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i

Diodorus Siculus and the World

of the Late Roman Republic
ii
iii

Diodorus Siculus
and the World
of the Late Roman
Republic
z
CHARLES E. MUNTZ

1
iv

1
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

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© Oxford University Press, 2017

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
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above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

Names: Muntz, Charles Edward, 1980– author.
Title: Diodorus Siculus and the world of the late Roman republic / Charles E. Muntz.
Description: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2017] |
Includes bibliographical references and index. | Description based on print version
record and CIP data provided by publisher; resource not viewed.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016018875 (print) | LCCN 2016017895 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190498726 (hardback) | ISBN 9780190498733 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190498740 (online)
Subjects: LCSH: Diodorus, Siculus. | Diodorus, Siculus. Bibliotheca historica. |
Rome—Intellectual life. | History, Ancient—Historiography.
Classification: LCC D58.D23 (print) | LCC D58.D23 M35 2016 (ebook) |
DDC 937/.02—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016018875

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
v

In memoriam
Diskin Clay
Lawrence Richardson, Jr.
vi
╇ vii

Contents

Acknowledgments ix
Abbreviations xi

1. Diodorus, Quellenforschung, and Beyond 1

2. Organizing the World 27
3. The Origins of Civilization 57
4. Mythical History 89
5. The Deified Culture Bringers 133
6. Kings, Kingship, and Rome 191
7. The Roman Civil Wars and the Bibliotheke 215

Bibliography 249
Index Locorum 269
General Index 281
viii
ix

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the many individuals who have helped me bring
this book to fruition. Rosaria Munson, Georgia Machemer, and Oxford’s
anonymous referees provided wonderfully insightful criticism of the man-
uscript. The Loeb Classical Library Foundation offered generous funding
to support my research. Fulbright College and the Department of History at
the University of Arkansas provided both funding and a sabbatical to work
on the manuscript. Cambridge University and Wolfson College graciously
hosted me as the Arkansas Visiting Fellow in 2014–​2015, and I would like to
single out Meg Westbury of the Wolfson College Library for her assistance
during the year. Peter Green and Robert Drews both took the time to write
recommendations for me. Stefan Vranka and his staff at Oxford University
Press guided me through the publishing process. Part of Chapter 4 was
first presented at the conference Diodorus Siculus: Shared Myths, World
Community, and Universal History in Glasgow in 2011, and I want to thank
conference organizers Lisa Hau, Alexander Meeus, and Brian Sheridan
and all the other participants for their feedback and encouragement. My
wonderful colleagues in the History Department and Classical Studies
Program at the University of Arkansas provided much moral support, and
helped me by reading and commenting on fellowship proposals and book
prospectuses. I would like to thank especially Lynda Coon, Tricia Starks,
J. Laurence Hare, Kathryn Sloan, Michael Pierce, and Daniel Levine. In
the University of Arkansas Library, I am particularly grateful to Beth Juhl
and everyone in Interlibrary Loan. This book has its origins in my Duke
dissertation, and I would like to thank the original members of my com-
mittee, Peter Burian, Kent Rigsby, Diskin Clay, and especially my advisor,
the magnificent Mary T. Boatwright. I would also like to thank Lawrence
Richardson, Jr., whose class on Cicero was one of the greatest I ever took.
Sadly, neither Diskin nor Larry could see the finished work.
And finally, thanks to my parents, for everything.
x
xi

Abbreviations

Abbreviations of ancient sources follow the conventions of the Oxford

Classical Dictionary, 4th edition. For the letters of Cicero I have given
both the traditional numbering, and the revised numbering employed by
Shackleton-​Bailey, abbreviated SB. The following abbreviations of modern
works are used:
BNJ Worthington, I., ed. (2008–​) Brill’s New Jacoby. Leiden: Brill.
http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/cluster/Jacoby%20
Online. Cited by historian number.
DK Diels, H. and W, Kranz, eds. (1951–​ 1952). Fragmente der
Vorsokratiker. 6th ed. Berlin: Grunewald.
FGrH Jacoby, F. (1923–​1958) Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker.
Leiden: E. J. Brill. Cited by historian number.
FRHist Cornell, T. J., ed. (2013). The Fragments of the Roman Historians.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cited by historian number.
GGM Müller, C., ed. (1835-​1861). Geographi Graeci Minores. Paris:
A. Firmin Didot.
IGLS Jalabert, L., R. Mouterde, J.P. Rey-​ Coquais, eds. (1929–​ )
Inscriptiones grecques et latines de la Syrie. Paris: P. Geuthner.
IGRR Cagnat, R., J. Toutain, P. Jouguet, and G. Lafaye, ed. (1911–​
1927) Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes.
Paris: E. Leroux.
ILLRP Degrassi, A., ed. (1965–​) Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae ei Rei
Republicae. Firenze: La Nuova Italia.
OCD4 Hornblower, S., A. Spawforth, and E. Eidinow, eds. (2012).
The Oxford Classical Dictionary. 4th edition. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
OEAE Redford, D. B., ed. (2001). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient
Egypt. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
xii

xii Abbreviations

OGI Dittenberg, W., ed. (1903–​1905) Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones

Selectae. Leipzig: S. Hirzel.
POxy Grenfell, B. P. et al. (1898–​ ) The Oxyrhynchus Papyri.
London: The Egypt Exploration Society.
RE Pauly, A., G. Wissowa, and W. Kroll (1903–​1978). Paulys real-​
encyclopädie der classischen altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart: J.B.
Metzler.
SIG Dittenberger, W. (1915–​1924). Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum.
3rd edition. Leipzig: S. Hirzelium.
TGF Nauck, A. and B. Snell, B., eds. (1889-​ 1964). Tragicorum
Graecorum fragmenta. Hildesheim: Olms.
xiii

Diodorus Siculus and the World

of the Late Roman Republic
xiv
1

Diodorus, Quellenforschung,
and Beyond
A man inherited a field in which was an accumulation of
old stone, part of an older hall. Of the old stone, some had
already been used in building the house in which he actu-
ally lived, not far from the old house of his fathers. Of the
rest he took some and built a tower. But his friends com-
ing perceived at once (without troubling to climb the steps)
that these stones had formerly belonged to a more ancient
building. So they pushed the tower over, with no little
labour, in order to look for hidden carvings and inscrip-
tions, or to discover whence the man’s distant forefathers
had obtained their building material. Some suspecting a
deposit of coal under the soil began to dig for it, and forgot
even the stones. They all said: “This tower is most interest-
ing.” But they also said (after pushing it over): “What a
muddle it is in!” And even the man’s own descendants,
who might have been expected to consider what he had
been about, were heard to murmur: “He is such an odd
fellow! Imagine his using these old stones just to build a
nonsensical tower! Why did he not restore the old house?
He had no sense of proportion.” But from the top of that
tower the man had been able to look out upon the sea.
—​J . R. R. Tolkien, “Beowulf: The Monsters
and the Critics”

More than two thousand years ago a Greek provincial from Sicily wrote
one of the most remarkable works to survive from antiquity, no less than a
history of the entire world from the beginning of life to his own time. This
Greek, Diodorus Siculus, called his work the Bibliotheke, as it encompassed
2

