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Textbook Culturally Responsive Design For English Learners The Udl Approach 1St Edition Patti Kelly Ralabate Ebook All Chapter PDF
Textbook Culturally Responsive Design For English Learners The Udl Approach 1St Edition Patti Kelly Ralabate Ebook All Chapter PDF
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Culturally Responsive Design for
English Learners
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Part I: A Foundation for Culturally Responsive Design: How
Culture, Context, and Language Shape Learning
Chapter 1: Culturally Responsive Design Matters
Cultural and Linguistic Diversity and UDL
Culturally Responsive Teaching
Expert Learners and Expert Teachers
Creating Expert Learners through Braiding CRT and UDL
Reflection Questions
Check-In: Reflect on Your Instructional Design
Chapter 2: Learner Variability and CLD Students/ELs
The Only Constant Is Variability
Language Learning and Learner Variability
Dual- or Second-Language Learning
How Language and Culture Shape Learning
A Word of Caution
Reflection Questions
Check-In: Reflect on Learner Variability
Glossary
References
Index
About the Authors
Copyright © 2017 by CAST, Inc.
Published by:
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VI
The unities were not sufficient for the Attic drama. It demanded,
further, the rigid mask in lieu of facial play, thus forbidding spiritual
characterization in the same spirit as Attic sentiment forbade
likeness-statuary. It demanded more-than-life-sized figures and got
them by means of the cothurnus and by padding and draping the
actor till he could scarcely move, thus eliminating all his individuality.
Lastly, it required monotonous sing-song delivery, which it ensured
by means of a mouthpiece fixed in the mask.
The bare text as we read it to-day (not without reading into it the
spirit of Goethe and Shakespeare and of our perspective vision)
conveys little of the deeper significance of these dramas. Classical
art-works were created entirely for the eye, even the physical eye, of
Classical man, and the secrets reveal themselves only when put in
sensuous forms. And here our attention is drawn to a feature of
Greek tragedy that any true tragedy of the Faustian style must find
intolerable, the continual presence of the Chorus. The Chorus is the
primitive tragedy, for without it the ἦθος would be impossible.
Character one possesses for one’s self, but attitude has meaning
only in relation to others.
This Chorus as crowd (the ideal opposite to the lonely or inward
man and the monologue of the West), this Chorus which is always
there, the witness of every “soliloquy,” this Chorus by which, in the
stage-life as in the real life, fear before the boundless and the void is
banished, is truly Apollinian. Self-review as a public action, pompous
public mourning in lieu of the solitary anguish of the bedchamber, the
tears and lamentations that fill a whole series of dramas like the
“Philoctetes” and the “Trachiniæ,” the impossibility of being alone,
the feeling of the Polis, all the feminine of this Culture that we see
idealized in the Belvedere Apollo, betrays itself in this symbol of the
Chorus. In comparison with this kind of drama, Shakespeare’s is a
single monologue. Even in the conversations, even in the group-
scenes we are sensible of the immense inner distance between the
persons, each of whom at bottom is only talking with himself.
Nothing can overcome this spiritual remoteness. It is felt in Hamlet
as in “Tasso” and in Don Quixote as in Werther, but even Wolfram
von Eschenbach’s Parzeval is filled with and stamped by the sense
of infinity. The distinction holds for all Western poetry against all
Classical. All our lyric verse from Walther von der Vogelweide to
Goethe and from Goethe to the poems of our dying world-cities is
monologue, while the Classical lyric is a choral lyric, a singing before
witnesses. The one is received inwardly, in wordless reading, as
soundless music, and the other is publicly recited. The one belongs
to the still chamber and is spread by means of the book, the other
belongs to the place where it is voiced.
