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OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 21/3/2017, SPi
HUGO GROTIUS AND THE CENTURY

O F R E V O L U T I O N , 1 6 1 3–1 7 1 8
Hugo Grotius and the

Century of Revolution,
1613–1718
Transnational Reception
in English Political Thought
MARCO BARDUCCI
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
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First Edition published in 2017
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Acknowledgements
This book is based on research conducted while a Gerda Henkel Member in the
School of Historical Studies at the Institute for Advanced Study (Princeton, NJ), in
2014–15. I would therefore express my sincere gratitude to the Gerda Henkel
Foundation, for having generously supported the present research. My acknow-
ledgements go also to the faculty, members, and staff of the Institute for Advanced
Study, without whose help and advice I would not have been able to bring this
book project successfully to completion.
I am also grateful to Brill for allowing me to republish in the present book
material of two articles from the journal Grotiana: ‘Political and Ecclesiological
Contexts for the Seventeenth-century English Translations of Grotius’ De veritate,
1632–1686’, Grotiana, 33 (2012), 71–87 and ‘The Anglo-Dutch Context for the
Writing and Reception of Hugo Grotius’s De Imperio Summarum Potestatum Circa
Sacra, 1617–1659’, Grotiana, 34 (2013), 138–61.
During the preparation of this book, I have benefited from the generous advice
and constant encouragement of pre-eminent scholars. My thanks go particularly to
Robert Bartlett, Glenn Burgess, Justin Champion, J. C. Davis, Jonathan Israel,
Jason Peacey, Diego Quaglioni, and Blair Worden. Finally, I am grateful both to
the anonymous reader—who helped me to reorganize and thereby improve the
material here presented—and to the editorial team at Oxford University Press,
for the competence and efficiency demonstrated throughout the preparation of
this book.
Contents
Abbreviations ix
Introduction 1
PART I. STATE, RESISTANCE, G OVERNMENT

1. Contract, Allegiance, Protection 25
2. War, Resistance, Revolution 46
3. Republicanism and Ancient Constitutionalism 69
PART II. S TATE, CHURC H, AND R ELIGION

4. State and Church 87
5. Church Government 116
PART III. PROPERTY AND EMPIRE

6. Property 139
7. Empire 156
Conclusion 186
Select Bibliography 199

Index 217
Abbreviations
CHPT J. H. Burns and Mark Goldie (eds), The Cambridge History of Political
Thought 1450–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
Conferences G. N. Clark and J. W. J. M. Van Eysinga (eds), The Colonial Conferences
between England and the Netherlands in 1613 and 1615, Bibliotheca Visseri-
ana (1940–51), 2 vols.
DI Hugo Grotius, De Imperio Summarum Potestatum Circa Sacra, critical edition
with introduction, English translation and commentary by Harm-Jan Van
Dam (Leiden-Boston-Köln: Brill, 2001), 2 vols.
DIBP Hugo Grotius, The Rights of War and Peace, ed. with an introduction by
Richard Tuck (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2005), 3 vols.
HG H. J. M. Nellen, Hugo Grotius: A Lifelong Struggle for Peace in Church and
State, 1583–1645 (Leiden: Brill, 2014).
ML Hugo Grotius, The Free Sea, trans. Richard Hakluyt, ed. with an introduc-
tion by David Armitage (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2004).
ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2004–14), online edition.
Treatises John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1970).
Introduction
Nature, the stepdame to us all,

Grotius may his mother call.
That old Young man Holland admires,
Italy and all France desires.
He grew up slowly: would you see
One born full Man? Grotius is he.
Daniel Heinsius on Grotius
(Memorials of the Author’s Life and Death, in Hugo Grotius,
The Law of Warre and Peace with Annotations, tr. Clement
Barksdale, 1654)
Hugo Grotius was one of the most, if not the most authoritative English scholar of
the ‘century of revolution’. This opening assertion is certainly provocative, in that
Grotius was notably Dutch, and he neither lived in England nor wrote anything in
the English language. Nonetheless, it condenses some of the underpinning assump-
tions of the present book, and thus requires some additional consideration. During
the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Britain experienced the political and
religious troubles which afflicted the rest of Europe. The intertwining processes of
the emergence of a modern state, economic transformation (from rural country to
maritime commercial empire), and religious Reformation were among the main
causes in Britain for the revolution. English political and religious commentary
on these ‘troubles’ was largely driven by the peculiarities of municipal institutions
like the English Anglican Church and common law.1 English writings on the
reformation of state and religion largely drew on the insular tradition of ‘King-in-
Parliament’, the rule of law and customs, the native rights of Englishmen, and the
fear of popery. However, this was just one side of the coin. Along with Greek,
Roman, and Christian sources, which formed a shared European cultural heritage, a
significant part of the doctrines and ideas which imbibed English political debates in
the period here examined were originally developed in contemporary Continental
Europe. In particular, this book examines the circulation and reception in England
of powerful ideas developed by an outstanding Dutch polymath. The reception in
England of the works of Grotius is an important case study in recovering a set of
ideas and arguments which had meaning across national boundaries. This book
1 This book investigates English sources, rather than British (viz., Welsh, Scottish, and Irish).
2 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

therefore also intends to contribute to the understanding of the nature and meaning
of English political thought beyond its ‘Englishness’.
Grotius was a profoundly eclectic and cosmopolitan thinker, whose works were
intended to lay down the foundations of a modern, but Christian, religious and
political order. An authoritative but controversial figure, he confronted the main
themes of early modern political and religious thought, like natural law and the
origins of civil society, the government of state and church, the fundamentals of
Christian religion, ethics, toleration, war, and peace.2 Grotius’ works are recognized
as classics of Western culture, and they continue to be the subject of a number of
studies that focus on three main aspects of his work: his foundational contribution
to the invention of non-theological accounts of natural law and the law of nations;
his development of a pluralist and tolerant account of religious thought; and his
participation in Dutch religious and political debates. In each of these areas of study
and thought, Grotius produced powerful works that provoked both hostility and
applause across the European-wide community of letters and states. Grotius’
centrality to the development of Western civilization is therefore an unquestionable
fact, but the dimension and nature of this greatness remains historically controver-
sial and underexplored in many national histories. A closer examination of the
reception of his ideas suggests that his reputation varied through space and time,
and that the canon of his writings had the capacity to divide successive generations
of readers and thinkers.
This book is not an intellectual biography of Grotius, but a study of how his
works and ideas were read, interpreted, and used in England during a crucial
period in its history. The period here examined indicatively coincides with what
Christopher Hill’s famous book named the ‘century of revolution’, an epoch
decisive for the understanding of the transformations ‘which set England on the
path of Parliamentary government, economic advance and imperialist foreign
policy, of religious toleration and scientific progress’.3 The allusion to Hill’s
influential although rather outdated survey of English history principally concerns
its general aims rather than its chronological span. This present book is actually an
attempt at rethinking some of the intellectual underpinnings of the transformations
2 Born in Delft on 10 April 1583, Grotius entered the University of Leiden when he was just eleven
years old. Child prodigy, Grotius studied classical philology and philosophy under some of the greatest
humanists of his time like Franciscus Junius and Joseph Justus Scaliger, before he acquired a doctorate
in law at Orléans in 1598. One year later, Grotius became official historiographer for the States of
Holland. In 1607, he was appointed advocaat fiscaal (solicitor general) at the court of Holland, West
Friesland, and Zeeland, and in 1613 Pensionary (legal advisor) of Rotterdam. A protégé of the Grand
Pensionary Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, Grotius actively participated in the political and religious life of
Holland. His involvement in the controversy between the Remonstrants (Arminians) and the Contra-
Remonstrants (orthodox Calvinists, also called Gomarists), which resulted in the military coup of the
stadtholder Maurits von Nassau in 1618 and in the defeat of the Remonstrant party led by
Oldenbarnevelt, cost him the banishment for life in the castle of Lœvenstein. Assisted by his wife, in
1621 Grotius escaped from prison and went in exile to Paris. In 1634, the Swedish chancellor
Oxenstierna appointed Grotius Swedish ambassador to France, and he held this appointment until
the end of 1644. He died in 1645, at Rostock, in consequence of a shipwreck in the Baltic Sea.
3 Christopher Hill, The Century of Revolution, 1603–1714 (1st ed. 1961, London: Routledge,
1980), 5.
Introduction 3
that occurred in that century or so, but unlike Hill’s, it does so in light of more
recent approaches to the English Revolution that have underscored its strong
interlinkages with the wider European and Atlantic dimension in the early modern
period.
This is the first attempt to provide to Anglophone readers a full book-length
account of the English reception and usage of Grotius’ works approximately from
1613 to 1718. 1613 corresponds both to the period of Grotius’ early contacts with
the entourage of James VI/I (which formed the context for the publication of
Ordinum Pietas) and to the publication of William Welwood’s Abridgement of All
Sea-Laws, which was the first published response to Grotius’ Mare Liberum. 1718 is
the date of publication of John Toland’s Nazarenus, which, as Justin Champion has
argued, fundamentally undermined the Grotian defence of religious truth exposed
in De Veritate and the contribution of the church to its definition.4
Grotius’ ideas and works in England met with unparalleled fortune compared to
that of Europe writ large. Grotius’ books were largely available to English reader-
ship in their original Latin editions, but also in an assortment of translated or
re-edited versions that were unequalled in Europe.5 These works were advertised on
almost every booklist included in books and newspapers, and their titles appeared
on almost every book catalogue of private collections. Not only foremost thinkers,
but also minor English political and religious writers unanimously considered the
polymath Dutch as one of the greatest scholars of the century. From Chillingworth
to Toland, they extensively drew from Mare Liberum (1609), De Antiquitate
Respublicæ Batavorum (1610), De Iure Belli ac Pacis (1625), De Imperio Summarum
Potestatum Circa Sacra (1614–17, first published in 1647), De Veritate Religionis
Christianæ (1627), and the Annotationes to the New (1641, 1646, 1650), and Old
Testament (1644), among others, a set of ideas on natural law, civil and ecclesias-
tical polities, and theology, and realigned them to diverse political and religious
contexts across the ‘century of revolution’. Grotius’ views on the freedom of
navigation and commerce devised in Mare Liberum frequently recurred in English
anti-Dutch propaganda and in debates about freedom of navigation and trade until
at least the early Hanoverian era. From the First Civil War and Interregnum until
the Glorious Revolution, royalists and parliamentarians used De Iure alternatively
in support of either allegiance or resistance to the government, but also as a source
on property rights, the occupation of extra-European territories, and religious
toleration. De Veritate significantly contributed to a powerful strand of thinking
about the Anglican Church from the Great Tew Circle to post-Restoration latitu-
dinarianism, but also to the intellectual backdrop of radical critiques to the
authority of Scripture and the clergy. Grotius’ search for the theological funda-
mentals on which to build the pacification of Christianity considerably influenced
the English debates over the ‘indifferent matters’ of Christian religion. De Veritate
4 Justin Champion, ‘ “Socinianism Truly Stated”: John Toland, Jean Leclerc and the Eighteenth-
Century Reception of Grotius’ De Veritate’, Grotiana, 33 (2012), 119–43.

