the level of their
immediate purpose, and makes them distinct, vigorous, ever-
present, and instinctive.
What has been said will explain why Orientals pray in set forms of
words. Words represent ideas; and the Prophet, or the Saint, whose
mind is in a state of extraordinary religious exaltation, and the
general thought of religious teachers and of religious people, can, of
course, better imagine the attributes of Deity, and clothe what they
imagine in more appropriate words, than ordinary people could. It is,
therefore, better to take their words than to leave the matter to the
ignorant, the unimaginative, and the dead in soul. Under their system
of unchangeable forms all become alike animated by the best ideas,
presented in the most suitable words. This will explain why they
practise repetitions. With their method it is a necessity.
Short forms, composed of as few ideas as a piece of granite is of
ingredients, and as inelastic and inexpansive, and those forms
incessantly repeated, could not affect us in the way of prayer; but
they mightily affect the Oriental. They are both the frame in which his
mind and life are set, and the spring upon which they are wound up.
In short, and in truth, these ideas are the seminal germs which
fecundate, legitimately, the moral capabilities of his nature, which, if
unquickened by their contact, either will become aborted; or, by
having been brought into contact with other illegitimate ideas, will
give birth to abnormal, and more or less pernicious developments.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
PILGRIMAGE.
He hath forsaken his wife and children, and betaken himself to a pilgrim’s life.—
Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress.
The pilgrimage to Meccah occupies a large place in the thoughts,
and is the great event in the life of every true believer; and where the
faith is so elementary, so much reduced to the very simplest
expression of belief, all are believers. The great event of the year at
Cairo, is the return of the caravan of pilgrims from Meccah. The
whole city is moved. Many go out to welcome back the happy saints.
At no other time are men, or women, so demonstrative. In these
days, no Christian people, except the lower classes in Russia, have
the ideas which produce these emotions. No others are, speaking of
the bulk of the people generally, in the pilgrim condition of mind.
There was, however, a time when, in this matter, we were all alike.
The pilgrim staff and shell were then as common, and as much
valued, in England as elsewhere.
We now ask how these ideas came to exist in men’s minds? An
equally pertinent question is how they became extinct? The answer
to either will be the answer to both. A little vivisection, which may be
practised on the mind of the modern Arab, will reveal to us the
secret. On dissecting it we find that it is in that state in which the
distinction between things moral and spiritual on the one side, and
things physical on the other, has not yet been made. These two
classes of ideas are in his mind in a state of intimate fluid
commixture. There is a vast difference here between the mind of the
Arab and that of the European, excepting of course from the latter a
large part of the Greek communion, and some small fractions of the
most behindhand of the Latin. With us these two classes of ideas
have become disentangled, and have separated themselves from
each other. Each has crystallized into its own proper form, and
retired into its own proper domain. Hence it is that the idea of the
value of pilgrimages still holds its ground amongst them, but has
disappeared from amongst us.
It belongs to precisely the same class of ideas as the belief that if
a man drinks the ink, with which a text of the Koran has been written,
dissolved in a cup of water, he will be thereby spiritually benefited;
that bodily uncleanness injuriously affects the soul; that having eaten
some particles of dust from the Prophet’s tomb makes you a better
man; or to take the process reversely, that the thoughts of an
envious or covetous man (the evil eye), will do you some bodily hurt;
or that Ghouls and Afreets—creatures of your mind—feed on dead
bodies, and throw stones at you from the house-top. When our
Christian ancestors were in the same stage of mental progress,
similar beliefs, or rather confusions of ideas, some precisely the
same, were manifested in them. A great advance has been made
when men have come to see that what defiles is not what goes in at
the mouth, but what comes from the heart. This has a wide
application; at all events men, when it is seen, go no more
pilgrimages.
I went up to Jerusalem with the ideas about pilgrimages I have just
set down stirring in my mind. My object in going was that I might be
enabled the better to understand history by making myself
acquainted with the very scenes on which it had been enacted. I
wished to become familiar with those peculiar local aspects, and
influences of nature, which had gone some way towards forming the
character of those who had made the history, and which had, indeed,
themselves had in this way much to do with the making of it. Nothing
could be further from the pilgrim condition of mind. I believe,
however, that I did not come away with my (as some would call it)
cold-blooded philosophy quite untouched. True, I turned with
repugnance from the scenes that presented themselves around the
supposed Holy Sepulchre. I felt commiseration, mingled in some sort
with respect, for the prostrations, the tears, the hysterical sobs of the
poor Greek, Armenian, and Latin pilgrims. I contemplated them for a
time, till feelings of pain preponderated, which, as I turned away,
were exchanged only for feelings of disgust as I saw the priests, and
thought of their frauds, their greed, their indifference, their dirt, and
their mutual animosities. I again had to repress the same feelings in
the Garden of Gethsemane, when I found it in possession of some
unusually begrimed monks, who had enclosed it with a wall ten feet
high, and without a single opening through which the eye could catch
a glimpse of the interior; and who only admitted you in the hope of
backsheesh. Still the pilgrim feeling grew upon me. I had crossed the
Brook Kedron to a place where there had been a garden; I had stood
in what had been the courts of the temple, and where had been the
temple itself; I had looked on the goodly stones of the substructures
of the temple, I had beheld the city from the Mount of Olives. In my
walks round the walls I had stood on the rock, somewhere at the
north-west angle, where the Light of the world had sealed His truth
with His life-blood. Imagination on the spot had recalled the
particulars of the scene. Day by day I was conscious that the pilgrim
feeling was gaining strength within me. And now that I am quietly at
home again, I can hardly persuade myself but that I am in a different
position from what I was in before: I can hardly think that I am just as
other men are—that all this is nothing. I have trodden the same
ground, I have been warmed by the same sun, and I have breathed
the same air, as He. I have looked on the same objects, and they
have impressed on my brain the same images as on His.