Thus, although the Eleusinian Mysteries and the Thracian festival
of the epiphany of Dionysus had been nocturnal celebrations, the art
of Thespis developed, as its inmost nature required, as a scene of
the morning and the full sunlight. On the contrary, our Western
popular and Passion plays, which originated in the sermon of
allocated parts and were produced first by priests in the church, and
then by laymen in the open square, on the mornings of high festivals,
led almost unnoticed to an art of evening and night. Already in
Shakespeare’s time performances took place in the late afternoon,
and by Goethe’s this mystical sense of a proper relation between art-
work and light-setting had attained its object. In general, every art
and every Culture has its significant times of day. The music of the
18th Century is a music of the darkness and the inner eye, and the
plastic of Athens is an art of cloudless day. That this is no superficial
contrast we can see by comparing the Gothic plastic, wrapped
eternally in “dim religious light,” and the Ionic flute, the instrument of
high noon. The candle affirms and the sunlight denies space as the
opposite of things. At night the universe of space triumphs over
matter, at midday things and nearness assert themselves and space
is repudiated. The same contrast appears in Attic fresco and
Northern oil-painting, and in the symbols of Helios and Pan and
those of the starry night and red sunset. It is at midnight, too, and
particularly in the twelve long nights after Christmas, that the souls of
our dead walk abroad. In the Classical world, the souls belong to the
day—even the early Church still speaks of the δωδεκαήμερον, the
twelve dedicated days; but with the awakening of the Faustian soul
these become “Twelfth Night.”
The Classical vase-painting and fresco—though the fact has never
been remarked—has no time-of-day. No shadow indicates the state
of the sun, no heaven shows the stars. There is neither morning nor
evening, neither spring nor autumn, but pure timeless brightness.[408]
For equally obvious reasons our oil-painting developed in the
opposite direction, towards an imaginary darkness, also independent
of time-of-day, which forms the characteristic atmosphere of the
Faustian soul-space. This is all the more significant as the intention
is from the outset to treat the field of the picture with reference to a
certain time-of-day, that is, historically. There are early mornings,
sunset-clouds, the last gleams upon the sky-line of distant
mountains, the candle-lighted room, the spring meadows and the
autumn woods, the long and short shadows of bushes and furrows.
But they are all penetrated through and through with a subdued
darkness that is not derived from the motion of the heavenly bodies.
In fact, steady brightness and steady twilight are the respective hall-
marks of the Classical and the Western, alike in painting and in
drama; and may we not also describe Euclidean geometry as a
mathematic of the day and Analysis as a mathematic of the night?
Change of scene, undoubtedly regarded by the Greeks as a sort
of profanation, is for us almost a religious necessity, a postulate of
our world-feeling. There seems something pagan in the fixed scene
of Tasso. We inwardly need a drama of perspectives and wide
backgrounds, a stage that shakes off sensuous limitations and draws
the whole world into itself. In Shakespeare, who was born when
Michelangelo died and ceased to write when Rembrandt came into
the world, dramatic infinity, the passionate overthrow of all static
limitations, attained the maximum. His woods, seas, alleys, gardens,
battlefields lie in the afar, the unbounded. Years fly past in the space
of minutes. The mad Lear between fool and reckless outcast on the
heath, in the night and the storm, the unutterably lonely ego lost in
space—here is the Faustian life-feeling! From such a scene as this it
is but a step to the inwardly seen and inwardly felt landscapes of the
almost contemporary Venetian music; for on the Elizabethan stage
the whole thing was merely indicated, and it was the inner eye that
out of a few hints fashioned for itself an image of the world in which
the scenes—far-fetched always—played themselves out. Such
scenes the Greek stage could not have handled at all. The Greek
scene is never a landscape; in general, it is nothing, and at best it
may be described as a basis for movable statues. The figures are
everything, in drama, as in fresco. It is sometimes said that Classical
man lacked the feeling for Nature. Insensitive to Faustian Nature,
that of space and of landscape, Classical man certainly was. His
Nature was the body, and if once we have let the sentiment of this
sink into us, we suddenly comprehend the eye with which the Greek
would follow the mobile muscle-relief of the nude body. This, and not
clouds and stars and horizon, was his “Living Nature.”