5 Harm-Jan Van Dam, ‘Introduction’, in DI, I, 107ff; Jacob ter Meulen and P. J. J. Diermanse,
Bibliographie des Ecrits Imprimés de Hugo Grotius (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1950).

was also a leading source for Locke’s search for rational religion, and it served as a
precursor in anticipating the problems expressed by eighteenth-century Deism.
In De Imperio, Grotius devised an Erastian view of state–church relations and a
non-divine right ecclesiology that were deployed alternatively in support either of
episcopacy and Presbyterianism or of an accommodation between them, while the
Annotationes were regularly quoted by scholars before and after the Restoration,
being thus made the subject of contrasting interpretations by English Episcopalians
and Scottish Presbyterians.6
Beyond the general agreement about Grotius’ unparalleled scholarship, his
divisive reputation in England reflected the inherently controversial nature of his
writings. Grotius was actually both the ‘heir of Erasmus’, a peacemaker committed
to pacifying the political and religious conflicts which had torn apart Christianity in
his epoch, a committed supporter of the Dutch Republic and the Remonstrant-
Arminian party within the States of Holland, and a lawyer on the payroll of the
United East India Company (VOC). Such a combination of unparalleled scholar-
ship, ecumenism, irenicism, and partisanship provided his English friends and foes
with a unique reservoir of ideas to be deployed during the ‘century of revolution’.
This book aims to answer the following questions: what were the works and
doctrines of Grotius that were more frequently used by his English contemporaries?
What were the debates to which his ideas contributed the most? What were the
reasons behind the profound and persistent influence of Grotius in England in the
seventeenth century and early eighteenth century? What did English authors find
particularly fit in Grotius’ ideas to cope with the political and religious challenges
posed by the transformations ongoing during the ‘century of revolution’? In a
nutshell, why Grotius? If we focus, for instance, on Grotius’ theories of natural law
and social contract developed in De Iure, one way to answer this question could be
undertaking a comparison with similar theories devised by Spanish neo-Scholastic
authors Molina, Vitoria, Vázquez, and Suárez, or by Hobbes. However, if such an
approach may contribute to a fuller understanding of the origin and development
of some of Grotius’ ideas, it eventually bears the risk of anachronism, in that it is
too much imbalanced towards present scholarly interpretations, which are often
more preoccupied with establishing the extent of Grotius’ originality or modernity
with respect to other strands of thought about natural law and ethics.7 By contrast,
this book will undertake a contextual and philological investigation of the ways in
which the English read, used, and commented on Grotius’ works in dealing with
issues rising out of the reformation of state, church, and religion and the economic
expansion in the extra-European world. By examining a wide range of sources,
which includes books, pamphlets, manuscripts, state papers, and newspapers,
we will identify the recurrent patterns of interpretation of Grotius’ works, the
6 Nicholas Tyacke, ‘Arminianism and the Restoration Church’, in Nicholas Tyacke (ed.), Aspects
of English Protestantism, c. 1530–1700 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 330.

7 Cf. B. P. Vermeulen and G. A. Van Der Wal, ‘Grotius, Aquinas and Hobbes: Grotian natural law
between lex aeterna and natural rights’, Grotiana, 16 (1995), 55–83.

Introduction 5
purposes beyond their editions and translations, and their relations within the
broader intellectual context of their reception.
GROTIUS A ND ENGLAND
The success of Grotius in England did not depend just on the supposed originality
of his works, but also on the way in which his ideas fitted in the broader intellectual,
political, and religious context inhabited by his English recipients. Grotius’ works
were particularly influential also because they shared with their readers a common
background imbued with Arminianism, Erasmianism, Erastianism, Tacitism,
Socinianism, neo-Platonism, and neo-Stoicism, all strands of thought that were
influential on English discourses on state and church throughout the ‘century of
revolution’. However, beyond these intellectual aspects, the successful circulation
and impact of Grotius’ ideas can be explained also in terms of shared contextual
factors, first of all his life-long special relationship with England.
Jonathan Israel described Grotius as a ‘giant bridging-figure linking the Arminian
and republican traditions’ of England and the United Provinces,8 while Hugh
Trevor-Roper pointed out Grotius’ ‘platonic love for an idealized England’.9
In Mare Liberum, Grotius anonymously engaged in a defence of Dutch naval
dominion in the East Indies, which was promoted by the commercial activities
of the VOC. The arguments exposed in Mare Liberum recurred during the Anglo-
Dutch colonial conferences of London (1613) and The Hague (1615), in which
Grotius participated in the capacity of VOC spokesman.10 The thesis of the
freedom of the sea expounded in Mare Liberum, which supported the attempted
Dutch monopoly of trading with the East Indies, also prompted the well-known
controversy with Welwood and Selden about respectively the Scottish and English
possession of territorial waters that actually presaged the future Anglo-Dutch
clashes for maritime supremacy. However, while championing the Dutch colonial
interests in the East Indies against its direct competitors (primarily Spain but
increasingly England, whose commercial interests were represented by the East
Indies Companies), Grotius applauded the control of King James VI/I over the
English national church, and expressed his commendation for the hierarchical
organization of Anglican episcopacy, which he compared to the organization of
the early Christian Church as it existed in the first three centuries AD or so.
When the young Grotius started writing Ordinum Pietas and De Imperio during
the controversy between Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, his main aim
was to affirm the supremacy of the States of Holland in the Dutch government, and
to convince the Contra-Remonstrants to tolerate the Remonstrants in the national
8 Jonathan Israel, ‘Toleration in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English Thought’, in Simon
Groenveld and Michael J. Wintle (eds), Britain and the Netherlands (Zutphen: De Walburg, 1994), XI, 17.
9 Hugh Trevor-Roper, ‘Hugo Grotius and England’, in Hugh Trevor-Roper (ed.), From Counter-
Reformation to Glorious Revolution (London: Secker and Warburg, 1992), 47.

10 Miles Ogborn, India Ink: Script and Print in the Making of the English East India Company
(Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2007), 111–12.


church. However, in compiling these works Grotius and his protectors had also in
mind English readers. Grotius was in search of a settlement for the States of
Holland, and with this purpose, he looked with increasing interest to the neigh-
bouring Reformed monarchy. In a letter to Palatine scholar George Lingelsheim, to
which he also enclosed a copy of Ordinum Pietas, Grotius confided that he was
‘examining the right of the Magistrate over church government, as it currently is in
England, the Empire, and in your Palatinate’.11 The composition of this book has
to be traced to the context of James I’s involvement in the so-called ‘Vorstius
affaire’ (viz. the appointment of the Remonstrant Conrad Vorstius as successor of
Jacobus Arminius as chair of theology at Leiden) and, consequently, in Dutch
religious troubles.12 Grotius’ protector Oldenbarnevelt asked for King James’
support against the Contra-Remonstrants on the grounds of what he supposed
was their common antipathy to orthodox Calvinism.13 In participating in the first
Anglo-Dutch colonial conference of April–May 1613, Grotius was also assigned by
Oldenbarnevelt the secret mission of securing James I’s support for the Remon-
strants.14 On his return, Grotius wrote Ordinum Pietas, in which in passing he
criticized the ‘Puritans’ (which he had likened to the Contra-Remonstrants during
the conversation with James I) and extensively quoted Anglican sources to com-
mend episcopacy.15 The relation between civil and ecclesiastical power was also at
the core of Grotius’ De Imperio. Written under the invitation of Oldenbarnevelt
and Uyttenbogaert (Grotius’ mentor, and the author, along with the latter and
Episcopius, of the five points of the Remonstrantiae), De Imperio was intended to
secure the Anglo-Dutch anti-Calvinist alliance.
Grotius’ interest in securing the Anglo-Dutch collaboration on religious and
political matters in the early seventeenth century also emerged from his private
correspondence. An important part of Grotius’ letters during that period were
addressed to Isaac Casaubon (1559–1614) and to the Cambridge Regius Professor
of Divinity and Dean of St. Paul’s, John Overall (1559–1619) in England.16
A Genevan-born Calvinist, in 1610 Casaubon fled from France to England
where he became a close acquaintance of James I.17 Grotius knew that Casaubon
showed his letters to James I, so that he used his correspondence to communicate to
the English King Oldenbarnevelt’s purpose of summoning a Protestant synod to
1121 October 1613, <http://grotius.huygens.knaw.nl/letters/0292/>.

12Edwin Rabbie, ‘Introduction’, in Hugo Grotius, Ordinum Hollandiæ AC Westfrisiæ Pietas
(1613): Critical Edition with English Translation and Commentary, ed. Edwin Rabbie (Leiden-New
York-Köln: Brill, 1995), 16–29, 39; Eric Platt, Britain and the Bestandstwisten: The Causes, Course and
Consequences of British Involvement in the Dutch Religious and Political Disputes of the Early Seventeenth
Century (Bristol, CT-Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2014), 38–58.
13 F. H. Shriver, ‘Orthodoxy and Diplomacy: James I and the Vorstius Affair’, English Historical
Review, 85 (1970), 461.

14 Jan Den Tex, Oldenbarnevelt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), II, 545–7.
15 Grotius, Ordinum Pietas, 173. 16 HG, 244–9.
17 Anthony Grafton and Joanna Weinberg, I Have Always Loved the Holy Tongue: Isaac Casaubon,
the Jews, and a Forgotten Chapter in Renaissance Scholarship (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 2011), 14, 175, 301.
Introduction 7
settle religious conflict.18 Casaubon informed Grotius about James I’s commitment
to unifying the Reformed Church, and told him that in his view the Anglican
Church was most reminiscent of the primitive church.19 In Ordinum Pietas and
De Imperio Grotius took the English Episcopal Church as a blueprint for the
pacification of Christianity and juxtaposed it to the ecclesiological ideal of the
‘community of saints’ invoked by the Dutch Calvinists.20 Along with Casaubon,
Grotius discussed these subjects at length with Overall, who supported his and
Oldenbarnevelt’s party in their struggle against the Contra-Remonstrants.21
Grotius’ admiration for England did not diminish even during his difficult exile
in Paris. Between 1635 and 1636, Grotius met with Bishop Bramhall, who was
then involved in a would-be famous controversy with Hobbes (who also resided in
Paris in that period) touching on liberty and necessity,22 and with the English
ambassador in Paris Viscount Scudamore. Scudamore was discussing with Grotius
the plan for the reunion between Anglican and Swedish Lutheran churches, and
with the assistance of Archbishop Laud, he was trying to arrange for the reception
of Grotius into the English Church.23 Not surprisingly, then, from the 1630s the
royalists and Anglicans who gathered at the Great Tew Circle at Oxford highly
esteemed Grotius ‘for his moderate and latitudinarian way of thinking’,24 and in
1632, William Chillingworth requested a meeting with Grotius to clear some of his
troubles with Protestantism.25 However, the sympathies with Grotius spanned the
spectrum of English political and religious allegiances, so in 1638 it was John
Milton’s turn to meet in Paris with the man from whom he had learned ‘that
exegetical and rational cognition can be compatible’.26 For his part, in a letter sent
in that same year to the Remonstrant minister Joannes Corvinus, Grotius hailed the
achievements accomplished by the English Church in terms of removal of religious
dogmas.27
In the 1640s, with the outbreak of the revolution and the consequent abolition
of episcopacy, Grotius was mentioned in support either of parliamentary right of
resistance or to absolute obedience to the King. Preoccupied with the instrumental
use to which his works were put during the English Revolution, Grotius became
18 Harm-Jan Van Dam, ‘Breasting the Waves. Grotius’ Letters on Church and State’, in Jeanine de
Landtsheer and Henk Nellen (eds), Between Scylla and Charybdis: Learned Lletter Writers Navigating the
Reefs of Political and Religious Controversy in Early Modern Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 458.
19 <http://grotius.huygens.knaw.nl/letters/0223/>.
20 Ordinum Pietas, 191; DI, I, 547–57; II, 847–9.
21 Anthony Milton (ed.), The British Delegation at the Synod of Dordt (1618–1619) (CERS, XIII,
2005), xviii–xxxii.
22 Nicholas D. Jackson, Hobbes, Bramhall, and the Politics of Liberty and Necessity (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007), 54–75.

23 Ian Atherton, John 1st Viscount Scudamore (1601–71) (Cambridge: PhD dissertation, 1993),
108, 147, 204.

24 Jan Van den Berg, ‘Grotius’ Views on Antichrist and Apocalyptic Thought in England’, in
H. J. M. Nellen and Edwin Rabbie (eds), Hugo Grotius Theologian (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 169.
25 Robert Orr, Reason and Authority. The Thought of William Chillingworth (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1967), 32–3.