2 Diodorus Siculus

an entire historical library in a single work.1 Today it is one of the longest

and most important histories to survive from the classical world. But, like
the builder of Tolkien’s tower, Diodorus built his history out of earlier
works. Scholars have been far more interested in tearing down the tower
of the Bibliotheke to reconstruct those works, while criticizing Diodorus as
an “odd fellow,” than in examining what Diodorus and the Bibliotheke have
to tell us. This study takes the opposite approach and climbs the tower to
look out on the sea.
There is a remarkable vista to be seen. Diodorus is a valuable witness
to one of the most turbulent periods of antiquity, the transition from the
Roman Republic to the Empire. Diodorus was working on the Bibliotheke
in Alexandria during the 50s and witnessed the chaos surrounding the col-
lapse of the Ptolemies and the Roman interventions. He was in Rome dur-
ing the mid-​40s when Caesar achieved supreme power and then lost his
life. And he knew the depredations that Octavian inflicted on his home-
land of Sicily during the 30s. As a Greek provincial, he provides a very
different perspective on his times than Roman insiders such as Cicero or
Sallust. Moreover, Diodorus is a unique witness. Whereas nearly all other
attested Greek intellectuals from the period are associated with prominent
Romans or Roman families, Diodorus has no known connections. He is
a true outsider.
The Bibliotheke itself covers none of these events beyond a handful of
brief references and allusions, which is itself highly suggestive. But the
turbulence of the times pervades the entire work and has fundamentally
shaped Diodorus’s worldview. This is especially true in the opening books
of the Bibliotheke, which may ostensibly deal with the earliest “barbar-
ian” civilizations but, as the present study shows, are very much oriented
toward the world of Rome and the intellectual debates of Diodorus’s own
times. Indeed, from the perspective of understanding Diodorus and his
world, the first three books are perhaps the most important in the entire
Bibliotheke as they establish the tone of the entire work. Regardless of what
sources Diodorus used, it was his decision and his alone to devote the
first three books of the Bibliotheke to the Egyptians, Assyrians, Indians,
Libyans, and others. Diodorus uses these ancient barbarians to define the
physical, political, and cultural boundaries of the late Roman Republic

1. On the title of Bibliotheke and its cosmopolitan overtones, see Too (2010) 143–​169, and on
the larger trend toward encyclopaedism in the late Republic König and Woolf (2013) 50–​52.
╇ 3

Diodorus, Quellenforschung, and Beyond 3

and to contribute to some of the major intellectual and political debates

of his day, such as how civilization emerged, the relationship of myth and
history, the nature of ruler cult, the best forms of government, and why
empires endure. But for an outsider it was still dangerous to engage in
such incendiary topics, even indirectly, and there is the very real possibility
that Diodorus may have been prevented from publishing or even finishing
the Bibliotheke.

A Greek Intellectual in the Late Roman Republic

Diodorus lived during one of the best-╉documented periods of antiquity
and wrote one of the longest extant works. Yet no contemporary refer-
ence to him or his work survives. Only two ancient sources, both centuries
later, provide any biographical information. Jerome, in his edition of the
Chronicle of Eusebius, says under the year 49 BCE that “Diodorus Siculus,
a writer of Greek history, becomes famous” (Diodorus Siculus Graecae
scriptor historiae clarus habetur). The Suda states in its entry for Diodorus
that “he lived during the time of Augustus and earlier” (γέγονε δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν
χρόνων Αὐγούστου Καίσαρος καὶ ἐπανῶ). Given that ancient writers often
determined a writer’s floruit based on a mechanical calculation of when he
would have been about forty, both these dates must be taken with a large
grain of salt.2
Diodorus himself gives us some biographical information in the
Bibliotheke, his only known work. He names his hometown as Agyrium,
modern Agíra, in Sicily (1.4.4). The earliest date in his own life that he men-
tions is the 180th Olympiad, 60–╉56 BCE (1.44.1), when he was in Egypt.
Moreover, before Ptolemy XII Auletes was declared a friend of Rome
(1.83.8), an event that took place in 59, Diodorus witnessed an Egyptian
mob kill a Roman emissary over the death of a cat. Thus Diodorus would
have been in Egypt by around the year 60, at an age, it seems reasonable
to conjecture, of about thirty, which would give him a birthdate around the
year 90. Elsewhere in Book 1 Diodorus declares that the Macedonians had
been ruling Egypt for 276 years, which, taking his dating of Alexander’s
entry into Egypt in 331 (1.49.1) as the starting point, gives a date of about 55,
at which point Diodorus must have still been working on Book 1, and may
still have been in Egypt. Diodorus indirectly reveals that he was in Rome

2. Sacks (1990) 164, Green (2006) 2 n. 4.

4

4 Diodorus Siculus

by 45, since he saw the Rostra while it was still outside the Senate house
(12.26.1), and Caesar removed it in that year.3
Diodorus says that he lived at Rome for some time because of the excel-
lent resources of the city for research, and he may have spent the remain-
der of his life there, although this is not certain.4 The latest reference to a
contemporary event in the extant portion of the Bibliotheke is to Octavian’s
expulsion of the inhabitants of Tauromenium in Sicily (16.7.1), which
apparently happened in 36 or soon thereafter (cf. Appian, B Civ. 5.109).
In Book 1 Diodorus also remarks that the Ptolemies were the most recent
dynasty to rule Egypt, which gives a terminal date of 31/​30 when Octavian
annexed Egypt after the battle of Actium (1.44.4). Diodorus himself tells
us in the proëm that he spent thirty years doing research and traveling to
perform autopsy (1.4.1). If we assume that Diodorus spent several years
working before coming to Alexandria, that would put the terminal date in
the middle to late 30s, which tallies with the other references in the work
discussed above.5 Diodorus also tells us in the proëm that “my undertak-
ing is completed, but the books are so far unpublished” (ἡ μὲν ὑπόθεσις
ἔχει τέλος, αἱ βίβλοι δὲ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν ἀνέκδοτοι τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι, 1.4.6), a
curious statement that suggests Diodorus was still in the process of revis-
ing his work; his failure to remove it from the proëm suggests that he may
not have finished and the work as a whole was published after his death.6
We will analyze these problems further in Chapter 7.
Despite the lack of information about Diodorus specifically, we are
much better informed about other Greek intellectuals during the late
Republican period, which helps shed some light on the historian. We
know that Diodorus spent time in Egypt, and it would not at all be surpris-
ing if he availed himself of the resources in Alexandria, such as the library
and museum.7 But in the proëm of the Bibliotheke it is Rome, and Rome
alone, that Diodorus praises: “For the preeminence of this city, which
stretches its power to the ends of the inhabited world, offered the most
accessible and abundant resources for us during the long time we spent

3. Casevitz (1972) xi n. 1, Rubincam (1987) 326–​327.

4. Green (2006) 5.
5. On Diodorus’s possible working methods, see Rubincam (1987) 313–​328, and my Chapter 7.
6. First suggested by Green (2006) 30.
7. On the continuing intellectual activity at Alexandria during this period, see Hatzimichali
(2011) 25–​30 and Hatzimichali (2013a) 167–​182.
5

Diodorus, Quellenforschung, and Beyond 5

there” (ἡ γὰρ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως ὑπεροχή, διατείνουσα τῇ δυνάμει πρὸς τὰ