VII
VIII
In no Classical art-work is a relation with the beholder attempted,
for that would require the form-language of the individual object to
affirm and to make use of the existence of a relation between that
object and ambient unlimited space. An Attic statue is a completely
Euclidean body, timeless and relationless, wholly self-contained. It
neither speaks nor looks. It is quite unconscious of the spectator.
Unlike the plastic forms of every other Culture, it stands wholly for
itself and fits into no architectural order; it is an individual amongst
individuals, a body amongst bodies. And the living individuals merely
perceive it as a neighbour, and do not feel it as an invasive
influence, an efficient capable of traversing space. Thus is
expressed the Apollinian life-feeling.
The awakening Magian art at once reversed the meaning of these
forms. The eyes of the statues and portraits in the Constantinian
style are big and staring and very definitely directed. They represent
the Pneuma, the higher of the two soul-substances. The Classical
sculptor had fashioned the eyes as blind, but now the pupils are
bored, the eye, unnaturally enlarged, looks into the space that in
Attic art it had not acknowledged as existing. In the Classical fresco-
painting, heads are turned towards one another, but in the mosaics
of Ravenna and even in the relief-work of Early-Christian-Late-
Roman sarcophagi they are always turned towards the beholder, and
their wholly spiritual look is fixed upon him. Mysteriously and quite
un-Classically the beholder’s sphere is invaded by an action-at-a-
distance from the world that is in the art-work. Something of this
magic can still be traced in early Florentine and early Rhenish gold-
ground pictures.
Consider, now, Western painting as it was after Leonardo, fully
conscious of its mission. How does it deal with infinite space as
something singular which comprehends both picture and spectator
as mere centres of gravity of a spatial dynamic? The full Faustian
life-feeling, the passion of the third dimension, takes hold of the form
of the picture, the painted plane, and transforms it in an unheard-of
way. The picture no longer stands for itself, nor looks at the
spectator, but takes him into its sphere. The sector defined by the
sides of the frame—the peepshow-field, twin with the stage-field—
represents universal space itself. Foreground and background lose
all tendency to materiality and propinquity and disclose instead of
marking off. Far horizons deepen the field to infinity, and the colour-
treatment of the close foreground eliminates the ideal plane of
separation formed by the canvas and thus expands the field so that
the spectator is in it. It is not he, now, who chooses the standpoint
from which the picture is most effective; on the contrary, the picture
dictates position and distance to him. Lateral limits, too, are done
away with—from 1500 onwards overrunnings of the frame are more
and more frequent and daring. The Greek spectator stands before
the fresco of Polygnotus. We sink into a picture, that is, we are
pulled into it by the power of the space-treatment. Unity of space
being thus re-established, the infinity that is expanded in all
directions by the picture is ruled by the Western perspective;[410] and
from perspective there runs a road straight to the comprehension of
our astronomical world-picture and its passionate pioneering into
unending farness.
Apollinian man did not want to observe the broad universe, and
the philosophical systems one and all are silent about it. They know
only problems concerned with tangible and actual things, and have
never anything positive or significant to say about what is between
the “things.” The Classical thinker takes the earth-sphere, upon
which he stands and which (even in Hipparchus) is enveloped in a
fixed celestial sphere, as the complete and given world, and if we
probe the depths and secrets of motive here we are almost startled
by the persistency with which theory attempted time after time to
attach the order of these heavens to that of the earth in some way
that would not impugn the primacy of the latter.[411]
Compare with this the convulsive vehemence with which the
discovery of Copernicus—the “contemporary” of Pythagoras—drove
through the soul of the West, and the deep spirit of awe in which
Kepler looked upon the laws of planetary orbits which he had
discovered as an immediate revelation from God, not daring to doubt
that they were circular because any other form would have been too
unworthy a symbol. Here the old Northern life-feeling, the Viking
infinity-wistfulness, comes into its own. Here, too, is the meaning of
the characteristically Faustian discovery of the telescope which,
penetrating into spaces hidden from the naked eye and inaccessible
to the will-to-power, widens the universe that we possess. The truly
religious feeling that seizes us even to-day when we dare to look into
the depths of starry space for the first time—the same feeling of
power that Shakespeare’s greatest tragedies aim at awakening—
would to Sophocles appear as the impiety of all impieties.