26 Jason P. Rosenblatt, ‘Milton, Natural Law and Toleration’, in Sharon Achinstein and Elizabeth
Sauer (eds), Milton and Toleration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 132.
27 <http://www.grotius.huygens.knaw.nl/letters/3595/>.

increasingly concerned to show that his works supported neither revolution nor
unconditional religious toleration, and that he wished for submission to the lawful
King and to episcopal hierarchy. This concern must be taken seriously if, according
to a letter sent to his brother William on 7 March 1643, in that period Grotius was
looking for patronage in the milieu of Henrietta Maria, Charles I’s wife.28
M E THO DO L OG Y AN D A P P R OA C H
Intellectual, political, and even biographical factors overlapped in determining an

unparalleled range of engagements with Grotius’ works during the ‘century of
revolution’. Nonetheless, existing contributions to this subject are patchy and focus
on single works, particularly on Mare Liberum, De Iure, and De Veritate. But then,
how is it that Grotius’ influence on English political thought, notwithstanding that
it falls within one of the most practiced periods in English history, and that almost
any scholar of the period would take it for granted, has not received its proper due?
Beyond a more general misunderstanding of how the different facets of the
reception of Grotius combined to form an articulated and influential intellectual
framework that intersected with several aspects of English culture, such a gap has
also depended on the approach usually adopted by scholars. A combination of
historiographical trends preoccupied with locating early modern English history in
its European or Atlantic dimension, and a methodological approach to intellectual
history dominated by ‘contextualism’, has contributed to promoting an Anglo-
centric view of the political thought of the ‘century of revolution’. In exploring the
English receptions of Grotius’ ideas as a case study of the entanglements between the
English intellectual dimension and the wider European and/or Atlantic contexts,
this book adopts instead an approach that brings together transnational history and
reception theory and what we have indicatively called ‘transnational reception’.
What are the salient aspects of this approach? In what way does it distinguish itself
from other approaches aimed at reconstructing the processes of supranational
circulation of ideas, like, for instance, the ‘moment’?
Prior to outlining the distinctive features of the approach on transnational
reception, let us begin from the second question. The nature of the English
reception of Grotius is much more complex and fluid than the categories of ‘natural
law theory’, ‘Erastianism’, or ‘Arminianism’ have tended so far to convey. These
labels do not identify a discrete set of ideas which were integrally transposed from
one country to another via Grotius’ works. According to Edward W. Said, the
‘travelling’ of an idea or text from one context to another involves its re-adaptation
‘by its new uses, its new position in time and place’.29 Such a re-adaptation is not a
28 <http://www.grotius.huygens.knaw.nl/letters/6120/>; Sarah Mortimer, Reason and Religion
in the English Revolution. The Challenge of Socinianism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2010), 108.
29 Edward Said, The World, the Text, and the Critic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1983), 227.
Introduction 9
‘degradation’ of an originally pure meaning, but it is inherent in every process of
cultural transmission so that it deserves the same attention given by intellectual
historians to original source works.30
The ‘moment’ is a popular heuristic tool whereby one approaches the study of
the circulation and critical reception of political works and ideas. The methodo-
logical formulation of moment originally traces to Pocock’s seminal work
The Machiavellian Moment.31 In particular, the third part of Pocock’s book,
which examines ‘the history of “the Machiavellian moment” into English and
American thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, has contributed
to establish the moment as canonical approach to the processes of circulation and
enduring influence of ideas across national and temporal boundaries.32 From then
on, several types of moments have been detected in the history of political thought
and international law: along with the ‘Gentilian’, ‘Vitorian’, ‘Seldenian’, ‘Anglo-
Dutch’, ‘Utopian’, ‘neo-Harringtonian’, ‘Pufendorfian’, ‘Tocquevillean’, also the
‘Grotian moment’ exists. Originally coined by Richard Falk in 1985, the ‘Grotian
Moment’ pertains to the field of international law. Alternatively used as a byword
for ‘constitutional moment’ or ‘tradition’, it indicates ‘a transformative develop-
ment in which new rules and doctrines of customary international law emerge with
unusual rapidity and acceptance’.33 Despite the temptation to adhere to the
methodological underpinnings of moment as a way to approach either the circu-
lation and reception of ideas or the study of intellectual legacies, its current meaning
renders it unfit to identify the multifarious and often controversial reception of
Grotius in England. Borrowing an expression from Pocock, the circulation and
transmission of Grotius’ works and ideas must not be considered ‘as a single
process’, but ‘as many processes not all leading the same way: a cavalcade of foxes
rather than of hedgehogs’.34 The reception of Grotius in England and, consequent-
ly, in Europe, followed diverse though crossing paths. In order to recover these
paths, we will focus on the debates that were more or less explicitly imbued with
Grotius’ doctrines and ideas, while keeping an eye on how English authors
purposely or unintentionally (mis)interpreted and (mis)used the original source
texts. In this regard, our approach will bring together reception theory with a
historiographical perspective based on transnational history.
30 Anthony Grafton, ‘Introduction’, in Anthony Grafton and Ann Blair (eds), The Transmission of
Culture in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 2–3.
31 J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic
Republican Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975).

32 Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, viii.
33 Michael P. Scharf, ‘Seizing the “Grotian Moment”: Accelerated Formation of Customary
International Law in Time of Fundamental Change’, Cornell International Law Journal, 43 (2010),
439–40; Milena Sterio, ‘A Grotian Moment: Changes in the Legal Theory of Statehood’, Denver
Journal of International Law and Policy, 209 (2011), 211. According to Renée Jeffery, the ‘Grotian
tradition . . . is conceived as an intermediary category of international thought standing between the
dominant positive and natural legal traditions’ (Hugo Grotius in International Thought (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 14).
34 J. G. A. Pocock, ‘Notes of an Occidental Tourist I’, Common Knowledge, 2 (1993), 5.

The early modern English receptions of European political writings do not
constitute a new field of study. Along with Pocock’s Machiavelli, other authoritative
examples of this genre are J. H. Salmon’s still influential study on the impact of
French Religious Wars on English political thought, McCrea’s study on the
‘Lipsian paradigm’ in England, and Glenn Burgess’ essay on the receptions of
Jean Bodin in the English Revolution.35 Existing studies on the reception of
European political ideas have mainly contributed to the historiographical debates
over the supposed European or Atlantic dimension of the ‘New British History’.36
However, from a methodological point of view, reception studies in early modern
English intellectual history have not brought about any serious revision of the still
canonical ‘contextual’ approach devised by Quentin Skinner and other exponents
of the so-called ‘Cambridge School’. The focus of contextualism is on the author’s
intentionality in writing a text addressed to a specific audience in relation to a
specific debate.37 One of the shortcomings of this influential approach is that its
focus on the immediate context out of which political ideas arose has often diverted
scholars from investigating the processes of re-adaptation of ideas beyond the
original context of source texts. The understanding of these processes entails
multiple-context comparisons and a philological analysis of the interpretations of
texts by readers who inhabited different contexts.38 In this respect, the lack of a
systematic account of Grotius’ influence in England has also depended on a
combination of an essentially Anglo-centric use of contextualism, and a set of
historiographical versions of British history such as ‘[t]he Atlantic and oceanic,
with the Atlantic Archipelago at its core; and the multiple monarchy approach
funded on an implicit comparative history of early modern European state struc-
tures’,39 which apparently have prevented from grasping the fluidity of the
processes of exchange and reception of ideas from and to Britain in the early
modern period.
The perspective on transnational reception adopted in this book seeks to
complement some of the limits of contextualism without necessarily taking sides
in the historiographical debate about the supposed Atlantic or European dimension
of British history. Such a perspective results from the combination of transnational
history and reception theory. Transnational history is becoming a mainstream
approach in the fields of intellectual history and cultural studies. Albeit a shared
and comprehensive definition of transnational history does not exist yet, historians
agree that one of its distinctive features is a focus on the processes of reception,
35 J. H. M. Salmon, The French Religious Wars in English Political Thought (Oxford: The Clarendon
Press, 1959); Adriana McCrea, Constant Minds: Political Virtue and the Lipsian Paradigm in England,
1584–1650 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997); Glenn Burgess, ‘Bodin in the English
Revolution’, in Howell A. Lloyd (ed.), The Reception of Bodin (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 387–407.
36 Glenn Burgess, ‘Introduction’, in Glenn Burgess (ed.), The New British History: Founding a
Modern State, 1603–1707 (London: IB Tauris, 1999), 11.

37 Quentin Skinner, Visions of Politics: Regarding Method (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2002), I, 90.
38 Farah Godrej, Cosmopolitan Political Thought: Method, Practice, Discipline (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2011), 68–9.

39 Burgess, ‘Introduction’, 11.
Introduction 11
exchange, and circulation of people, goods, and ideas.40 Reception, instead, is a
term intellectual historians are more familiar with. A focus on the interaction
between the ‘horizon’ of the text and that of the author on the one side, and an
interest in the ‘aesthetics of reception’ on the other, marked the approach of the
leading exponents of the School of Konstanz, Hans-Robert Jauss and Wolfgang
Iser, whilst Michel de Certeau and Paul Ricoeur, who coined respectively the
concepts of ‘ré-emploi’ (redeployment) and ‘appropriation’, promoted reception
studies in France.41
A version of the transnational reception approach has been utilized in the study
of the circulation of Third World women’s texts in the First World. Scholars
adopting this perspective stress the importance of the ‘contexts of reception’ in
order to understand ‘not only how specific works are read, but also which texts are
translated, marketed, reviewed, and taught, and which issues are prioritized’.42
An appropriately revised version of the approach on transnational reception fits well
with our purpose of reconstructing the multifarious and persistent English recep-
tion of Grotius. The English reception and usage, in fact, played a major role in the
dissemination of Grotius’ ideas on the European stage both during and after his
lifetime. The analysis of receptions may also contribute to our comprehension of
the meaning of Grotius’ texts beyond his original intentions in compiling them.
The task of interpreting Grotius’ works in terms of their ‘intentionality’ is notably a
very difficult one owing to their calculated ambiguity; just as difficult is to trace
their meaning essentially to a specific intellectual (viz., neo-Stoic and neo-Roman
natural law) or historical (viz., the Dutch expansion in the East Indies) context.43
What we posit here is that the implications of Grotius’ writings stretched beyond
their immediate occasion and concerned the contexts in which they were read,
interpreted, and thus transmitted through space and time. According to Umberto
Eco, every text is open to multiple interpretative operations, but these interpret-
ations ‘are by no means indefinite and must be recognized as imposed by the
semiotic strategies displayed by the text’.44 As Martyn P. Thompson has convin-
cingly explained, the emphasis put by contextualism on the author’s intention in
writing a text is not incompatible with the idea espoused by reception theorists that
40 Patricia Clavin, ‘Defining Transnationalism’, Contemporary European History, 14 (2005),
421–39.
41 Peter Burke ‘The History and Theory of Reception’, in Lloyd, Reception of Bodin, 24–5; Martyn
P. Thompson, ‘Reception Theory and the Interpretation of Historical Meaning’, History and Theory,
32 (1993), 248–72.
42 Amal Amireh and Lisa S. Majaj (eds), Going Global: Transnational Reception of Third World
Women Writers (New York: Psychology Press, 2000), 3.

43 Cf. Arthur Westseijn’s review of Benjamin Straumann, Roman Law in the State of Nature: The
Classical Foundations of Hugo Grotius’ Natural Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015),
Journal of the Northern Renaissance, <http://www.northernrenaissance.org/benjamin-straumann-roman-
law-in-the-state-of-nature-the-classical-foundations-of-hugo-grotius-natural-law-cambridge-university-
press-2015-isbn-9781107092907-286-pp-65-00/>.
44 Umberto Eco, ‘The Theory of Signs and the Role of the Reader’, Bulletin of the Midwest Modern
Language Association, 14 (1981), 35–6.


the reader eventually creates meaning. By contrast, ‘the understanding of a histor-
ical meaning requires both insights’.45
Grotius presented to his English readers a wide though not infinite range of ideas
on state, church, religion, natural rights, ius belli which need to be explored in light
of the differences and continuities between the (Anglo-Dutch and Anglo-
European) contexts of their writing and reception. Connected to the recovery of
the English receptions of Grotius is the study of the English translations and
editions of some of his works. By placing a translated text in a context other than
that in which it was originally concocted, it assumes different meanings. The
interpretation of a translated work cannot be separated either by the understanding
of the original work and of the audience(s) for which it is intended. The (re-)editing
of a text constitutes a variation of the same case. Editions were often equipped with
introductions, prefaces, notes, and marginalia that were aimed at suggesting to the
reader the editor’s own interpretation of the text. This book will consider the
English editions of Grotius’ works not just as mere reproductions of the original
texts, but as texts explicitly or implicitly incorporating specific meanings to be
traced to the individuals and groupings involved in the editorial process.
This book argues that notwithstanding the fact that the reception of Grotius in
England was unparalleled in Europe in the ‘century of revolution’, its contribution
to the transmission of his legacy to the Enlightenment was on the whole not always
so significant. The ‘legend’ of Grotius as forefather of modern natural law and
international law theories which persisted until the present day, for instance, was
largely the product of different scholarly traditions, traceable in particular to
German and French Huguenot authors. Analogously, the influence of Grotius’
theory of property on modern capitalism was largely mediated by the elaborations
of Pufendorf and of the Scottish Enlightenment.
The importance of the English reception and transmission of Grotius’ ideas is
therefore more complicated to assess in light of its subsequent developments.
Grotius’ ideas on natural law, state, and religion circulated and were read and
discussed because they fitted particularly well in the combination of civil war,
international trade, religious reformation, and relative freedom of press that formed
the context of their reception in England during that century or so. Grotius
contributed to bringing to England doctrines like those of social contract, property,
and conquest, which were to some extent innovative with respect either to the
common law or to Roman law traditions. Additionally, Grotius’ religious minim-
alism and non-divine right ecclesiology had a major impact on the development of
moderate Anglicanism and latitudinarianism. However, before the revolution
ended, important aspects of the intellectual legacy of Grotius were developed by
other cultural and academic traditions, while in England they were re-elaborated
and then transmitted to the European and Atlantic world mainly by the writings of
John Locke. From Zuckert to Baumgold, a number of scholars have traced a
45 Thompson, ‘Reception Theory’, 248.