πέρατα τῆς οἰκουμένης, ἑτοιμοτάτας καὶ πλείστας ἡμῖν ἀφορμὰς παρέσχετο
παρεπιδημήσασιν ἐν αὐτῇ πλείω χρόνον, 1.4.3).
This is not surprising. During the first century BCE there was a great
shift of Greek intellectual activity toward Rome. Diodorus himself speaks
of people flocking to Rome “just like rivers into the always receptive
sea” (ὡσπερεὶ ποταμοί τινες εἰς τὴν πάντα δυναμένην δέχεσθαι θάλατταν,
34/​35.6), and although Diodorus is not attested in any contemporary
sources, many others are.8 Like Diodorus, they were drawn to Rome for
its resources, such as libraries and archives.9 Diodorus even boasts of his
“great experience” (πολλὴν ἐμπειρίαν, 1.4.4) in Latin.10 But more important
was the availability of wealthy patrons. As the Hellenistic kingdoms fell,
Roman aristocrats increasingly began to support Greek intellectuals and
their activities. These aristocrats, in their patronage, may well have seen
themselves as taking the place of Hellenistic kings.11 Rome, with hundreds
of senators and an even larger body of equites, provided many possibilities
for patronage, along with a well-​educated and appreciative audience for a
Greek intellectual. For the Roman, association with a Greek intellectual
gave an air of refinement and culture, as well as a certain cachet.12 This
was a mutual relationship, then, and there seems to have been some flexi-
bility for the Greek intellectual in the sort of association he established; the
historian and philosopher Posidonius, for example, judiciously declined to
write an account of Cicero’s consulship for Cicero himself (Att. 2.1.1–​2 =
SB 21).13 Indeed, in the documented examples from the first century it was
always the Roman who sought out the intellectual, and not the other way
around, indicating that a Greek had to have already produced something
of note to attract a patron.14

8. Hidber (2011) 122–​123 provides a useful list of the major Greek scholars associated with
Rome during the late Republic and early Augustan period.
9. Presumably it is to libraries that Diodorus alludes in 1.4.3; see further Chapter 7.
10. Hidber (2011) 117–​118.
11. Rawson (1985) 105.
12. Crawford (1978) 193–​208 argues that for the Romans, association with Greek intellectuals
was valuable primarily for the snob factor, although he perhaps exaggerates the importance
of this. See also Gold (1985) 319 n. 25.
13. Yarrow (2006) 28–​29.
14. Ibid. 25–​30.
6

6 Diodorus Siculus

This can be seen in the case of one of the best-​documented Greek

intellectuals at Rome, the poet Archias, whose Roman citizenship was
defended by Cicero himself in 62. Archias arrived in Rome around 102
from Antioch, after gaining plaudits for his poems throughout Greece,
Sicily, and southern Italy. Cicero portrays Archias as gaining access to a
powerful patron, and a powerful, but appreciative, audience of prominent
aristocrats. Archias wrote poetry on contemporary subjects, including the
Cimbric Wars and the Mithridatic Wars, and thus gained access to the
very figures who had taken part in the affairs he was versifying.15 These
relationships with the most powerful leaders and dynasts had great poten-
tial for the intellectual, especially one whose ambitions went beyond just
involvement with the ruling class to actually gaining some measure of
influence and power.16
Liv Yarrow identifies two paths by which a provincial intellectual
such as Diodorus could gain such power or influence. The first is to be
appointed by the Romans into some position of authority over others. The
second is for the intellectual to become an advisor, teacher, or confidant
of an important and powerful Roman.17 The latter is especially associated
with philosophers, and Plutarch even wrote a short essay entitled “That
a Philosopher Ought to Converse Especially with Men in Power” (Περὶ
τοῦ ὅτι μάλιστα τοῖς ἡγεμόσι δεῖ τὸν φιλόσοφον διαλέγεσθαι = Moralia
776a).18 Not only philosophers, but also other types of intellectuals are
readily found as advisors to the most prominent dynasts. Pompey the
Great’s close circle included Lucius Lucceius, Lucius Scribonius Libo, and
Theophanes of Mytilene (FGrH 188), all of whom were historians.19 The
danger for intellectuals was that becoming too closely aligned to a family
or individual who wound up on the wrong side, as happened frequently
during the turbulent last decades of the Roman Republic, could destroy
their influence and even cost them their lives.20

15. Gold (1987) 73–​86, Yarrow (2006) 26–​28.

16. Gold (1987) 39–​67 surveys the development of this over the Republican period.
17. Yarrow (2006) 46–​47.
18. This has to be the best title of any ancient work. Rawson (1989) provides an overview of
the motif, focusing primarily on philosophers in the imperial period, while Yarrow (2006)
44–​48 examines the range of intellectuals in the Republican period.
19. Rawson (1985) 105.
20. Yarrow (2006) 31–​32 describes some intellectuals who were caught on the wrong side.
7

Diodorus, Quellenforschung, and Beyond 7

Theophanes of Mytilene is especially notable. A writer of contemporary

history, he likely became acquainted with Pompey during the Mithridatic
War (66–​63), and his closeness with Pompey may, as Yarrow suggests,
have given him special access to Mithridates’s archives for his work. It may
also be that it was Theophanes’s historical writing that first drew Pompey
to him. Cicero attested in the Pro Archia (24) of 62 that Theophanes earned
Roman citizenship from Pompey for his pro-​Roman writings, although
perhaps Theophanes’s political status in Mytilene also contributed to his
importance for the great general. Yet Theophanes sacrificed this stand-
ing in Mytilene for the chance to enter the world of Roman politics, even
though this meant being dependent on his relationship with Pompey for
his power. By the year 59 Theophanes was so ensconced in the Roman
political scene that Cicero expected an offer of a position on the embassy to
Alexandria to be delivered by him (Att. 2.5 = SB 25). Two other brief snip-
pets of information suggest that Theophanes advised Cicero via Atticus on
avoiding exile (Att. 8.12.5 = SB 162) and that he dissuaded Pompey from
taking part in the movement to restore Ptolemy XII Auletes in Alexandria.
Judging from the evidence of Cicero’s letters, it appears that Theophanes
was particularly active “behind the scenes” and offered a “back door” to
Pompey.21 In a letter from March 49 Cicero even counts Theophanes as
part of the group on which Rome’s survival rests (Att 9.11.4 = SB 178).
Despite this position, Theophanes was never fully accepted as a Roman,
and is referred to by Cicero derisively as “the Greek” (e.g., Att. 9.10.5 =
SB 177, Att. 5.11.3 = SB 104).22
Theophanes is clearly an exceptional case, but he does serve as an
example of how far a Greek provincial historian could advance in an advi-
sory position in the Roman world. Whether or not Diodorus envisaged
himself having such a prominent role is doubtful. But the Bibliotheke itself
makes clear that he believes strongly in the necessity of great rulers having
wise advisors and that history, with its wealth of examples good and bad,
constitutes the ultimate wise advisor. Diodorus explains that it is because
history commemorates great deeds that men are inspired to found cities,
pass laws, and discover new arts and sciences to benefit mankind (1.2.1).