Our denial of the “vault” of heaven, then, is a resolve and not a
sense-experience. The modern ideas as to the nature of starry
space—or, to speak more prudently, of an extension indicated by
light-indices that are communicated by eye and telescope—most
certainly do not rest upon sure knowledge, for what we see in the
telescope is small bright disks of different sizes. The photographic
plate yields quite another picture—not a sharper one but a different
one—and the construction of a consistent world-picture such as we
crave depends upon connecting the two by numerous and often very
daring hypotheses (e.g., of distances, magnitudes and movements)
that we ourselves frame. The style of this picture corresponds to the
style of our own soul. In actual fact we do not know how different the
light-powers of one and another star may be, nor whether they vary
in different directions. We do not know whether or not light is altered,
diminished, or extinguished in the immensities of space. We do not
know whether our earthly conceptions of the nature of light, and
therefore all the theories and laws deduced from them, have validity
beyond the immediate environment of the earth. What we “see” are
merely light-indices; what we understand are symbols of ourselves.
The strong upspringing of the Copernican world-idea—which
belongs exclusively to our Culture and (to risk an assertion that even
now may seem paradoxical) would be and will be deliberately forced
into oblivion whenever the soul of a coming Culture shall feel itself
endangered by it[412]—was founded on the certainty that the
corporeal-static, the imagined preponderance of the plastic earth,
was henceforth eliminated from the Cosmos. Till then, the heavens
which were thought of, or at any rate felt, as a substantial quantity,
like the earth, had been regarded as being in polar equilibrium with
it. But now it was Space that ruled the universe. “World” signifies
space, and the stars are hardly more than mathematical points, tiny
balls in the immense, that as material no longer affect the world-
feeling. While Democritus, who tried (as on behalf of the Apollinian
Culture he was bound to try) to settle some limit of a bodily kind to it
all, imagined a layer of hook-shaped atoms as a skin over the
Cosmos, an insatiable hunger drives us ever further and further into
the remote. The solar system of Copernicus, already expanded by
Giordano Bruno to a thousand such systems, grew immeasurably
wider in the Baroque Age; and to-day we “know” that the sum of all
the solar systems, about 35,000,000, constitutes a closed (and
demonstrably finite[413]) stellar system which forms an ellipsoid of
rotation and has its equator approximately along the band of the
Milky Way. Swarms of solar systems traverse this space, like flights
of migrant birds, with the same velocity and direction. One such
group, with an apex in the constellation of Hercules, is formed by our
sun together with the bright stars Capella, Vega, Altair and
Betelgeuse. The axis of this immense system, which has its mid-
point not far from the present position of our sun, is taken as
470,000,000 times as long as the distance from the earth to the sun.
Any night, the starry heavens give us at the same moment
impressions that originated 3,700 years apart in time, for that is the
distance in light-years from the extreme outer limit to the earth. In the
picture of history as it unfolds before us here, this period
corresponds to a duration covering the whole Classical and Magian
ages and going back to the zenith of the Egyptian Culture in the XIIth
Dynasty. This aspect—an image, I repeat, and not a matter of
experimental knowledge—is for the Faustian a high and noble[414]
aspect, but for the Apollinian it would have been woeful and terrible,
an annihilation of the most profound conditions of his being. And he
would have felt it as sheer salvation when after all a limit, however
remote, had been found. But we, driven by the deep necessity that is
in us, must simply ask ourselves the new question: Is there anything
outside this system? Are there aggregates of such systems, at such
distances that even the dimensions established by our astronomy[415]
are small by comparison? As far as sense-observations are
concerned, it seems that an absolute limit has been reached; neither
light nor gravitation can give a sign of existence through this outer
space, void of mass. But for us it is a simple necessity of thought.