Introduction 13
fundamental connection between Grotius and Locke.46 However, such an inter-
pretation is based essentially on their theories of natural law and social contract,
while it neglects to consider their broader views on politics, religion, and empire.
What we posit here is that Locke represents a veritable turning point in the English
reception of Grotius. On the one hand, Locke was probably the author who most
widely engaged with Grotius’ whole output throughout his career. From his post-
Restoration essays on the law of nature and the authority of the civil magistrate on
religion, his analysis of property and justification for imperialism and slavery, to his
approach to Christian religion based on a combination of reason and revelation,
Locke confronted the same range of issues as Grotius. In so doing, he explicitly or
implicitly drew from him, often directly, citing his work and elaborating on his
doctrines, often instead through the mediation of other authors, particularly of
Samuel Pufendorf. At the same time, Locke’s departing from Grotius in morals,
politics, and religion marked the gradual supersedence of the Dutchman’s intellec-
tual leadership in England.
The importance attributed to Locke in relation to the reception of Grotius in
England introduces how this book approaches the reception of Grotius by major
thinkers. Along with Locke, in fact, the other author with whom the name of
Grotius has been associated by a long tradition of scholarship is Hobbes. This book
is organized around thematic chapters, which examine the reception of Grotius on
English political debates as they related to the issues of political obligation,
revolution, the political and juridical culture of English imperialism, constitution-
alism, state–church relations, and ecclesiology. Rather than undertaking a philo-
sophical examination of the relationship between Grotius and Hobbes or Locke
extrapolated from their context, we will therefore examine the ways in which these
authors interpreted and used Grotius in the context of their participation in
the English political and religious debates of the revolution. In this respect, the
importance ascribed to Locke’s reception of Grotius is not only substantiated by
his references to him and by his development of his doctrines, but also by his
participation in debates which were significantly influenced by Grotius’ ideas. For
instance, Locke was closely linked to Whigs and latitudinarians who were very well
acquainted with the works of Grotius, and these connections enable us to explain
his engagement with the latter also in terms of his inhabiting a linguistic context
imbued with Grotian doctrines and ideas. While we consider Locke at the same
time as a continuator of Grotius and a powerful and influential alternative to him,
we are less persuaded about the possibility of discerning an equally manifest
connection between Grotius and Hobbes. Hobbes confronted nearly the same
issues as Grotius, from natural law and social contract to religious minimalism.
If connections have been detected either in their tracing the origins of social
contract in the individual right of self-protection, or in the power attributed to
the sovereign magistrate on church and religion, the differences between their
46 Michael P. Zuckert, Natural Rights and the New Republicanism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1998); Deborah Baumgold, Contract Theory in Historical Context: Essays on
Grotius, Hobbes, and Locke (Leiden: Brill, 2010).

doctrines seem to outnumber their likenesses. Remarkably different were their
conceptions of human nature and of the ends of social contract. Different also
were their ecclesiology and Erastianism.
From a methodological perspective, the relationship between Grotius and
Hobbes could be tackled starting from Skinner’s remarks about the notion of
‘influence’. It could be argued, for instance, that Grotius influenced Hobbes’
natural law theory if the latter was known to have studied the former and to have
found only in him, and not in other authors, the relevant doctrine, and if he could
not have formulated that theory independently.47 This notion probably narrows
too much the range of the possible engagements of an author with a source text. We
are often dealing with authors with considerable learning, who blended concepts
taken simultaneously from various source texts, and re-adapted them to their line of
reasoning or to the expectations both of their patrons and their targeted audiences.
Unlike the category of influence, ‘reception’ encompasses different forms of uses of
texts that Burgess has indicatively organized into the overlapping categories of
‘example’, ‘authority’, ‘icon’, and ‘creative source’.48 Furthermore, while ‘influence’
presupposes a unidirectional action for which we say that A influences B, the focus
on the receiver enriches the vocabulary of possible engagements with the source text
as to include, as Baxandall has suggested, ‘draw on, resort to, avail oneself of,
appropriate from, have recourse to, adapt, misunderstand, refer to’.49 Scholars have
detected different forms of reception of Grotius by Hobbes, but these are inad-
equately substantiated by textual evidence, and even less by Hobbes’ explicit
references to or considerations on Grotius. Textual evidence means that certain
doctrines used by Hobbes, or the purposes behind his use of them, were more
similar to Grotius than to any other author, ergo such a similarity may be explained
in terms of influence. For instance, according to Richard Tuck, Hobbes was the
true intellectual heir to Grotius, in that both were committed to refute Carneades’
scepticism, and Hobbes developed and expanded Grotius’ original natural law
theory into a new science of politics.50 By contrast, Benjamin Straumann has
recently dismissed Tuck’s thesis as misleading, in that, unlike Hobbes, Grotius’
state of nature was not ‘a hypothetical pre-political condition in relation to “the
creation of a civil society”’, but rather a not too narrow set of rights and normative
rules that he transposed ‘onto the high seas leading to East India’.51 Because of the
difficulties inherent in the recovery of the European influences on Hobbes’ works,
due to ‘his constant reluctance to refer to his sources’,52 it is almost impossible
to gather substantial evidence of the connections between his ideas and those
of Grotius.
What we know with reasonable certitude about the relations between Grotius
and Hobbes is that in the 1620s and 1630s, also in consequence of his involvement
47 Skinner, Visions of Politics, I, 75–6.

48 Burgess, ‘Bodin in the English Revolution’, 390–1.
49 Michael Baxandall, Patterns of Intention (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), 59.
50 Cf. Richard Tuck, ‘Grotius, Carneades and Hobbes’, Grotiana, 4 (1983), 43–62.
51 Straumann, Roman Law in the State of Nature, 135–42.
52 Noel Malcolm, Aspects of Hobbes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 459.
Introduction 15
in the Virginia Company, Hobbes had made the acquaintance with Grotius’ ideas,
and that he possessed copies of Mare Liberum and De Iure.53 However, neither in
his works nor in his private correspondence did Hobbes ever refer to Grotius.54
On the contrary, in 1646 Hobbes boldly stated that he had been the first to lay the
groundwork of two sciences, ‘Optiques, ye most curious, and ye other natural
justice’.55 There is also good evidence that Hobbes was connected to the Great Tew
Circle.56 His Elements of Law, whose manuscript copy was completed in May
1640, was circulated among its members,57 but the context in which he developed
De Cive (1642) and Leviathan (1651) was not an English one anymore. As Noel
Malcolm has pointed out, in a period comprised from October 1629 to December
1651, Hobbes spent just eight years in England, and for the most part of this time
he stayed in Paris.58 Grotius was then in Paris too, and despite the fact that they
never met, he had read De Cive, and in 1643, he expressed his perplexities about the
doctrines elaborated in that work, defining them ‘bold’ and indefensible. He had
also stressed that along with Hobbes’ vision of the state of nature as a state of
perpetual war, there were also ‘some other principles which differ from my own’.59
So, apart from other marginal considerations, such as that relation between Grotius
and Hobbes should be placed in a transnational (viz., Anglo-French) context, or
that Hobbes’ friend and conversant mathematician Sir Charles Cavendish, with
whom he met in Paris in 1636, copied and annotated on his papers entire passages
from De Iure dealing with ‘appetitus societatis’, ‘potestas civili’, ‘Lex naturae’, and
‘ius naturali’,60 most of what we may understand of Hobbes’ reception of Grotius
remains conjecture. To use a metaphor, if we think of Hobbes’ and Grotius’ work
as pictures, when observed from a certain distance their framework and subject may
look similar. But the closer we get to them, the more their details look different, and
often so considerably so that we may conclude that the pictures were eventually
painted independently. Furthermore, if we focus on Hobbes’ theories of natural
right and political obligation, we do not know the extent to which his point of
departure was Grotius or, as Annabel Brett has argued, the Spanish neo-Scholastic
Vázquez (1512–69).61 In this respect, it is also difficult to situate Hobbes’ works
within the same linguistic context, for instance, of contemporary royalist and
Anglican followers of Grotius that is of those same audiences with whom
53 James J. Hamilton, ‘Hobbes’s Study and the Hardwick Library’, Journal of the History of
Philosophy 16 (1978), 450; Malcolm, Aspects of Hobbes, 62.

54 Cf. Noel Malcolm (ed.), The Correspondence of Thomas Hobbes (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1994), 2 vols.

55 Cit. in R. E. R. Bunce, Thomas Hobbes (London: Continuum, 2009), 20.
56 M. L. Donnelly, ‘ “The Great Difference of Time”: The Great Tew Circle and the Emergence of
the Neoclassical Mode’, in Claude J. Summers and Ted-Larry Pebworth (eds), Literary Circles and
Cultural Communities in Renaissance England (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2000), 195–6.
57 Jon Parkin, Taming the Leviathan: The Reception of the Political and Religious Ideas of Thomas
Hobbes in England 1640–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 63–4.

58 Malcolm, Aspects of Hobbes, 458.
59 Cit. in Jeffery, Hugo Grotius in International Thought, 54.
60 British Library, Harley MS 6083, ff.172–81.
61 Annabel Brett, Liberty, Right and Nature: Individual Rights in Later Scholastic Thought
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 205–6.


he was believed to share his beliefs and that turned out to be some of his
harsher critics.62
Notwithstanding the fact that Grotius and Hobbes contributed to the subse-
quent development of the theory of natural law and the law of nations, in terms of
the latter’s actual reception of the former, we are reluctant to fully situate Hobbes
within the ‘Grotian framework’ or paradigm in both political and religious matters.
By contrast, Locke’s reception of Grotius more explicitly emerges from his works
and from the analysis of the debates in which he participated, thus providing more
solid groundwork for a broader assessment of his reception of the Dutch author. Of
course, this approach does not promise to overcome all the limits inherent in any
work on intellectual history based on reception, as they inevitably affect any
attempt to trace direct or indirect connections between ideas, texts, and authors.63
How to establish exactly the extent to which certain ideas of Locke about, for
instance, natural law and social contract, must be ascribed to the influence of
Grotius, if he read Pufendorf and (perhaps) Suárez, and moreover provided his own
version of them? As an heuristic tool, reception is an umbrella term, as it incorp-
orates different forms of engagement with Grotius that comprise influence, rhet-
oric, use, and criticism that were often intertwined and therefore could not be
disentangled. The lack of a precise definition of this heuristic tool on the one
hand serves as a detriment of its operational efficacy, but on the other permits us to
grasp the fluidity and variety of the modalities of reception of Grotius’ texts by
English authors.
POLITICS AND/OR RELIGION?
This book aims to provide a comprehensive account of the English reception of

Grotius based on contemporary perceptions and organized around a thematic
structure. To this end, it seeks to complement the still dominant contextual
approach by combining it with reception theory and the transnational approach
to the circulation and exchange of ideas and text. However, along with reasons
related to my personal academic background and research expertise in the history
of political thought, the book’s focus on the political receptions of Grotius needs
some further elucidation. Political thought, indeed, cannot be easily disentangled
from religion either in Grotius’ thinking or in the English political thought of the
‘century of revolution’. The idea underpinning the present analysis of the
political and religious aspects of the English receptions of Grotius, which reflects
on the structure of this book, is that both aspects inevitably overlapped in the
texts here examined, although they assumed a different relevance within each
author or work.
62 Jon Parkin, ‘The Reception of Hobbes’s Leviathan’, in Patricia Springborg (ed.), The Cambridge
Companion to Hobbes’s Leviathan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 442–7.