21. Ibid. 63–​64.

22. For Theophanes in general, see Gold (1985), Gold (1987) 87–​107, Yarrow (2006) 54–​67,
Bowie (2011) 181–​183. On Theophanes as part of Pompey’s intellectual circle, note Anderson
(1963) 28–​56.
8

8 Diodorus Siculus

Diodorus further propounds that “it is good to be able to use the mistakes
of others as examples to set things right” (καλὸν γὰρ τὸ δύνασθαι τοῖς τῶν
ἄλλων ἀγνοήμασι πρὸς διόρθωσιν χρῆσθαι παραδείγμασι) and “to be able
to imitate the successes of the past” (ἔχειν … μίμησιν τῶν ἐπιτετευγμένων,
1.1.4). It is one of Diodorus’s core beliefs that “the acquisition of [historical
knowledge] is the most useful thing for all the chances of life” (πρὸς ἁπάσας
τὰς τοῦ βίου περστάσεις χρησιμωτάτην … εἶναι τὴν ταύτης ἀνάληψιν, 1.1.4).
Kenneth Sacks refers to this as the “moral utility” of history.”23 Diodorus
goes on in the proëm (4–​5) to explicitly compare the historian to Heracles,
because the beneficence of the wealth of examples and human experiences
he offers to his readers is comparable to the benefits of the hero’s labors.24
These are the statements of an intellectual who clearly has great expecta-
tions and high hopes for his history and his ability to influence his audi-
ence, and these themes will be seen repeatedly in the Bibliotheke.
Despite this, Diodorus alone among attested Greek historians of this
period is not associated with any particular teaching circle or Roman fam-
ily. We know of other Sicilians from this time, such as Caecilius of Calacte
and Sextus Clodius, who had access to and were involved with the elite,
but no contemporary source mentions Diodorus.25 In spite of Diodorus’s
praise of the city of Rome and its resources, the Bibliotheke gives no hint
of any connection with specific Romans. Our evidence, especially after
Cicero’s death, is not so detailed and comprehensive that the lack of refer-
ence to Diodorus must indicate that he did not partake in society in Rome.
But given that in all other documented cases Roman patrons approached
already established Greek intellectuals, Diodorus must have been trying
to attract that kind of attention and patronage with the Bibliotheke, yet for
some reason failed to do so, much as he also apparently failed to publish
the work. This perspective of an outsider attempting to join the conversa-
tion is unique to Diodorus among our sources from the period. And it

23. Sacks (1990) 24–​36 and Sacks (1981) 132–​137 analyze this concept in Greek historical
thought and Diodorus’s own take on it. On the purposes of Hellenistic historians in general,
see Walbank (1990b). See further Yarrow (2006) 80–​81 and Sheridan (2010) 44–​45 on his-
tory as a repository of examples. History as having a moral purpose through the examples it
provides probably goes back to Xenophon and Isocrates in the fourth century, although none
of the extant works prior to Diodorus emphasize it as strongly as he does. Strogetsky (1983)
102 notes that Diodorus’s praise of history and history as a repository of examples is very
similar to Cicero’s in Orat. 120 and Leg. 1.5.
24. Sulimani (2011) 22–​23.
25. Sacks (1990) 188–​189. The earliest mention of Diodorus is Pliny, N.H. pref. 25.
9

Diodorus, Quellenforschung, and Beyond 9

means that the first part of the Bibliotheke, which forms a unit, would have
been especially important for introducing Diodorus’s ideas to his audience
and establishing him as an intellectual force.26 This part of the Bibliotheke
must be understood in this late Republican context despite the superfi-
cial focus on the ancient barbarian civilizations such as the Egyptians,
Assyrians, Indians, and others. The following chapters will explore in
detail how Diodorus uses the barbarians to engage with the intellectual
and political issues of the late Republic, but for the moment two examples
will demonstrate how connected the opening books of the Bibliotheke are
to his own times.27
In Book 1 Diodorus describes the magnificent tomb of the Egyptian
king Osymandyas (Rameses II). At the peak of this tomb is a circular bor-
der whose circumference is 365 cubits, each cubit-​long section represent-
ing a day of the year and inscribed with astrological information (1.49.5).28
This establishes the Egyptian year as 365 days in length. In the following
chapter, Diodorus briefly describes the Egyptian calendar. Here he remarks
that the Egyptians use a solar calendar, with twelve months of thirty days
with 5¼ days added every year, giving a 365¼-day year (1.50.2). But as a
matter of fact, Diodorus is wrong about this. The Egyptian calendar was
indeed 365 days long, as shown by the calendar in Osymandyas’s tomb
(1.49.5), and it consisted of twelve months of thirty days each for a neat
360 days. Five epagomenal days were then added for a 365-​day year, which
became the standard Egyptian civil calendar. How the Egyptians arrived
at a year of 365 days is unclear, but it does not appear to be from precise
solar observations.29 Moreover, the Egyptian calendar was missing the extra

26. These books have been relatively neglected by modern scholars, with the exception of
Sulimani (2011), who remarks on this lack of attention (335–​336). To give one example of this
neglect, Hau (2009) 171–​197 basically ignores Books 1–​5 despite the presence of the moral-
izing features she is analyzing in those books.
27. On the Greek use of “barbarian” nations, especially Egypt, as vehicles for social and
political debates, or as sources of “privileged” information, see Vlassopoulos (2013) 202–​212,
although his citations are almost all Classical. For the use of Egypt in particular prior to the
Hellenistic period, see Froidefond (1971) 231–​353, Vasunia (2001) 183–​246, Hartog (2002)
211–​228, esp. 214–​225 on the changing role of Egypt as a source of ancient wisdom.
28. On this building, see Burton (1972) 152–​154 with references to earlier studies. She notes
that the astrological ceiling, at least as Diodorus describes it, is fictitious, since 365 cubits
around is far too large for the Ramesseum. On the other hand, Diodorus’s description of the
tomb reliefs, which depict the battle of Kadesh, is generally accurate. See Breasted (1904) for
a detailed modern description (with transcriptions) of the surviving reliefs.
29. The origins of the Egyptian civil calendar are beyond the scope of this chapter, but for
an overview see OEAE, s.v. “Calendar.” The classic study of the Egyptian calendar is Parker
10

10 Diodorus Siculus

quarter day of a solar year, and although the Egyptians seem to have been
well aware that their calendar was falling out of synchronization with the
seasons they made no effort to fix it.30 This was well known to the Greeks;
Herodotus tells us that the Egyptians were the first people to divide the year
into twelve months of thirty days apiece, with five days at the end (2.4),
which he praises as superior to the Greek system of adding an intercalary
month every other year. But he does not say that this is a solar calendar,
instead stating that the Egyptians claimed they developed it from the stars.
During the reign of Ptolemy III Euergetes (r. 246–​221) an effort was made
by the Macedonians to begin adding an extra quarter day to the year in order
to bring the Egyptian calendar into sync with the solar year, as recorded in
the famous Canopus decree of 238 (OGI 56). However, this measure failed
due to opposition from the Egyptian priests.31 It is doubtful that Hecataeus
of Abdera, Diodorus’s putative source for this section, would have made an
error such as this.
But around the time Diodorus was writing the Bibliotheke, a 365¼-day
calendar was very much in vogue. After his victories in the civil wars, Julius
Caesar reformed the chaotic Roman calendar by introducing a 365¼-​day
year in 47. The calendar went into use in 46 after an extra sixty-​seven days
were added to bring the Roman calendar back into sync with the seasons.32
Thus the 365¼-​day solar calendar that Diodorus erroneously attributes to
the Egyptians is identical in length to the calendar Caesar introduced. And
several ancient sources suggest that Caesar got his calendar from Egypt.
Appian, writing in the second century and himself from Alexandria, tells
us that Caesar “changed [the calendar] to a solar cycle, as the Egyptians
do” (ἐς τὸν τοῦ ἡλίου δρόμον μετέβαλεν, ὡς ἦγον Αἰγύπτιοι, B Civ. 2.154),
while Cassius Dio, writing in the early third century, says that Caesar “got
this system from his stay in Alexandria” (τοῦτο δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ
διατριβῆς ἔλαβε, 43.26.2). Most of the other sources that speak of Caesar’s
calendar are silent on its origin.33 But Pliny the Elder attributes it to an