But we must get over these pilgrim feelings—we must not allow
ourselves to be juggled and cheated by the old confusion of things
physical with things spiritual. It is not poetry to put the chaff for the
corn. There is no talisman like truth. He is not there: nor are we the
nearer to Him for being there. He still exists for us in His words. The
thought, the spirit that is in them we can take into our hearts and
minds. This is truly to be very near to Him; this is to be one with Him.
This is a pilgrimage all can go, and which really saves.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
ARAB SUPERSTITIONS.—THE EVIL EYE.
Many an amulet and charm
That would do neither good nor harm.—Hudibras.
The traveller in Egypt, who observes what is before him, and feels
an interest in conversing with the natives, will have many
opportunities for learning something about their superstitious or
religious ideas—for, of course, much that with them is religion with
us would be superstition—such as their belief in charms and
amulets, and in the beneficial, or remedial efficacy of utterly
irrelevant acts and prescriptions. This is a large—indeed, almost an
inexhaustible—subject, because it pervades their whole lives,
influencing almost everything they do, and every thought that passes
through their minds. Whenever an Arab wishes to attain to, or to
escape from, anything, his method of proceeding is not to use the
means—or if he does, not to be content with them—which, in the
nature of things, would lead to the desired result, but to depend
either entirely, or, at all events, as a collateral means, on something
else which can have no possible bearing on his object, but which, in
consequence of the presence in his mind of certain ideas, and the
absence of certain others, he thinks will have, or ought to have,
some impossible effects.
Among Egyptians—it is so with all Orientals, there is an universal
belief in the potency of the Evil Eye. If any one has looked upon an
object with envious and covetous feelings, evil will ensue; not,
however—and this is the heart and the peculiarity of the superstition
—to the covetous or envious man, but to the coveted or envied
object. I will attempt presently to explain this inversion of moral
ideas. A mother in easy circumstances will keep her child in shabby
clothes, and begrimed with dirt, in order that those who see it may
not think it beautiful, and so cast an envious or covetous eye upon it.
Some kenspeckle object is placed among the caparisons of a
handsome horse or camel, that the eye of the passer-by may be
attracted to it, and so withdrawn from the animal itself. The entire
dress of a Nubian young lady consists of a fringe of shredded
leather, two or three inches deep, worn round the loins. On the upper
edge of this fringe two or three bunches of small white cowrie shells
are fastened. The traveller might, at first,—and, probably, generally
does,—suppose that this is merely a piece of coquetry, inspired by
the desire to attract attention. The truth is the reverse. The white
shells against the ebon skin are, it is true, intended to attract
attention—not at all, however, in the way of coquetry, but from the
opposite wish that the eye of the passer-by may be attracted to the
shells, and thus that the wearer may herself escape the effects of the
coveting, Evil Eye.
There is the same motive in the adoption by women of gold coins
as ornaments for the head. Let the eye be attracted to that coveted
and precious object, and diverted from the face. So, also, with the
use of the veil; and so with many other preventive devices.
But as the source of the mischief is in the heart of the beholder,
prevention may go further, and may dry up, if the effort be wisely
made, the source of the evil at the fountain-head. This is to be done
by so disciplining men’s minds, as that they shall habitually refrain
from looking on anything with envious, or covetous thoughts. The
method they have adopted for effecting this desirable change in the
heart is to make it a point of religion, and of good manners, that a
man shall so word his admiration as, at the same time, to express
renunciation of any wish to possess the beautiful, or desirable object
before him that belongs to another. He must not express his
admiration of it simply. It would be reprehensible for him to say of a
beautiful child, or dress, or jewel, or garden, or anything that was
another’s, ‘How charming!—how beautiful!’ He must associate his
admiration with the idea of God, and with the acknowledgment, that
he submits to the behest of God that has given it to another. This he
does by saying, ‘God’s will be done (Mashallah),’ or by some similar
expression. If he should so far forget propriety as to express himself
otherwise, the bystanders would recall him to good manners, and a
proper sense of religion in the matter, by reproving him.