63 Burke, ‘History and Theory of Reception’, 32–8.
Introduction 17
The thorny question of the relations between politics and religion both in
Grotius and in early modern England has usually been approached from the
perspective of ‘secularization’. In a nutshell, the term secularization refers to the
historical process by which politics, economy, and philosophy separated from
religion. Historians often use this category in contrast to religion: an author, a
work, or a conduct are secular insofar as they depart from the values and principles
of the predominant religion. In this respect, Grotius has been considered as a
crucial link between the Erasmian tradition of the Renaissance and Reformation
and the Enlightenment.64 According to Jonathan Israel, the ‘connecting thread’
between these traditions of thought was ‘a demythologized Christianity shorn of
theological doctrine that focused on a core of moral precepts compatible with
pagan-classical natural-law ethics’. In this regard, Israel has argued that Grotius
can be said to be one of the original inspirers, along with Hobbes, Spinoza and Bayle,
of the seventeenth century’s transfer of primacy from theology to philosophy, and of
modernity’s emasculation of religious authority in favour of individual liberty, freedom
of thought and expression, and the common good of the human community under-
stood in a secular, moral sense.65
As regards England, John Morrill’s suggestion that the English ‘Civil War’ was
essentially a war of religion has generated different reactions among those who see
this conflict as a ‘secular phenomenon, waged in order to destroy monarchy and
religion at a stroke’ and those who considered English political thought as ‘defined
by a closer integration of secular and religious law and addresses problems arising
from the clash of confessional and political loyalties’.66
The inner tension existing between politics and religion consequently ran
through English authors who engaged with Grotius or with the same issues he
dealt with in his work. The whole question can be illustrated through an example
drawn from a recent debate concerning a crucial aspect of the relations between
politics and religion in early modern England and Europe, such as that relating to
the analysis of the Commonwealth of the Jews by the republican James Harrington
(1611–77). According to Eric Nelson, due to the encounter with Hebrew sources,
particularly with the model of the Hebrew Commonwealth contained in the
Hebrew Bible, seventeenth-century English political thought was less secular than
before. Nelson also argued that the ‘troika of Hebraism, Erastianism and toleration,
forged so powerfully in the Dutch Remonstrant controversy, would resurface almost
identically in the ecclesiological debates surrounding the English Revolution’.67
In this relation, Nelson pointed to Harrington’s use of Grotius as a source on the
64 Frederick C. Beiser, The Sovereignty of Reason: The Defense of Rationality in the Early English
Enlightenment (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 91–2.

65 Jonathan Israel, ‘Grotius and the Rise of Christian “Radical Enlightenment” ’, Grotiana, 35
(2014), 31.
66 ‘Preface’, in Glenn Burgess and C.W.A. Prior (eds), England’s War of Religion, Revisited
(Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), xiii.

67 Eric Nelson, The Hebrew Republic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 111.

Erastian interpretation of the Jewish Great Sanhedrin.68 By contrast, Ronald Beiner
has recently contended that, in his ‘theological works’, Harrington
was doing pretty much the same thing that Hobbes and Spinoza were doing: supplying
their chosen political theories with revelation-based theological credentials . . . Hobbes’s
reading of the Old Testament supports his political philosophy; Harrington’s reading of
the Old Testament supports his political philosophy; Spinoza’s reading of the Old
Testament supports his political philosophy; Locke’s reading of the Old Testament
supports his political philosophy. What I called above the ‘axiom’ of our interpretation
suggests that what these thinkers are doing is not interpreting scripture for the sake
of interpreting scripture, but rather mobilizing scripture on behalf of a particular vision
of politics.69
The examples of Nelson and Beiner show that secularization is primarily intended
as the removal of religious arguments from political discourse. In this case, secular
means political as opposed to/separated from religious. This contrast also underpins
most of the scholarship on Grotius. Scholars divide themselves between those who
point out how Grotius’ moral minimalism was independent from God’s existence,
and those, instead, who regard Grotius’ retention of the position of God in
establishing natural law as consistent with the Christian tradition.70
We do not believe that the dichotomy secular/religious is fit to recover the
nuances and complexities of the interconnections between political, economic,
and religious ideas either in the works of Grotius or in those of his English
readers. We certainly accept the thesis that Grotius contributed to the process of
secularization of English culture, on the condition that we do not consider secular-
ization as a byword for non-confessional but ‘as a cumulative and incomplete historical
process [that consists of ] a generic set of solutions to the generic problem of
ongoing religious-political conflict, including some developments in doctrinal
ecumenism and minimalism, and the reprioritisation of natural over divine
law’.71 If secularization was a process involving a constant interplay between
political and religious values and ideas whose outcomes were often unintentional,
the combination of politics and religion assumed different undertones within each
author or work. Therefore, even when examining, for instance, the political
implications of the reception of Grotius by his principal translator the Anglican
theologian Clement Barksdale, we do not necessarily assume that the latter gave a
predominantly political interpretation of his work.
To sum up, it is our deliberate choice to focus primarily on political thought and
on those aspects of religion that cannot be eschewed from the history of early
modern political thought, such as the relation between civil polity and church
68 Nelson, Hebrew Republic, 117–18.