(1950), esp. 51–​56 on the civil calendar. More recent studies, which continue to debate on the
problems of the origins of the year and of the relationship between civil and lunar calendars,
include Krauss (1985) 183–​192, Wells (1995) 1–​37, Bomhard (1999) 8–​10.
30. On the Egyptian awareness of the length of the solar year, from the rising of Sothis
(Sirius), see Krauss (1985) 201. Bomhard (1999) 8–​9 quotes several Egyptian sources on the
inadequacy of their calendar.
31. Bickerman (1968) 41.
32. Ibid. 43–​46, Samuel (1972) 158–​164, Hannah (2005) 98–​112, Feeney (2007) 193–​196.
33. I.e., Suet. Iul. 40, Plut. Caes. 59, Censorinus DN 20.8–​11, Macrob. Sat. 1.14.6–​12.
11

Diodorus, Quellenforschung, and Beyond 11

otherwise unknown Sosigenes (18.211–​212).34 A 365¼-​day solar year must

have been fairly well known by the mid-​first century, so too much empha-
sis should not be placed on the specific place or person from whom Caesar
got the form of the calendar. But Egypt was widely seen as a land of ancient
knowledge, and attributing the calendar to it may have provided a useful
intellectual justification in the face of Roman opposition.35
Thus, Diodorus is “mistakenly” attributing a calendar of 365¼ days to
Egypt around the same time Caesar is introducing his 365¼-​day calendar
in Rome and possibly ascribing an Egyptian origin to it. It is very unlikely
that this is a coincidence. I suspect that Diodorus would not have gone to
such lengths falsely describing Egypt’s calendar if he had not wished to
provide at least some intellectual support for Caesar, whom he admired
greatly, as we shall see.
A second example of Diodorus using the medium of barbarians to
engage with contemporary issues is his promotion of clemency, ἐπιείκεια.
At the time when Diodorus was writing, clemency was associated above
all with Julius Caesar, and it is significant that when he highlights this
trait in the first three books it is often in conjunction with topics of par-
ticular relevance for the late Republic. Clemency is particularly associated
with two barbarian rulers, Sesoösis the Egyptian and Arbaces the Mede.36
For example, before Sesoösis could undertake a large military expedi-
tion he “was binding everyone to himself by his affability and clement
practices” (πάντας δὲ ταῖς ὁμιλίαις καὶ τῇ τῶν τρόπων ἐπιεικείᾳ προσήγετο,
1.54.2) and accordingly “released unharmed all convicted of crimes against
the king and those imprisoned for silver from their debt” (τῶν τε γὰρ
βασιλικῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἅπαντας ἀθῴους ἀφῆκε καὶ τοὺς πρὸς ἀργύριον
συγκεκλειμένους ἀπέλυσε τοῦ χρέους, 1.54.2). Debt relief was a recurrent
issue in the late Republican period; it was a driving factor behind the
Catilinarian conspiracy of 63, for example. Cicero expresses the fear that
this will be part of Caesar’s program (Att. 10.8.2 = SB 199), and following
the expulsion of Pompey from Rome in 49 there were widespread calls
for debt relief, which several of Caesar’s underlings actually attempted to
effect despite Caesar’s opposition.

34. Hannah (2005) 113–​114 suggests he was an Alexandrian Greek.

35. Holleman (1978) 496–​498, Samuel (1972) 155 n. 2. On Egypt as a source of wisdom, see
n. 27 above and pp. 227–​228.
36. Sulimani (2011) 82–​108 catalogues Diodorus’s employment of ἐπιείκεια and related terms
throughout the Bibliotheke.
12

12 Diodorus Siculus

Diodorus is especially interested in clemency toward conquered peo-

ples, which is not surprising given his own status as a Roman provincial.
He notes that Sesoösis dealt clemently (ἐπιεικῶς, 1.55.10) with his foreign
subjects, and exacted tribute only according to their ability (κατὰ δύναμιν). The
other instance of Sesoösis’s clemency that Diodorus highlights involves a
rebellion by Babylonian slave laborers, who wreaked havoc in Egypt until
they were granted amnesty (ἄδεια, 1.56.3) and established a colony on the
spot of their rebellion. This is such an important point for Diodorus that
he breaks the narrative flow to give another example of this kind of clem-
ency. Menelaus, stopping in Egypt on his return from the Trojan War, had
a number of Trojan captives rebel against him until he granted them safety
and freedom (συγχωρηθείσης αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀσφαλείας, 1.56.4). As a Sicilian,
Diodorus would have been quite familiar with slave rebellions against the
Romans, and expresses an opposition to slavery in general (2.39.5), so it
is unsurprising that he should single this out and suggest that rulers take
such a mild approach.37
Diodorus highlights clemency even more sharply in his account of the
first king of the Medes, Arbaces, who leads the rebellion that overthrows the
Assyrian Sardanapallus. Following this Arbaces immediately distributes
gifts to his companions. Belesys, the Babylonian seer who served as a wise
advisor, asks for the remains of Sardanapallus, knowing that they contain
valuable gold and silver. The request is granted, but the seer is caught in
this deception. Arbaces then shows his concern for justice, and “appoints
as judges the generals who campaigned with him” (δικαστὰς ἀπέδειξε τοὺς
συναγωνισαμένους στρατηγούς, 2.28.4). This court sentenced Belesys to
death for his deception and theft, “but the king, being magnanimous and
desiring to mark the beginning of his reign with clemency, both released
Belesys from the punishments and permitted him to have the gold and sil-
ver he had absconded with” (ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, μεγαλόψυχος ὢν καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν
τῆς ἡγεμονίας βουλόμενος ἐπιεικῆ παρέχεσθαι, τῶν τε κινδύνων ἀπέλυσε τὸν
Βέλεσυν καὶ τὸν ἀποκεκομισμένον ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσὸν ἔχειν συνεχώρησεν,
2.28.5). Arbaces did not even take away his rule of the Babylonians, on the
grounds that his former service outweighed his later crimes.

37. On the fragments of Diodorus describing the slave rebellions, see Yarrow (2006) 221–​225
and 336–​339. The surviving excerpts deal mainly with the personalities of the slave leaders,
not on the conduct or resolution of the rebellions.
13

Diodorus, Quellenforschung, and Beyond 13

This show of clemency proves to be a wise decision on the part of

Arbaces, since “when his clemency had become widely known he gained
uncommon goodwill together with high repute from the nations, everyone
judging the man who conducted himself in such a way toward criminals
to be worthy of kingship” (διαβοηθείσης δὲ τῆς ἐπιεικείας οὐ τὴν τυχοῦσαν
εὔνοιαν ἅμα καὶ δόξαν παρὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἀπηνέγκατο, πάντων κρινόντων
ἄξιον εἶναι τῆς βασιλείας τὸν οὕτω προσενεχθέντα τοῖς ἀδικήσασιν, 2.28.6).
Arbaces further showed clemency toward the inhabitants of Nineveh,
resettling them and returning all their possessions, even though he had
the city itself leveled. More than any other characteristic, it is clemency for
which Diodorus praises Arbaces.
Iris Sulimani analyzed earlier Greek historical writing and found
that no author emphasizes clemency to the extent that Diodorus does.38
Sacks argued that clemency is the most important aspect of an empire’s
approach to its subjects for Diodorus.39 The prominence of clemency
with certain rulers of the opening books of the Bibliotheke doubtlessly
reflects Diodorus’s own time, when Caesar famously made it a hallmark
of his leadership. Reading the account of Arbaces, one finds it difficult
not to think of Caesar at the start of the civil wars, when he captured
his bitter enemy Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, only to let him go, even
letting him keep ill-​gotten funds, much as Arbaces does with Belesys
(Caes. B Civ. 1.23). And as Arbaces’s clemency greatly enhanced his repu-
tation, so too did Caesar’s greatly enhance his standing in Italy (Cic. Att.
8.16.2 = SB 166).40
These examples show how Diodorus can use the medium of the
ancient barbarians to indirectly engage with two of the major issues of
his own time. Even if he was using sources written with wholly different
periods in mind, his own selection, summarization, and adaptation reflect
his context. We shall see in the coming chapters that Julius Caesar’s pres-
ence in the first three books of the Bibliotheke is not limited to these two
examples.