But supposing all these preventive measures of strategy, religion,
and politeness have failed, and the Evil Eye, notwithstanding, must
needs alight on some object, what is to be done then? The only
resource is in the recognized counter-agents. These are of two kinds
—those which have a prophylactic, and those which have a remedial
efficacy. To the first belong some selected texts of the Koran, or the
whole of the sacred volume, which must be enclosed in a suitable
receptacle, and hung about the neck of the person to be protected. A
little piece of alum has the same effect. Some have recourse to the
ninety-nine titles of the Deity; others prefer the titles, equal in
number, of the Prophet. These may be kept in the house, as well as
about the person. Lane has an interesting chapter on Arab
superstitions, from which we may gather that the names of the
Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, and of their dog, and the names of the
few paltry articles of furniture left by the Prophet, have great potency.
But supposing these, and other such prophylactics have failed, as
must sometimes happen, in averting the Evil Eye, nothing remains
then but the use of antidotes. One that commends itself to general
adoption is, to prick a piece of paper with a pin, to represent the eye
of the envious man, and then to burn it. Another that is equally
efficacious is, to burn a compound of several pinches of salt stained
with different colours, and mixed with storax, wormwood, and other
matters. But I need not pursue this part of a single subject any
farther: what has been said will be enough to show what are their
ideas as to the ways in which the Evil Eye is to be combated.
And now for the explanation I would venture to offer of what is to
us the strangest part of the matter, that such a belief as this of the
Evil Eye should have had any existence at all, because it involves
the immoral idea that all the suffering falls on the innocent victim,
and that there is no retribution for the guilty cause of the mischief.
This I am disposed to think has been brought about by the facts and
experience of life in the East. There the Evil Eye has always had a
very real, and fearful significance; and people have done very wisely
in endeavouring to guard against it. It never would have done in that
part of the world, nor would it do at this day in Cairo, or anywhere
else, even down to the most secluded village, for one to flaunt before
the world what others might covet, or envy him the possession of.
The simple plan there has ever been, that those should take who
have the power, and that those only should keep who are not known
to possess. A man who had a beautiful wife, or child, or costly jewel,
or a showy horse, or camel, or anything good, if it were observed,
and known, would at any time, in the East, have been pretty sure to
lose it, and perhaps with it his own life into the bargain. This of
course has been a master-fact in forming the manners and customs
of the people. Hence their ideas about the Evil Eye. What befel Uriah
and Naboth, has befallen many everywhere. Hence the wisdom of
keeping good things out of sight, and of diverting attention from
them. Hence the belief that the evil is for the innocent possessor,
and not for the wicked envier, or coveter. The methods adopted for
obviating its effects are, of course, merely the offspring of fear acting
on ignorance.
I need not give any further illustrations of this condition of the Arab
mind. A general statement will now be sufficient. Every evil that flesh
is heir to, every ailment, every as yet unsatisfied yearning, every
loss, every suffering, has its appropriate treatment, all being of the
same character as that which prescribes, for some moral obliquity in
A’s mind, that B should burn a piece of alum, or of storax, purchased
on a particular day. Some of these practices are laughable, some
disgusting. Some that are of the latter class recall Herodotus’s story
of the means to which King Phero, in the days of old Egypt, had
recourse for the recovery of his sight.
It is cheap to laugh at these ideas and practices, but we have
ourselves passed, in this matter, through the same stage. We had
our day of such remedies, when we attempted to cure diseases, and
to dispel evil influences with charms and amulets; and to ensure
success by having recourse to the luck that was supposed to be in
days, and things, and names, and places. The memory of all this has
not, even yet, completely vanished from amongst us. The echo of it
may still at times be heard. The history of all people shows that
these things contain the germ of the empirical art of medicine. The
first step in real progress is the abandonment of the idea that
disease is the irreversible decree of heaven, or of fate. The second
stage, that in which the Orientals now are, is the metaphysical
treatment of disease—that which assumes that each disease is to be
met by something which, from some fancied analogy, or fitness, or
antagonism, it is supposed ought to counteract it. This is futile in
itself, but not in its ulterior consequences, for it issues eventually in
the discovery of the true remedies. In time, if circumstances favour,
the subject comes to be treated scientifically. Every ailment is then
deliberately examined, with the view of discovering in what it actually
consists; and remedies are applied which, in accordance with the
known laws and properties of things, it is reasonably hoped will
check its growth or remove it.
It is curious to observe, while we are on this subject, that
homœopathy is only a reversion to old ways of thinking. Its
foundation is a metaphysical dictum that like cures like. And its
practice that these, or some other, globules will in each case
produce artificially the desired disease, is as contrary to the evidence
of the senses, and the known properties of the globules, as anything
to be found in Arab therapeutics.
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