69 Ronald Beiner, ‘James Harrington on the Hebrew Commonwealth’, Review of Politics 76 (2014),
169–93.
70 Jeffery, Hugo Grotius in International Thought, 37.
71 Mark Somos, ‘Mare Clausum, Leviathan, and Oceana: Bible Criticism, Secularisation and
Imperialism in Seventeenth-Century English Political and Legal Thought’, in Carly L. Crouch and
Jonathan Stökl (eds), In the Name of God: The Bible in the Colonial Discourse of Empire (Leiden: Brill,
2014), 86.
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umsponnene Flaschen, solche mit eingekniffenen Bandverzierungen
und mannigfach gerippten Henkeln, Ampullen mit flachem Kegelfuß
und langgestreckte Phiolen, runde Becher und solche mit
eingedrückten Wänden, einen sogenannten Rüsselbecher, kleine
Gefäße in Tierform usw. Viele dieser Stücke zeichnen sich durch
eine prächtig irisierende Oberfläche aus. Diesen herrlichen
Farbenschimmer verdanken sie einem Verwitterungsprozeß, da die
verschiedenen Säuren im Erdreiche der Gräber dessen Oberfläche
zerstört haben.
In der Ecke links einzeln aufgestellt befindet sich eine arabische
Moscheenampel in der Art, wie sie vom XIII. Jahrhundert an in
Syrien, namentlich in Damaskus angefertigt wurden. Innerhalb einer
weißen Bandverschlingung sind Arabesken in buntem Email dick
aufgetragen. Der Grund war von Goldornamenten bedeckt, von
welchen größtenteils nur noch die roten Umrißlinien sichtbar sind.
Im freistehenden Schranke in der Mitte haben ältere
venezianische Gläser und solche aus Hall in Tirol Aufstellung
gefunden. Die venezianische Glasindustrie, in ihrem Wesen an
alexandrinische Traditionen, die sowohl in Alexandrien wie in
Vorderasien noch während des frühen Mittelalters weiter gepflegt
wurden, anknüpfend, ist seit dem XIII. Jahrhundert historisch
nachweisbar.
Die ältesten Stücke der Sammlung gehören dem Anfange des
XVI. Jahrhunderts an. So die große Schale, in der Mitte unten, mit
netzartigen Falten, auf der unteren Seite bemalt mit einer
mythologischen Szene in der Mitte und vier Brustbildern und
Blattornamenten auf dem Rande, ferner die Schalen und der Pokal
mit Goldrand und Perlenornament, im Charakter orientalischer
Dekorationsweise. Spätere Typen sind die vier Deckelschälchen,
besetzt mit mittels der Formzange gepreßten Rosetten und
Löwenköpfchen. Im oberen Fache repräsentiert ein konischer
Becher mit einem auf einem Seeungeheuer reitenden Meerweib die
bunte Emailmalerei, während ein Faltenpokal, von drei Reifen
umschlossen, noch an gotische Formen erinnert. In der Mitte auf
hohem Sockel steht ein Pokal mit Goldranken und dem Wappen des
Erzbischofs Mathias Lang von Salzburg (1509-1540). Da die Haller
Fabrik 1534 gegründet wurde und erst 1550 zu voller Blüte gelangte,
dürfte dieser Pokal das älteste noch vorhandene Erzeugnis der
Haller Glashütte sein.
Weitere Haller Gläser sind die daneben stehenden hohen,
walzenförmigen Pokale, beide mit dem Diamanten geritzt, einer
davon auch mit dem charakteristischen Haller Dekor in Gold und
kalten Farben (Grün und ein bräunliches Rot). Ein weiterer Haller
Walzenpokal aus dunkelblauem Glase mit gerissenem Rankenwerk,
auf dem sich Spuren von Vergoldung befinden, auf dem unteren
Stellbrett. Vor dem Haller Pokal mit dem Wappen ein Venezianer
Schälchen mit Aventurin-Glasfäden, überdies Traubenflaschen,
kleine Vasen und Fadengläser aus Murano.
An der Fensterseite folgen nun sechs quergestellte Schränke mit
verschiedenen venezianischen Glasarbeiten vom XVI. bis zum XVIII.
Jahrhundert. Zunächst finden wir zahlreiche Typen farbloser
Kelchgläser mit sehr mannigfach gebildeten Stengeln. Diese
Gattung findet im nächsten Schranke ihre Fortsetzung. Einzeln
ausgestellt eine Riesenschüssel mit bischöflichem Wappen und zwei
ungewöhnlich hohe Stangenpokale. Es folgen in der nächsten Vitrine
die sogenannten Flügelgläser. Hier wie bei den vorhergenannten
Trinkgefäßen besteht jedes Stück aus drei Glasblasen, eine für den
Kelch, eine für den Stengel und eine für die Fußplatte. Bei diesen
Flügelgläsern sind zu beiden Seiten des Stengels phantastische
ornamentale Formen, meist aus grünblauen und farblosen
Glasstäbchen kombiniert, angebracht, die durch Biegen und Zwicken
mit der Zange mannigfache Formen erhalten haben und oft in
hahnenkopfartige Endigungen auslaufen.
Im folgenden Schranke sind hauptsächlich die mit
Diamantgravierung verzierten sogenannten „gerissenen“
venezianischen Gläser vereinigt. Besonders bemerkenswert drei mit
zierlichem Rankenwerk geschmückte Schüsseln, eine weitbauchige
Deckelvase, ein Eimer mit beweglichem Bügel und die Kelchgläser
mit violetter Kuppa.
Die nächste Vitrine enthält venezianische Fadengläser vom XVI.
bis zum XVIII. Jahrhundert, deren komplizierte Herstellungsweise
außerordentliche Übung und Geschicklichkeit des Glasarbeiters
erforderte und daher den besonderen Stolz Muranos bildete.
Die Zahl der Varianten innerhalb dieser Gattung ist
außerordentlich groß. Unsere Sammlung enthält Fadengläser mit
radialer Anordnung der einzelnen Fadenbündel und sogenannte
Netzgläser, die aus zwei Fadenglasblasen bestehen, welche beim
Ausdehnen im Gegensinne gedreht wurden, wobei in den „Maschen“
der sich kreuzenden Fäden kleine Luftbläschen entstanden. Bei
manchen Stücken sehen wir die netzartige Wirkung der Fäden durch
Einstülpen der Blase zu einer doppelwandigen Schale herbeigeführt.
Eine verwandte Gattung bilden die Gläser mit „gekämmtem“ Faden,
wobei der kräftige weiße Faden nur auf der Oberfläche der Blase
angebracht ist und die Musterung an die gewisser schuppen- oder
federartig verzierter mit dem Kamme bearbeiteter Tunkpapiere
erinnert.
Deckelpokal, geschnitten und
geschliffen, böhmisch, um
1700
Die folgende Vitrine enthält Proben venezianischer
Glasfabrikation aus späteren Perioden und verschiedene deutsche
Gläser. Die Formen sind mannigfacher, die technischen und
künstlerischen Qualitäten aber geringer. Wir finden ein besonders
reich ausgebildetes Blumengefäß, einen Krug aus „Eisglas“, und
zwar jene im XVI. Jahrhundert entstandene Gattung, die in der
Weise erzeugt wurde, daß man die noch nicht erkaltete Blase über
kleine Glassplitter hinrollte, wobei diese sich mit der Oberfläche der
Blase verbanden, worauf sie durch Einwirkung der Hitze stumpf
gemacht wurden. In derselben Reihe sehen wir zwei große
niederländische oder deutsche Flügelgläser des XVII. Jahrhunderts
nach venezianischer Art. Überdies finden wir hier Proben
geschliffener italienischer Gläser, Flakons und Vexiergläser des
XVIII. Jahrhunderts und gekämmte Fadengläser von unreiner Farbe
und dürftigem Aussehen, wie sie im südlichen und nordöstlichen
Böhmen im XVII. Jahrhundert erzeugt wurden. Unter den Gläsern
der untersten Reihe flaschenartige deutsche Trinkgefäße, die im
XVI. und XVII. Jahrhundert beliebten Angster oder Kuttrolfs mit
mehreren dünnen umeinandergeschlungenen Halsröhren, die sich in
einer etwas erweiterten, zur Seite gebogenen Mundschale
vereinigen und ein Vexierglas. In dem zunächst stehenden Schranke
am Fensterpfeiler sind deutsche und böhmische Gläser des XVIII.
Jahrhunderts mit vergoldeter Gravierung, Hinterglasmalereien und
mit bunter Emailmalerei verzierte Milchgläser des XVIII.
Jahrhunderts untergebracht. Im folgenden Schranke am
Fensterpfeiler sehen wir bemerkenswerte Versuche der
Wiederbelebung der venezianischen Glasmacherkunst in der
zweiten Hälfte des XIX. Jahrhunderts. Fast alle alten Techniken
finden wir von neuem angewandt und besonders sei auf die Gläser
mit Golddekor nach altem Muster und die Kopie einer sogenannten
Brautschale, Violett mit Gold- und Schmelzdekor, und fünf
Medaillons in weißem Email: Abenteuer des Zeus, aufmerksam
gemacht. Hierher gehört auch der große Deckelpokal in der Mitte
des Saales mit Drachenknauf und Drachenstengel aus weißem und
rotem Fadenglas, eine Kopie von Salviati nach einem Original der
Slade-Kollektion im British Museum.
Im Wandschranke an der Innenseite des nächststehenden
Pfeilers sind weitere Typen deutscher Gläser ausgestellt. Wir finden
in der oberen Reihe grüne Warzen- oder Nuppenbecher, auch
Krautstrünke genannt, rheinische Römer des XVII. Jahrhunderts mit
Traubennuppen, in der folgenden Reihe Rubingläser in vergoldeter
Kupferfassung aus dem XVII. Jahrhundert und spätere
Nachahmungen solcher Gläser an beiden Enden der Reihe. Zu
unterst einen Walzenpokal mit Quadermusterung, Spechter genannt,
eine Spezialität der Glashütten des XVI. Jahrhunderts am Spessart,
mehrere Angster, einen großen Tiroler Humpen, davor ein
Trinkgefäß in Form eines Phallus und anderes.
Bis um die Mitte des XVI. Jahrhunderts versorgte Venedig
Deutschland mit emaillierten Wappengläsern. Von da ab breitet sich
die Erzeugung dieser Gläser, die wir in zwei Schränken an der
Außenseite der Pfeiler vereinigt finden, auch nördlich der Alpen aus.
Bis etwa 1600 sind diese Walzenhumpen aus farblosem Glas, später
erscheinen sie in verschiedenen grünlichen Nuancen. Die älteren
Formen sind konisch und mit einem kurzen Fußansatz versehen, die
späteren einfach zylindrisch. Die Emailmalerei beschränkt sich
ursprünglich auf Wappen adeliger Familien. Vom Ende des XVII.
Jahrhunderts erscheinen Zunftwappen und Embleme bürgerlicher
Korporationen. Ein sehr beliebter Vorwurf für größere Humpen war
der Reichsadler mit den Quaternionen-Wappen auf den Flügeln. Ein
anderes oft vorkommendes Motiv sind der Kaiser und die sieben
Kurfürsten, von denen es zweierlei Darstellungsweisen gibt; die
ältere zeigt den Kaiser auf dem Throne sitzend und die Kurfürsten
stehen angereiht — ältestes Stück von 1591 im Wiener Hofmuseum
— die jüngere, häufigere, zeigt Kaiser und Kurfürsten zu Pferde.
Andere beliebte Vorwürfe sind Jagddarstellungen, Jahreszeiten,
Kardinaltugenden usw. Selten sind dagegen Genredarstellungen wie
die auf dem konischen Trinkkrug von 1572 mit der Frau und dem
Fuchs, der zugleich das älteste bekannte Stück dieser Art ist. Ein
seltenes Glas anderer Art ist der zylindrische Becher mit Ansicht von
Krafftzhofen und dem Wappen der Nürnberger Patrizierfamilie Kress
vom Jahre 1657. In verschiedenen Größen sind Fichtelbergergläser,
Erzeugnisse der Hütten von Bischofsgrün, mit der schematischen
Ansicht des Ochsenkopfes und den vier dem Fichtelgebirge
entspringenden Flüssen vorhanden. Aus dem benachbarten
Thüringen stammt ein konisches Trinkglas mit zwei männlichen
Figuren und wortreicher Inschrift, die den einen von beiden als Dieb
bezeichnet, datiert: Lauscha 1712. Besondere Beachtung verdient
ferner ein Hallorenhumpen des vierten, etwa von 1707 bis 1732
üblichen Typus, ein keilförmiger Deckelhumpen der Mitglieder der
Salzpfännerschaft in Halle a. S., der „Brüder im Thale“, als was sie
am Fuße des Humpens bezeichnet werden. Wir sehen unten
Hallorenfiguren aneinander gereiht, darüber das
Pfännerschaftswappen, von zwei Salzwirkern begleitet, rückwärts
einen Fahnenträger mit brandenburgischer Fahne und darüber in
Goldauflage, jetzt kaum mehr sichtbar, die Ansicht der Stadt Halle.
Aus solchen Humpen wurde bei der Pfingstfeier „Torgauisch Bier“
getrunken. Ein Humpen für Studentenkneipen ist den Darstellungen
nach das Paßglas mit gekniffenen Reifen, die die Grenze angeben,
bis wohin das Glas geleert werden soll. Andere hier ausgestellte
Arbeiten sind Vierkantflaschen mit Zinnschrauben (Apothekergefäß),
ein zierlicher blauer Teller mit weißer Emailmalerei und drei Fischen
in der Mitte, ein kleines sächsisches Hofkellereiglas, andere solche
Gläser mit sächsisch-polnischem oder kursächsischem Wappen und
eine Reihe späterer Arbeiten bis zum Ende des XVIII. Jahrhunderts.
Interessant ist es zu beobachten, wie lange sich bei diesen Gläsern
die traditionelle aus Venedig übernommene Verzierung mit
goldenem Randstreifen und bunten Punkten erhalten hat.
Von hier in den Saal zurückkehrend finden wir zunächst einen
Schrank mit Gläsern, deren Dekor in Schwarzlot ausgeführt ist. Joh.
Schaper aus Harburg a. d. Elbe hatte diese Gattung von Malerei
gegen 1640 nach Nürnberg gebracht, dort bis zu seinem Tode
(1670) weiter gepflegt und auf eine Reihe von Schülern übertragen.
Von einem derselben, Johann Keyll befindet sich ein signierter und
1678 datierter Becher mit drei Kugelfüßen in der oberen Reihe, er ist
mit einer Bacchantengruppe und der Ansicht von Rückersdorf
verziert. Außerdem sehen wir hier noch einen größeren
Kurfürstenhumpen, mehrere Kelchgläser, zwei weitere Becher mit
Kugelfüßen und einen Reichsadlerhumpen mit Doppelchronogramm
1720. Um diese Zeit hört die Schwarzlotmalerei in Nürnberg auf und
wird auf geschliffenen böhmisch-schlesischen Gläsern fortgesetzt,
wobei Laub- und Bandelwerkornamente, kombiniert mit Rokoko-
oder Chinesenfiguren, und durch Goldhöhung bereichert die
Dekorationsmotive bilden, wie es die in den folgenden zwei Reihen
aufgestellten Stücke zeigen. Arbeiten des XVIII. Jahrhunderts mit
äußerst fein ausgeführten bunten figürlichen Emailmalereien
schließen sich diesen späten Schwarzlotgläsern an.
Im folgenden Schranke sind Doppelgläser verschiedener Art
ausgestellt, solche, wie sie bereits Kunkel in seiner Ars vitraria
beschreibt, die innen mit Ölfarben marmorartig bemalt oder mit Gold-
und Silberfolie unterlegt sind und andere mit buntem figürlichen oder
ornamentalem Schmuck auf Silberfolie. In verschiedenen Formen
sehen wir hier auch die radierten Zwischengoldgläser, wie sie im
XVIII. Jahrhundert in Böhmen erzeugt wurden. Sie sind außen
vielseitig fassettiert, an den ineinandergeschobenen und dekorierten
Innenseiten dagegen glatt. Die meisten zeigen Jagdmotive und
Kriegsszenen, andere Genrebilder, so wie das Glas mit dem
Festessen und das mit den Billardspielern, andere Heiligenbilder
oder Allegorien. Ebenfalls böhmischen Ursprungs sind die mit
eingesetzten, rot oder grün unterlegten Plättchen, welche mit
Inschriften, Monogrammen, Emblemen usw. verziert sind. Sie
erscheinen entweder kreisrund und flach im Boden des Gefäßes
eingesetzt oder oval und in die Seitenwand eingelassen. Diese in
der zweiten Hälfte des XVIII. Jahrhunderts aussterbende Gattung
erfährt zwischen 1788 und 1808 durch den Glasschleifer und
Glasmaler der Glashütte Guttenbrunn in Niederösterreich Johann
Josef Mildner eine kurze Neubelebung. Mildner, der seine Arbeiten
zu signieren pflegte, gravierte seine Ornamente, Monogramme,
Inschriften, Heiligenbilder und Porträte in einem Belag von Blattsilber
oder Blattgold, der die Außenseite des inneren Glases bedeckte, von
innen her gesehen werden sollte, und durch einen roten
Lacküberzug deutlicher gemacht wurde. Das darüber befindliche
äußere Glas wurde an der Innenseite in gleicher Weise für die
Ansicht von außen behandelt. In der Regel nahm er für die
Innenseite Silber, für die Außenseite Gold, dazwischen lag die rote
Lackschichte. Die beiden in der Mitte der mittleren Reihe
ausgestellten Gläser tragen das Porträt des Josef von Fürnberg, von
1742 bis 1799 Besitzer der Herrschaft Guttenbrunn.
Von größter Bedeutung für die künstlerische Entwicklung des
Glases war die durch Kaspar Lehmann, einen Steinschneider am
Hofe Rudolfs II. in Prag, zuerst erfolgte Übertragung seiner Technik
auf das Glas. Dieses Schneiden besteht in einer kunstvollen
Bearbeitung des Glases mit kleinen Rädchen im Gegensatze zum
gewöhnlichen Schleifen. Es gibt Hochschnitte, wobei die gewollten
Formen im Relief erscheinen, die Oberfläche also abgearbeitet
werden muß, und Tiefschnitte, bei denen der Dekor ähnlich einer
Gravierung in die Fläche vertieft eingeschnitten wird. Das einzige
von Lehmann signierte und 1605 datierte Stück ist ein großer Becher
mit drei allegorischen Figuren in der Sammlung des Fürsten
Schwarzenberg in Frauenberg. Von diesem Stücke befindet sich
eine gute Kopie in dem nächst dem dritten Pfeiler befindlichen
Schranke mit modernen Nachbildungen wichtiger Typen böhmischer
und schlesischer Gläser, es ist das erste Stück in der obersten
Reihe.
Lehmann starb 1622 und vererbte sein Können auf seinen
einzigen Schüler, den Nürnberger Georg Schwanhardt, der nach
dem Tode des Meisters in seine Vaterstadt zurückkehrte und dort
eine Glasschneidetechnik einführte, die sein Sohn und verschiedene
andere Mitglieder seiner Familie weiterbetrieben. Die Technik des
Schneidens erfuhr zugleich eine Erweiterung durch das gelegentlich
angewendete Blankschleifen des Schnittes. Die in Nürnberg
geschnittenen Gläser unterscheiden sich nach Robert Schmidt
namentlich dadurch von den späteren böhmischen, daß ihr Schaft
nicht massiv, sondern aus einer Glasblase geformt ist.
Solche Hohlbalusterpokale sind im ersten Schranke der sich
längs der Galerie hinziehenden Vitrinen aufgestellt. Sie bilden die
oberste Reihe und beginnen mit einem Kelchglase mit Landschaft,
worin die Bäume im Charakter der Arbeiten des Nürnberger
Glasschneiders H. W. Schmidt ausgeführt sind. Hierauf folgt ein
Deckelpokal, der durch die Zartheit des Baumschlages den Arbeiten
von Killinger, dem letzten aus der Reihe der Nürnberger
Glasschneider, nahesteht. Von den weiteren Nürnberger Pokalen
sind noch der mit trichterförmiger Kuppa und prächtigen
Rosenzweigen, der reich dekorierte, von 1714 datierte und der mit
teilweise vergoldeten Ornamenten verzierte besonders
bemerkenswert.
Es folgen sodann in diesem und dem zunächst stehenden
Schranke böhmische Gläser des XVII. Jahrhunderts, von denen
manche noch deutlich den venezianischen Einfluß namentlich in
ihren gekniffenen Flügelansätzen und manchmal auch durch den im
Stengel angebrachten roten Faden erkennen lassen.
Die Gliederung der oft hohen Schäfte besteht in wahllos
aneinandergereihten Kugeln und Scheiben, die geschnittenen
Verzierungen (Blumen und Landschaften) sind roh und ganz
oberflächlich eingeschnitten, ja mehr geschliffen als geschnitten.
Charakteristisch für die böhmischen Gläser vor 1680 sind die
schweren tropfenförmigen radial angeordneten Ansätze am Unterteil
der Kelche und auf den Deckeln, das schönste derartige Stück ein
hoher Doppelpokal mit Puttenmedaillons zwischen Ornamenten,
einzeln ausgestellt vor dem Mittelfenster. Überdies finden wir
Vexiergläser, wie sie in Form von Posthörnern, Pistolen, Schweinen,
Bären, Tabakspfeifen usw. bis tief ins XVIII. Jahrhundert beliebt
waren und zu allerlei Trinkerscherzen Anlaß gaben. Eine weitere
Stufe in der Veredlung des böhmischen Glasdekors wird namentlich
in den Glashütten des Riesengebirges durch die feinere Ausbildung
des Schliffes erreicht, der sich auf den nun bereits starkwandig
hergestellten Gläsern durch Kombination von Rillen, Kugeln,
Fassetten und aus olivenförmigen Vertiefungen gebildeten Sternen,
die später gewöhnlich nur in die Unterseite der Standfläche
eingeschnitten werden, zu einer einfachen, aber oft sehr reizvollen
Schleiferornamentik entwickelt. Solche Arbeit finden wir an den zwei
Kannen unter der Reihe der Nürnberger Gläser und an einer Anzahl
von Pokalen der untersten Reihe.
In Böhmen und Schlesien beginnt die klassische Zeit des
Glasschnittes mit den wuchtigen, im Hochschnitt verzierten Gläsern.
Ein solches Glas sehen wir in der obersten Reihe der folgenden
Vitrine. Es trägt ein Allianzwappen des Gundaker Grafen Althan und
ist mit schweren Akanthusranken verziert. Andere Gläser dieser
Reihe zeigen eine Kombination von Hochschnitt und Tiefschnitt. In
der Folgezeit beherrscht der leichter auszuführende Tiefschnitt fast
die gesamte Produktion. Etwa zwischen 1680 und 1700 ist ein Dekor
mit kleinen dichten Blumen üblich, der ohne besondere Gliederung,
nur durch umkränzte Medaillons mit Porträten, Wappen u. dgl.
unterbrochen wird, wie wir es an einigen Beispielen der folgenden
Reihe sehen. Nach 1700 tritt eine Dekorationsweise mit großen
Ranken und hineinkomponierten Blumen- oder Fruchtbüscheln auf,
die Flächen sind nur mit leichtem Rankenwerk in lockerer Anordnung
verziert und gleichzeitig kommt selbständig oder in Verbindung damit
ein kalligraphisches Schnörkelwerk in Verwendung, wie wir es an
einigen Beispielen der untersten Reihe und im folgenden Schranke
sehen. Im zweiten Viertel des XVIII. Jahrhunderts tritt der prunkvolle
Dekor mit Laub- und Bandelwerk auf, der eine üppige Umrahmung
zu einer Hauptdarstellung, einem Porträt, einer architektonischen
oder sonstigen Vedute, einem Wappen, Monogramm etc. bildet. Die
Fläche ist gleichmäßig bedeckt, mattgeschliffene Bänder mit klar
geschliffenen Kugelungen oder Streifen bilden das Gerüst des
Blattwerks, Lambrequins, Baldachine, Trophäen, Putten, Tiere,
Blumenvasen, kleine Landschaftsbildchen treten dazwischen. Die
beiden folgenden Schränke weisen zahlreiche Arbeiten dieser Art
auf. An den schlesischen Pokalen sind zwei Hauptformen zu
bemerken. Bis etwa 1740 erscheint der untere Teil des Kelches
eingezogen und mit blumenkelchartig gebildeten Fassetten verziert,
die sich auf der Kuppa fortsetzen. Später hat die Kuppa keine
Fassetten, und der kahle, stangenförmige Schaft geht mittels eines
Kugelknaufes in den Kelch über. Besondere Formen zeigen die
ovalen und oft auch muschelförmigen Konfitüreschälchen, die sich in
solche mit und andere ohne Goldrand scheiden, sowie die Pokale,
die ohne Schaft direkt, nur durch eine Einschnürung vermittelt, auf
dem Fuße aufsitzen.
Um 1760 treten in Böhmen die Gläser mit ausgesprochenem
Rokokoornament und zierlicher Randmusterung auf, wovon
namentlich die zwei Pokale mit in Metall ergänztem Fuß Zeugnis
geben. Nach 1775 unter dem Einfluß des Louis XVI-Stiles wird der
Glasdekor einfacher und schlichter, es treten sowohl ganz
dünnwandige Gläser auf, wie eine Anzahl in der untersten Reihe des
vorletzten Schrankes ausgestellter Gläser zeigt, als auch schwere
Formen mit dickem quadratischem Fuß, wie wir es in den beiden
letzten Schränken sehen. Mit Beginn des XIX. Jahrhunderts zeigt
sich bei den Gläsern aus Haida, Steinschönau und Blottendorf eine
neu erwachte Farbenfreude, die sich sowohl in prächtigen
Überfanggläsern sowie in den Hyalit- und Lithyalingläsern äußert,
von denen wir in der vor dem Fenster aufgestellten Vitrine einige
Beispiele finden. Hier sind auch Gläser mit durchsichtiger
Emailmalerei nach Sigismund und seinem Sohne Samuel Mohn,
Mohn-Gläser genannt, und gleichartige Arbeiten des Wieners
Kothgaßner ausgestellt.
Ein kleiner Schrank am Pfeiler enthält verschiedene chinesische
und japanische Glasarbeiten. An der Lampe geblasene Gläser
(Uhrgehäuse, Nähkästchen etc.) sind in zwei andern Vitrinen an der
Innenseite der Pfeiler ausgestellt.
Die übrigen Schränke enthalten moderne österreichische,
französische, englische und amerikanische Glasarbeiten aus der
Zeit von etwa 1880 bis zur Gegenwart. Besonders reich ist die Firma
J. & L. Lobmeyr mit zahlreichen und vorzüglichen bunten und
geschnittenen Glasarbeiten vertreten.
[29] Bucher, Br., Die Glassammlung des k. k. Österr. Museums.