38. Sulimani (2011) 82–​108.

39. Sacks (1990) 42–​46. See also my Chapter 6.
40. On Caesar’s clemency see Konstan (2005). Sulimani (2011) 89–​90 finds it surprising
that Diodorus refers specifically to Caesar’s clemency only once (at 32.27.3, in his eulogy
of the dictator) but given that there are only a handful of direct references to Caesar this is
perhaps not so odd.
14

14 Diodorus Siculus

Diodorus and Quellenforschung

The Bibliotheke provides a unique perspective on a critical period in
ancient history, but it is also the longest extant Greek historical work
from any period of antiquity and one of the most important sources avail-
able for scholars. Of the original forty books, fifteen survive. Books 1–​5
cover the ancient barbarians and part of the Greek mythical period, while
Books 11–​20 provide a continuous narrative of Mediterranean history from
480 down to 302. The extensive fragments of 21–​40, mostly drawn from
Byzantine excerptors, provide an important part of the evidence for the
often meagerly documented Hellenistic period and Roman Republic.41 It
has been estimated that Diodorus is actually the most frequently cited of
all ancient Greek historians.42
But like the builder of Tolkien’s tower, the stones Diodorus used to
construct the Bibliotheke came from earlier times. In composing his his-
tory, Diodorus drew on a veritable who’s who of Greek historians whose
works were widely read in antiquity but did not survive the long centu-
ries of transmission, including Ephorus of Cyme, Posidonius of Apamea,
Megasthenes, Ctesias of Cnidus, Hecataeus of Abdera, and Hieronymus
of Cardia. Modern scholars have been far more interested in tearing down
Diodorus’s tower in order to rebuild these lost historians. And like the
“odd fellow” of Tolkien’s tower, Diodorus has not been well regarded by
modern scholarship. Indeed, it is hard to find another author from antiq-
uity who has been the subject of as much vitriol as Diodorus. The great
historian B. G. Niebuhr, in his histories of Rome, variously declared that
Diodorus was “naïve … unlearned … totally spiritless … without judg-
ment … incompetent even as an epitomizer.”43 Eduard Schwartz, in his
classic Pauly-​Wissowa article on Diodorus, said that “Diodorus’s work
could hardly be called a book.”44 William Tarn remarked that Diodorus
“was not a competent historian, but that he naturally did not recognize; he
is rather stupid, but honestly in earnest; he writes what he thinks is his-
tory.”45 And as recently as 1998, P. Stylianou declared that Diodorus was

41. See Chamoux, Bertrac, and Vernière (1993) cxxiii–​cxlix for a catalogue of these excerptors.
42. Sacks (1990) 206.
43. Niebuhr (1851) 8, 206, 223.
44. Schwartz, RE V s.v. Diodoros [38], 663.
45. Tarn (1948) vol. 2, 63.
Another random document with
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side, crowding through a doorway or gateway, and direct blows of
other kinds are charged with its pathogenesis. The friability which
attends on leucocythæmia has been noted as a predisposing cause.
Calves by reason of their small size and the relative bulk of the spleen
are especially liable to rupture by kicks from animals or men.
Much more commonly than in solipeds, rupture of the spleen
occurs as a complication of specific microbian diseases like anthrax
and Southern cattle fever.
Symptoms. The mature animal assumes the recumbent position,
refusing to rise, and dies in a few hours. In calves, life may be
prolonged for a few hours longer, and there have been noticed,
anorexia, watering of the eyes, accelerated pulse and respiration,
arrest of intestinal peristalsis, cold ears, rigid limbs, and moderately
full belly (Notz). There should also be tenderness on manipulation or
percussion of the left hypochondrium, and until coagulation occurs,
fluctuation in the lower part of the abdomen, with pallid mucous
membranes and other signs of profuse internal hæmorrhage.
Treatment is useless in the majority of cases. In the slighter forms
it would be the same as in the horse.
 TUMORS OF THE SPLEEN.

Secondary. Delay of blood favors. Sarcoma: horse, cattle, dog. Carcinoma:

horse, dog. Melanoma: common and large in gray and white horses, rupture,
external melanosis. Angioma: horse, ox. Lymphadenoma: horse, ox, external
adenoma.

The different tumors of the spleen are usually secondary. The

intimate structure of the organ, the peculiarity of the circulation
through the pulp cavities, and the delay of the blood in the pulp
spaces, predispose it in a very especial manner to the growth of
neoplasms, the germs or bioplasts of which are carried in the blood.
Sarcoma. In the horse sarcomata have been found in the spleen
secondary to similar tumors in the other parts of the abdominal and
thoracic cavities. They may attain to any size, from a pea to the
closed fist and, in exceptional cases, of a mass which practically fills
and distends the abdominal cavity.
In the cow an encephaloid sarcoma in the spleen, weighed nine
pounds and was associated with similar formations in the lymph
glands generally of the abdomen and chest.
In the dog also sarcomata are common in the spleen.
Carcinoma. These are found in the horse in connection with
similar primary tumors, as in the case of the sarcomata. They are at
times extremely vascular and soft, and at other times they are hard
and fibrous (scirrhus).
In the dog secondary cancer of the spleen is comparatively
common.
Melanoma. Black pigment tumors are especially common in gray
and white horses. Their common seat is on the black, hairless
portions of the skin (anus, vulva, perineum, tail, sheath, mamma,
eyelids, lips, etc.), and secondarily in the lymph glands and spleen. In
the latter they may grow to an extreme size, Wehenkel having
mentioned one specimen of 60 pounds. Its surface is marked by
uneven, rounded black swellings, the entire organ, indeed, seeming
to be a conglomerate of these masses. The intimate structure is that
of a sarcoma, so abundantly charged with black pigment granules
that these appear to make up the greater part of the mass.
Rupture of these neoplasms with the escape into the abdomen of
blood highly charged with the melanic matter is not uncommon.
The symptoms of the splenic deposits are not usually recognizable,
but indications of chronic abdominal disease in connection with
external melanotic formations may well lead to a reasonable
suspicion.
Angioma. In a horse’s spleen weighing 30 lbs., there were
numerous soft nodules of a deep cherry color. These were cavernous
masses with connective tissue walls and the meshes filled with blood.
Similar vascular cavernous tumors have been found in the cow.
Lymphadenoma has been found in the spleen of horses and cattle
in connection with the same disease of the lymph glands.
Like the other splenic tumors this is obscure and usually only
found after death. The existence of adenoid swellings elsewhere
conjoined with excess of white globules and indications of abdominal
pain would be suggestive of splenic disease.
 AMYLOID DEGENERATION OF THE
SPLEEN.
Amyloid: horse: with exhausting diseases. Waxy secretion staining mahogany
brown with iodine. Gangrene: Swine. Tubercle and glander nodules.
This has been occasionally detected in the spleen of the horse. It is
usually connected with longstanding suppuration especially of bones,
with advanced tuberculosis or other exhausting disease. The organ is
usually greatly enlarged and the affected parts are firm, resistant and
swollen. On section it has not the soft friable or pulpy appearance of
the spleen, but an uniform waxy looking consistency, grayish or
sometimes stained with blood. On the application of a solution of
iodine and iodide of potassium the healthy splenic tissue is colored
yellow, while the amyloid portion becomes of a deep mahogany
brown.
 GANGRENE OF THE SPLEEN IN SWINE.