Our spiritual passion, our unresting need to actualize our existence-
idea in symbols, suffers under this limitation of our sense-
perceptions.
IX
So also it was that the old Northern races, in whose primitive souls
the Faustian was already awakening, discovered in their grey dawn
the art of sailing the seas which emancipated them.[416] The
Egyptians knew the sail, but only profited by it as a labour-saving
device. They sailed, as they had done before in their oared ships,
along the coast to Punt and Syria, but the idea of the high-seas
voyage—what it meant as a liberation, a symbol—was not in them.
Sailing, real sailing, is a triumph over Euclidean land. At the
beginning of our 14th Century, almost coincident with each other
(and with the formation-periods of oil-painting and counterpoint!)
came gunpowder and the compass, that is, long-range weapons and
long-range intercourse (means that the Chinese Culture[417] too had,
necessarily, discovered for itself). It was the spirit of the Vikings and
the Hansa, as of those dim peoples, so unlike the Hellenes with their
domestic funerary urns, who heaped up great barrows as memorials
of the lonely soul on the wide plains. It was the spirit of those who
sent their dead kings to sea in their burning ships, thrilling manifests
of their dark yearning for the boundless. The spirit of the Norsemen
drove their cockle-boats—in the Tenth Century that heralded the
Faustian birth—to the coasts of America. But to the circumnavigation
of Africa, already achieved by Egyptians and Carthaginians,
Classical mankind was wholly indifferent. How statuesque their
existence was, even with respect to intercourse, is shown by the fact
that the news of the First Punic War—one of the most intense wars
of history—penetrated to Athens from Sicily merely as an indefinite
report. Even the souls of the Greeks were assembled in Hades as
unexcitable shadows (εἴδωλα) without strength, wish or feeling. But
the Northern dead gathered themselves in fierce unresting armies of
the cloud and the storm.
The event which stands at the same cultural level as the
discoveries of the Spaniards and Portuguese is that of the Hellenic
colonizations of the 8th Century B.C. But, while the Spaniards and the
Portuguese were possessed by the adventured-craving for
uncharted distances and for everything unknown and dangerous, the
Greeks went carefully, point by point, on the known tracks of the
Phœnicians, Carthaginians and Etruscans, and their curiosity in no
wise extended to what lay beyond the Pillars of Hercules and the
Isthmus of Suez, easily accessible as both were to them. Athens no
doubt heard of the way to the North Sea, to the Congo, to Zanzibar,
to India—in Nero’s time the position of the southern extremity of
India was known, also that of the islands of Sunda—but Athens shut
its eyes to these things just as it did to the astronomical knowledge
of the old East. Even when the lands that we call Morocco and
Portugal had become Roman provinces, no Atlantic voyaging
ensued, and the Canaries remained forgotten. Apollinian man felt the
Columbus-longing as little as he felt the Copernican. Possessed
though the Greek merchants were with the desire of gain, a deep
metaphysical shyness restrained them from extending the horizon,
and in geography as in other matters they stuck to near things and
foregrounds. The existence of the Polis, that astonishing ideal of the
State as statue, was in truth nothing more nor less than a refuge
from the wide world of the sea-peoples—and that though the
Classical, alone of all the Cultures so far, had a ring of coasts about
a sea of islands, and not a continental expanse, as its motherland.
Not even Hellenism, with all its proneness to technical diversions,[418]
freed itself from the oared ship which tethered the mariner to the
coasts. The naval architects of Alexandria were capable of
constructing giant ships of 260-ft. length,[419] and, for that matter, the
steamship was discovered in principle. But there are some
discoveries that have all the pathos of a great and necessary symbol
and reveal depths within, and there are others that are merely play of
intellect. The steamship is for Apollinians one of the latter and for
Faustians one of the former class. It is prominence or insignificance
in the Macrocosm as a whole that gives discovery and the
application thereof the character of depth or shallowness.
The discoveries of Columbus and Vasco da Gama extended the
geographical horizon without limit, and the world-sea came into the
same relation with land as that of the universe of space with earth.