Geschichtliche Übersicht und Katalog. Mit 13 Tafeln. 1888.
GLASMALEREIEN.
Mit Rücksicht auf räumliche Verhältnisse ist die kleine Sammlung
alter Glasmalereien teils in der Sammlung von Glasarbeiten, teils im
Saale IX aufgestellt.
Die hier ausgestellten beginnen in der Ecke links mit einer
Dreifaltigkeitsdarstellung aus dem XIV. Jahrhundert aus dem Stifte
Heiligenkreuz in Niederösterreich. Es folgen Glasmalereien des XV.
Jahrhunderts aus St. Stephan in Wien, Architekturen und religiöse
Darstellungen, ferner zwei größere Tafeln aus Wiener-Neustadt aus
dem Anfange des XVI. Jahrhunderts, darstellend Philipp den
Schönen und Johanna von Kastilien an einem Altar kniend, hinter
ihnen ihre Namenspatrone. Darunter zwei kleinere italienische
Glasmalereien aus dem Anfange des XVI. Jahrhunderts und eine
französische Arbeit aus der Mitte des XVI. Jahrhunderts, beides
Stücke, die mit der gleichzeitigen Ölmalerei wetteifern. Im folgenden
Fenster eine Tafel aus dem Ende des XV. Jahrhunderts mit dem
Wappen von Österreich, Burgund, Kastilien usw., eine
Dreifaltigkeitsdarstellung aus dem XVI. Jahrhundert und eine
Wappentafel mit Ornamentumrahmung, datiert Nikol ... Delft pinxit
1608. Weitere Glasmalereien sind im Saal IX ausgestellt. Wir finden
hier zunächst vier prächtige Schweizer Scheiben, Kabinettbilder von
köstlicher Zartheit der Ausführung. Das erste mit dem Monogramm A
H ist die Arbeit eines der besten Schweizer Glasmaler, des Andreas
Hör aus St. Gallen, das folgende mit Bacchus ist unbezeichnet. Von
dem berühmten Züricher Glasmaler Christoph Maurer ist das dritte
Bild „Der Sommer“ ausgeführt, das die volle Signatur des Meisters
samt der Datierung 1597 trägt. Das vierte, „Jakobs Traum“, ist
unsigniert. Die auf diesen Scheiben angebrachten Wappen sind
Nürnberger Geschlechterwappen, unter welchen das Tuchersche,
Behaimsche und Stromersche konstatiert werden konnte. Die
darunter befindlichen Rundscheiben sind deutsche Arbeiten aus
dem XVI. und Anfang des XVII. Jahrhunderts. Im nächsten Fenster
finden wir braun abgetönte Schwarzlotmalereien mit Silbergelb, auch
Kunstgelb genannt, eine technische Neuerung des XIV.
Jahrhunderts, die von da ab ununterbrochen in Übung bleibt.
Besonders hervorzuheben die Darstellungen aus der Legende vom
verlorenen Sohne und die Rundscheiben des XV. Jahrhunderts, mit
Grablegung und Christus in der Vorhölle. Ebenfalls dem XV. und
XVI. Jahrhundert gehören die acht Glasmalereien am folgenden
Fenster an, darunter eine prächtige spätgotische Madonna in der
Strahlenglorie. Die zweite Schweizer Scheibe am nächsten Fenster,
ebenfalls mit A H signiert und von 1566 datiert, trägt das Wappen
des Paulus Fer, Bürgermeisters zu Kempten. Außerdem finden wir
hier zwei Kreuzigungsbilder aus dem XV. und XVI. Jahrhundert, eine
frühgotische kleine Scheibe mit der Anbetung der heiligen drei
Könige und verschiedene Wappenscheiben des XVI. Jahrhunderts.
VERZEICHNIS DER LITERARISCH-
ARTISTISCHEN PUBLIKATIONEN
DES K. K. ÖSTERREICHISCHEN
MUSEUMS.
Mitteilungen des k. k. Österreichischen Museums. I. Heft 1864. Enthaltend

organisatorische Bestimmungen etc. (Österr. Museum.)
Festschrift bei Gelegenheit der Eröffnung des neuen Museumsgebäudes
1871. (Österr. Museum.)
(Bucher, Br.) Das Österr. Museum und die Kunstgewerbeschule. 1873. Mit
Illustrat. (Österr. Museum.)
Preis 10 K.
(Bucher, Br.) Eduard Ritter v. Haas, Festschrift bei Gelegenheit der

feierlichen Enthüllung seiner Büste im k. k. Österr. Museum. 1881.
(Österr. Museum.)
(Vergriffen.)
Heinrich Freiherr v. Ferstel, Festschrift bei Gelegenheit der feierlichen

Enthüllung seines Denkmals im k. k. Österr. Museum. 1884. (Österr.
Museum.)
Preis 4 K.
Das k. k. Österr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie und die k. k.