Hertzen records the case of a pig in which the spleen had become
gangrenous and lay free in a surrounding fibrous capsule.
TUBERCLES AND GLANDERS NODULES OF
THE SPLEEN.
Tubercles in the spleen are common in cattle, swine, guinea-pigs,
rabbits and cats, in the last largely as the result of ingestion of
tuberculous meat. In the larger mammals individual tubercles are
usually of the size of a walnut and upward, while in the smaller they
show as miliary deposits. The products are often caseated or
calcified.
Glander nodules are found in the spleen of the horse and other
solipeds and as the result of inoculation in that of rabbits and
guinea-pigs. In solipeds they may be of considerable size whereas in
the inoculated rodents they are usually small and numerous—like
millet seed or pins’ heads.
 PARASITES OF THE SPLEEN.
Parasites are less common in the spleen than might be expected
yet the encysted parasites of the liver and pancreas, are also to be
found in the spleen. Thus echinococcus is found in the spleen of
cattle, and headless hydatids in that of the horse; cysticercus
tenuicollis in the spleen of sheep; cysticercus cellulosa in that of
pigs; distomata, and pentastoma denticulata in the spleen of cattle;
coccidia in the spleen of rabbits; and actinomyces in that of horses
and cattle.
In addition to these the spleen is a general rendezvous for the
different pathogenic organisms that can survive in the blood stream,
such as the bacilli of tubercle, glanders, septicæmia, anthrax, black
quarter, swine plague and hog cholera, and for the cocci of
suppuration, strangles, contagious pneumonia, etc. (See Parasites
and Contagious Diseases).
 INDEX.

Abomasum, catarrhal inflammation of, 166.

Abomasum, indigestion in, in sucklings, 136.
Abomasum, indigestion of, 134.
Abortion from ergotism, 298.
Abscess in gullet, 93.
Abscess in pancreas, 547.
Abscess of bowel, 336.
Abscess of spleen, 557.
Abscess, supra-pharyngeal, 58.
Acetic acid and gastro-enteritis, 266.
Aconite poisoning, 286.
Acorn poisoning, 286.
Actinomycosis of lips, 7.
Actinomycosis of liver, 536.
Actinomycosis of omasum, 133.
Actinomycosis of pharynx, 85.
Actinomycosis of rumen, 123.
Adenoma of liver, 531, 532.
Adenosarcoma of stomach, 191.
Albumin reduced in liver, 410.
Alkaline caustics, causing gastro-enteritis, 264.
Aloes poisoning, 286.
Ammonia carbonate in gastro-enteritis, 265.
Ammonia in gastro-enteritis, 264.
Amphistoma conicum, 122.
Amyloid degeneration of liver, 511.
Amyloid of the spleen, 563.
Anæmia of spleen, 546.
Anemone, poisoning by, 286.
Angioma of liver, 531.
Angioma of the spleen, 563.
Aqua ammonia, 264.
Army worm, poisoning by, 288.
Arsenical poisoning, 269.
Arsenic, tests for, 271.
Artichokes, poisoning by, 286.
Arytenectomy, results of, 92.
Ascites in carnivora, 403.
Ascites in ruminants, 402.
Ascites in solipeds, 400.
Asthenia from cryptogams, 290, 297.
Astragalus, poisoning by, 287.
Atrophy of the liver, 507.
Azedarach, poisoning by, 286.
Azotæmia, 437.
Azoturia, 437.

Bacillus coli communis, 255.

Bacillus diphtheriæ columbarum, 67.
Bacillus gallinorum, 254.
Bacillus of duck cholera, 255.
Bacteria in gall stones, 518.
Bacteria, poisoning by, 289, 292, 293.
Barbs, 13.
Barium poisoning, 279.
Bezoars, 323.
Bichromate of potash poisoning, 280.
Bile acids, 413.
Bile acids, test for, 413.
Bile, functions of, 411.
Bile pigments, 412.
Bile pigments, test for, 413.
Bile secretion, inhibitors, 414.
Bile, secretion of, 411.
Bile secretion, stimuli of, 414.
Biliary calculi, 516.
Bilirubin, 412.
Biliverdin, 412.
Birds, constipation in, 319.
Birds, intestinal indigestion in, 209.
Black pigmentation of the liver, 513.
Bloating, 96.
Bloating in solipeds, 150.
Botulism, 301.
Bowels, obstruction of in birds, 209.
Box leaves poisoning, 284.
Brine poisoning, 268.
Bristle balls in stomach, 187.
Bristle balls, Pig, 322.
Bromine poisoning, 276.
Bromism, 276.
Brine poisoning, 302.
Bryony, poisoning by, 286.
Buccal inflammation, 8.
Buckwheat, poisoning by, 286.
Buxus sempervirens poisoning, 284.

Calcareous nodules in liver, 534.

Calculi, biliary, 516.
Calculi, colloids as causes, 325.
Calculi, coralline, 325.
Calculi, diagnosis of, 327.
Calculi, fermentation as cause, 325.
Calves, infective gastro-enteritis in, 138.
Calculi, intestinal, 323.
Calculi, intestinal, sources, 324.
Calculi in tonsils, 48.
Calculi, pancreatic, 543.
Calculi, pseudo, 324.
Calculi, rate of growth of, 326.
Calculus, salivary, 40.
Calculi, treatment of, 327.
Cancroid of lips, 6.
Cantharides, poisoning by, 288.
Carbolic acid poisoning, 281.
Carcinoma in pancreas, 544.
Carcinoma of intestine, 375, 378.
Carcinoma of liver, 529, 532.
Carcinoma of spleen, 562.
Carnivora, cryptogamic poisoning in, 301.
Castor oil seeds poisoning, 282.
Catarrhal enteritis, chronic, in cattle, 239.
Catarrhal enteritis, chronic, in solipeds, 234.
Catarrhal enteritis in birds, 254.
Catarrhal enteritis in cattle, 235.
Catarrhal enteritis in dogs, 250.
Catarrhal enteritis in sheep and goat, 246.
Catarrhal enteritis in solipeds, 228.
Catarrhal enteritis in swine, 247.
Caustic acids and gastro-enteritis, 266.
Caustic alkalies in gastro-enteritis, 264.
Cheeks, inflammation of, 19.
Cheilitis, 5.
Chickweed poisoning, 286.
Chloride of barium poisoning, 279.
Chloride of zinc poisoning, 277.
Cholera of birds, 254.
Choking, injuries in, 86.
Cholelithiasis, 516.
Chromium poisoning, 280.
Cicuta maculata poisoning, 285.
Cicuta virosa poisoning, 286.
Cirrhosis of the liver, 502.
Cirrhosis of the liver in solipeds, 503.
Cirrhosis of the liver in cattle, 505.
Cleft palate, 49.
Clematis poisoning, 286.
Cloth in stomach, 188.
Clover-hair balls in stomach, 187.
Coccidian enteritis in birds, 263.
Coccidian enteritis in cattle, 258.
Coccidian enteritis in dogs, 261.
Coccidian enteritis in rabbits, 262.
Coccidiosis, intestinal, 258, 261, 262, 263.
Coccidiosis of gullet, 93.
Coccidium bigeminum var. canis, 261.
Coccidium oviforme, 259, 262.
Coccidium perforans, 259, 261, 262.
Cockroach, poisoning by, 288.
Colchicum poisoning, 284.
Colic, 308.
Colic, crapulous, 309.
Colic cystic, 309.
Colic from bacterial invasion, 309.
Colic from calculi, 309.
Colic from hernia, 309.
Colic from impaction, 309.
Colic from indigestion, 309.
Colic from inflammation, 309.
Colic from irritants, 309.
Colic from peritonitis, 309.
Colic from protozoa, 309.
Colic from strangulations, 309.
Colic, hepatic, 309.
Colic in solipeds from verminous embolism, 210.
Colic, lead, 309.
Colic, nephritic, 309.
Colic, pancreatic, 309.
Colic, tympanitic, 309.
Colic, uterine, 309.
Colic, verminous, 309.
Colloids in gall stones, 518.
Colon bacillus, 255.
Colon, impaction of, 197.
Colon, impaction of, in ruminants, 203.
Colon, impaction of, in swine, 204.
Common salt, poisoning by, 267.
Concretions in intestines, 324.
Congestion of the liver, 483.
Congestion of spleen, 547.
Conium poisoning, 286.
Constipation from atony, 314.
Constipation in birds, 319.
Constipation in dog, 205.
Copperas poisoning, 279.
Copper poisoning, 276.
Corrosive sublimate poisoning, 274.
Cotton balls in stomach, 187.
Creosote poisoning, 282.
Crop, impaction of, 94.
Croton seeds poisoning, 283.
Croupous enteritis in birds, 226.
Croupous enteritis in cattle, 223.
Croupous enteritis in dogs, 225.
Croupous enteritis in sheep, 224.
Croupous enteritis in solipeds, 221.
Croupous pharyngitis, 60.
Crowfoot poisoning, 284.
Cryptogamic poisoning in carnivora, 301.
Cryptogamic poisoning in ruminants, 295.
Cryptogamic poisoning in solipeds, 290.
Cryptogamic poisoning in swine, 300.
Cryptogams, poisoning by, 292.
Cystoma of intestine, 376, 378.

Daffodil poisoning, 284.

Darnel poisoning, 286.
Delirium from cryptogams, 293, 297.
Depraved appetite, 76.
Diabetes mellitus, 416.
Diarrhœa, 303.
Diaphragmatic hernia, 359.
Diaphragmatocele, 359.
Digestive disorders in fever, 3.
Digestive organs, area and capacity, 1.
Digestive organs, food in relation to diseases of, 2.
Digestive organs, general considerations, 1.
Digestive organs, importance of diseases of, 1.
Digestive organs of carnivora, herbivora and omnivora, 1.
Digestive organs, rumination in relation to diseases of, 2.
Digestive organs, structural diseases of, 5.
Digitalis poisoning, 286.
Dilation of intestine, 340.
Dilatation of stomach, 180.
Diphtheria in calves, 24.
Diphtheria in chickens and pigeons, 67.
Diphtheritic enteritis in chickens, 227.
Dog, chronic gastritis in, 173.
Dog, gastric indigestion in, 158.
Dog, torsion of stomach in, 184.
Dry murrain, 124.
Dysentery, Amœbic, 242.
Dysentery, catarrhal, 242.
Dysentery, diphtheritic, 242.
Dysentery in cats and dogs, 242.
Dysentery in cattle, 240.
Egagropiles, 116, 320.
Emaciation, 427.
Embolism, verminous, 210.
Enteralgia, 308.
Enteritis, catarrhal, in birds, 254.
Enteritis, catarrhal, in cattle, 235.
Enteritis, catarrhal, in dogs, 250.
Enteritis, catarrhal, in sheep and goat, 246.
Enteritis, catarrhal, in solipeds, 228.
Enteritis, catarrhal, in swine, 247.
Enteritis, chronic catarrhal, in cattle, 239.
Enteritis, chronic catarrhal, in solipeds, 234.
Enteritis, coccidian, in birds, 262.
Enteritis, coccidian, in cattle, 258.
Enteritis, coccidian, in dogs, 261.
Enteritis, coccidian, in rabbits, 262.
Enteritis, croupous, in birds, 226.
Enteritis, croupous, in cattle, 223.
Enteritis, croupous, in dogs, 225.
Enteritis, croupous, in sheep, 224.
Enteritis, croupous, in solipeds, 221.
Enteritis from tuberculin, 254.
Enteroliths, 323.
Epithelioma in pancreas, 544.
Epithelioma of intestine, 375, 379.
Epithelioma of lips, 6.
Epithelioma of liver, 529, 532.
Epithelioma of the stomach, 191.
Equisetum poisoning, 286.
Ergot as a cause of stomatitis, 9.
Ergotism in cattle, 296.
Ergot, poisoning by, 289.
Esophagitis, 86.
Euphorbia poisoning, 283.
Exhausted soils, 78.

Fatty degeneration of the liver, 508.

Fauces, injuries to, 48.
Feathers in stomach, 188.
Fermented marc, stomatitis from, 27.
Fermentescible foods, 96.
Fibroma in gullet, 93.
Fibroma of intestine, 375, 378.
Fibrous bands causing strangulation, 356.
Fistula, salivary, 40.
Foals, infective gastro-enteritis in, 138.
Food in infective gastro-enteritis, 141.
Food in relation to digestive disorder, 2.
Food, unwholesome, 3.
Foramen of Winslow, hernia through, 370.
Foreign bodies in food, 3.
Foreign bodies in intestines, 328.
Foreign bodies in liver, 525.
Foreign bodies in pancreas, 542.
Foreign bodies in spleen, 558.
Fourth stomach, catarrhal inflammation of, 166.
Fourth stomach, indigestion in, 134.
Fowl cholera, 254.
Functional liver diseases, treatment of, 432.
Fungi as a cause of stomatitis, 9.
Fungi, poisoning by, 289, 291.
Fungi, varying pathogenesis of, 9.

Galega, poisoning by, 286.

Gall-bladder, dilatation of, 514.
Gall-bladder, double, 515.
Gall ducts, dilatation of, 514.
Gall-stones, 516.
Gall-stones in cattle, 521.
Gall-stones in dog and cat, 524.
Gall-stones in sheep, 523.
Gall-stones in solipeds, 519.
Gall-stones in swine, 524.
Gangrenous ergotism, 296, 298.
Gases evolved from different foods, 100.
Gastric catarrh in solipeds, chronic, 170.
Gastric dilatation, 180.
Gastric indigestion in carnivora, 158.
Gastric indigestion in swine, 159.
Gastric ulcer, 175.
Gastric ulcer, perforating, 179.
Gastritis, acute catarrhal, in horse, 160.
Gastritis, catarrhal in swine, 168.
Gastritis in cattle, 166.
Gastritis in dogs, chronic, 173.
Gastritis in ruminants, chronic, 171.
Gastritis, toxic, in solipeds, 164.
Gastritis, phlegmonous, in horse, 162.
Gastro-enteritis from aqua ammonia, 264.
Gastro-enteritis from caustic acids, 266.
Gastro-enteritis from caustic alkalies and alkaline salts, 264.
Gastro-enteritis, hæmorrhagic, in dogs, 452.
Gastro-enteritis, infective, in sucklings, 138.
Gastro-enteritis, microbes in, 144.
Gums, inflammation of, 20.
Giant fennel, poisoning by, 286.
Gingivitis, 20.
Glander nodules in spleen, 564.
Glisson’s capsule, inflammation of, 500.
Glossitis, 20.
Glossoplegia, 37.
Glycogenesis, 408.
Glycogenic center in medulla, 417.
Glycosuria, 416.
Glycosuria in cattle, 424.
Glycosuria in dogs, 425.
Glycosuria in solipeds, 421.
Glycosuria, reflex, 418.