Kunstgewerbeschule in Wien. 1886. (Alfr. Hölder.)
Preis 1 Mk. 50 Pf.
Das k. k. Österr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie. Ein Rückblick auf seine
Geschichte. Nach Beschluß des Kuratoriums zur Erinnerung an den
25. Jahrestag seiner Gründung (31. März 1864) herausgegeben von
der Direktion. 1889. (Österr. Museum.)
(Vergriffen.)
(Bucher, Br.) Festschrift zum Jubiläum des k. k. Österr. Museums 1889,

enthaltend: Die alten Zunft- und Verkehrsordnungen der Stadt
Krakau. Nach Balthasar Behems Codex picturatus in der k. k.
Jagellonischen Bibliothek herausgegeben. Mit 27 Tafeln. (C. Gerolds
Sohn.)
Preis 20 K.
Das k. k. Österr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie 1864-1914. Mit

Beiträgen von Eduard Leisching, Moritz Dreger, Josef Folnesics,
August Schestag, Richard Ernst, Franz Ritter und 133 Abbildungen.
Wien 1914, Verlag des Museums.
Mitteilungen des k. k. Österr. Museums für Kunst und Industrie.
(Monatsschrift für Kunstgewerbe.) Erschien seit 1865 (seit 1886-1897
als neue Folge). (Österr. Museum und C. Gerolds Sohn.)
Jährlich 8 K.
Kunst und Kunsthandwerk. Monatsschrift des k. k. Österr. Museums.

Erscheint seit 1898. (Artaria & Cie.) Jährlich 12 Hefte.
Preis 24 K.
Wegweiser durch das k. k. Österr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie. 1872-
Führer durch das k. k. Österr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie, Wien
Preis 1 K.
Verzeichnis der vom k. k. Österr. Museum herausgegebenen

Photographien. Serie I-V. Nr. 1-329. (Österr. Museum.)
Verzeichnis der Gipsabgüsse, welche von dem k. k. Österr. Museum
käuflich zu beziehen sind. Ausgegeben im Mai 1899. Nr. 1-1326.
(Österr. Museum.)
Verzeichnis der galvanoplastischen Reproduktionen aus dem
galvanoplastischen Atelier des k. k. Österr. Museums. 1882. (Österr.
Museum.)
(Schestag, Fr.) Katalog der Bibliothek des k. k. Österr. Museums. 1869.
(Österr. Museum.)
(Vergriffen.)
(Chmelarz, E. und Fr. Ritter.) Katalog der Bibliothek des k. k. Österr.

Museums. 1883. (Österr. Museum.)
Preis 6 K.
(Schestag, Fr.) Illustrierter Katalog der Ornamentstichsammlung des k. k.

Österr. Museums. 1871. Mit Initialen und 20 Illustrationen. (Österr.
Museum.)
Preis 10 K.
Ritter, Fr., Illustrierter Katalog der Ornamentstichsammlung des k. k.

Österr. Museums. Erwerbungen seit dem Jahre 1871. Mit 130
Illustrationen. 1889. (R. v. Waldheim.)
Preis 8 K.
Gruppenkataloge der Bibliothek:

Gruppe I.C. Zeitschriften. Preis 50 h.
„ XII. Glasfabrikation und Glasmalerei. Preis 50 h.
„ XIII. Tonwarenfabrikation. (Keramik.) Preis 1 K.
„ XIV. Arbeiten aus Holz. XV. Drechslerei. Preis 50 h.
„ XVII. Schmiede- und Schlosserarbeiten. Preis 25 h.
Katalog der ehemaligen Bockschen Sammlung von Webereien und

Stickereien des Mittelalters und der Renaissance. 1865. (Österr.
Museum.)
Preis 60 h.
Katalog der ehemaligen Bockschen Sammlung von Spitzen und Kanten.

Preis 60 h.
Karabacek, J., Katalog der Theodor Grafschen Funde in Ägypten. 1883.

(Österr. Museum.)
Preis 80 h.
Falke, J. v., Die k. k. Wiener Porzellanfabrik. Ihre Geschichte und die
Sammlung ihrer Arbeiten im k. k. Österr. Museum Mit 17 Tafeln. 1887.
(C. Gerolds Sohn.)
Preis 15 Mk.
Bucher, Br., Die Glassammlung des k. k. Österr. Museums. Geschichtliche

Übersicht und Katalog. Mit 13 Tafeln. 1888. (C. Gerolds Sohn.)
Preis 20 Mk.
Riegl, A., Die ägyptischen Textilfunde im k. k. Österr. Museum. Allgemeine

Charakteristik und Katalog. Mit 13 Tafeln. 1889. (R. v. Waldheim.)
Preis 10 K.
Masner, Karl, Die Sammlung antiker Vasen und Terrakotten im k. k.

Österr. Museum. Katalog und historische Einleitung. 1892. (C.
Gerolds Sohn)
Preis 20 K.
Katalog der Dürer-Ausstellung im k. k. Österr. Museum 1871. (Österr.

Museum.)
Katalog der Österr. Kunstgewerbe-Ausstellung im neuen
Museumsgebäude. 1871. (Österr. Museum.)
Die Ausstellung österr. Kunstgewerbe. Fachmännischer Bericht über die
Ausstellung im k. k. Österr. Museum vom 4. November 1871 bis 4.
Februar 1872. (Österr. Museum.)
Preis 2 K.
Katalog der Gemälde alter Meister aus dem Wiener Privatbesitz,

ausgestellt im k. k. Österr. Museum. 1873. (Österr. Museum.)
Wegweiser durch die Spezial-Ausstellung von Bucheinbänden im k. k.
Österr. Museum. 1880. (Österr. Museum)
Preis 20 h.
Katalog der Spezial-Ausstellung von Krügen und krugartigen Gefäßen im

k. k. Österr. Museum. Eröffnet Mai 1881. (Österr. Museum.)
Preis 40 h.
Ausstellung des k. k. Österr. Museums für Kunst und Industrie in Triest

Katalog der historischen Bronze-Ausstellung im k. k. Österr. Museum.
Preis 1 K.
Alt- und Neuindische Kunstgegenstände aus Prof. Leitners jüngster

Sammlung. 1883. (Österr. Museum.)
Preis 1 K.
Katalog der Spezial-Ausstellung von Schlössern und Schlüsseln

(Sammlung Dillinger) im k. k. Österr. Museum. 1885. (Österr.
Museum.)
Preis 50 h.
Illustrierter Katalog der Ausstellung kirchlicher Kunstgegenstände. 1887.

Mit 44 Illustr. (C. Gerolds Sohn.)
Preis 2 K.
Katalog der Kaiserin Maria Theresia-Ausstellung 1888. (Druck von C.

Gerolds Sohn.)
Katalog der Ausstellung von Amateur-Photographien. 1888. (Klub der
Amateur-Photographen.)
Katalog der Spezial-Ausstellung österreichischer Kunstgewerbe zum 25.
Jahrestage der Gründung des k. k. Österr. Museums. 1889. (Österr.
Museum.)
Preis 40 h.
Katalog der Spezial-Ausstellung von Gobelins und verwandten

Gegenständen. 1890. Mit Einleitung von J. v. Falke. (Österr.
Museum.)
Preis 40 h.
Führer durch die Kostüm-Ausstellung, 17. Jänner bis 30. März 1891.
(Österr. Museum.)
Preis 40 h.
Katalog der internationalen Ausstellung künstlerischer Photographien.

1891. (Klub der Amateur-Photographen in Wien.)
Preis 40 h.
Katalog der Spezial-Ausstellung von farbigen Kupferstichen. Mit einer
historischen Einleitung. 1892. (C. Gerolds Sohn.)
(Vergriffen.)
Katalog der Spezial-Ausstellung mittelalterlichen Hausrats. Mit einer

historischen Einleitung. 1892. (Österr. Museum.)
Preis 60 h.
Katalog der archäologischen Ausstellung. 1893. (Österr. Museum.)

Katalog einer Spezial-Ausstellung der Schabkunst. Mit einer Einleitung
und sechs Heliogravüren. 1894. (Österr. Museum.)
Preis 1 K 20 h.
Katalog der Wiener Kongreß-Ausstellung. Fünf Auflagen. 1896. (Österr.

Museum.)
Führer durch die Ausstellung von Arbeiten k. k. kunstgewerblicher
Fachschulen, 1901. 1901. (Österr. Museum.)
Katalog der Ausstellung von Bucheinbänden und Vorsatzpapieren, 1903.
Katalog der Ausstellung von Alt-Wiener Porzellan, März bis Mai 1904.
Ausstellung von älteren japanischen Kunstwerken, 1905. 1905. (Österr.
Museum.)
Ausstellung österreichischer Hausindustrie und Volkskunst. November
1905 bis Februar 1906. 1905. (Österr. Museum.)
Katalog der Ausstellung alter Gold- und Silberschmiedearbeiten, April bis
Mai 1907. 1907. (Österr. Museum.)
Katalog der Winterausstellung 1897/1898. 1897. (Österr. Museum.)
Katalog der Ausstellung österreichischer Kunstgewerbe. 1909/1910. 1909.
(Österr. Museum.)

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Hugo Grotius and the century of

revolution, 1613-1718 : transnational

The Hellenistic Reception of Classical Athenian

The Ideology Of Creole Revolution: Imperialism And

Ideas of Contract in English Political Thought in the

Revolution and Its Discontents Political Thought and

The Intellectual Origins of the Belgian Revolution:

Crisis and Constitutionalism: Roman Political Thought

English-Medium Instruction and the Internationalization

Covenanting Citizens: The Protestation Oath and Popular

HUGO GROTIUS AND THE CENTURY

Hugo Grotius and the

PART I. STATE, RESISTANCE, G OVERNMENT

PART II. S TATE, CHURC H, AND R ELIGION

PART III. PROPERTY AND EMPIRE

Select Bibliography 199

Nature, the stepdame to us all,

2 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

Century Reception of Grotius’ De Veritate’, Grotiana, 33 (2012), 119–43.

4 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

of English Protestantism, c. 1530–1700 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 330.

between lex aeterna and natural rights’, Grotiana, 16 (1995), 55–83.

8 Jonathan Israel, ‘Toleration in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English Thought’, in Simon

Reformation to Glorious Revolution (London: Secker and Warburg, 1992), 47.

(Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2007), 111–12.

6 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

1121 October 1613, <http://grotius.huygens.knaw.nl/letters/0292/>.

Review, 85 (1970), 461.

Cambridge University Press, 2007), 54–75.

108, 147, 204.

Press, 1967), 32–3.

8 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

Intellectual, political, and even biographical factors overlapped in determining an

28 <http://www.grotius.huygens.knaw.nl/letters/6120/>; Sarah Mortimer, Reason and Religion

Republican Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975).

10 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

Modern State, 1603–1707 (London: IB Tauris, 1999), 11.

University Press, 2011), 68–9.

40 Patricia Clavin, ‘Deﬁning Transnationalism’, Contemporary European History, 14 (2005),

Women Writers (New York: Psychology Press, 2000), 3.

Language Association, 14 (1981), 35–6.

12 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

45 Thompson, ‘Reception Theory’, 248.

14 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

47 Skinner, Visions of Politics, I, 75–6.

Philosophy 16 (1978), 450; Malcolm, Aspects of Hobbes, 62.

Press, 1994), 2 vols.

Hobbes in England 1640–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 63–4.

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 205–6.

16 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

POLITICS AND/OR RELIGION?

This book aims to provide a comprehensive account of the English reception of

Companion to Hobbes’s Leviathan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 442–7.

Enlightenment (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 91–2.

(Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), xiii.

18 Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution

68 Nelson, Hebrew Republic, 117–18.

[29] Bucher, Br., Die Glassammlung des k. k. Österr. Museums.

Mitteilungen des k. k. Österreichischen Museums. I. Heft 1864. Enthaltend

(Bucher, Br.) Eduard Ritter v. Haas, Festschrift bei Gelegenheit der

Heinrich Freiherr v. Ferstel, Festschrift bei Gelegenheit der feierlichen

Das k. k. Österr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie und die k. k.

(Bucher, Br.) Festschrift zum Jubiläum des k. k. Österr. Museums 1889,