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Textbook How We Think and Learn Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Implications 1St Edition Jeanne Ellis Ormrod Ebook All Chapter PDF
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How We Think and Learn
Theoretical Perspectives and Practical
Implications
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781316616840
10.1017/9781316691458
© Jeanne Ellis Ormrod 2017
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2017
Printed in the United States of America by Sheridan Books, Inc.
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
isbn 978-1-107-16511-3 Hardback
isbn 978-1-316-61684-0 Paperback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
urls for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
how we think and learn
Theoretical Perspectives and Practical Implications
Written in a conversational and engaging manner, How We Think and Learn
introduces readers to basic principles and research findings regarding human
cognition and memory. It also highlights and debunks twenty-eight common
misconceptions about thinking, learning, and the brain. Interspersed through-
out the book are many short do-it-yourself exercises in which readers can
observe key principles in their own thinking and learning. All ten chapters end
with concrete recommendations – both for readers’ own learning and for
teaching and working effectively with others. As an accomplished researcher
and writer, Jeanne Ellis Ormrod gives us a book that is not only highly
informative but also a delight to read.
v
vi Contents
Although I am listed as the sole author of this book, I have hardly written it
alone. In particular, I must thank the countless psychologists and other
scholars who have conducted the research studies and developed the
theoretical perspectives that have shaped my thinking about human learn-
ing and cognition over the past 50 years. If I were to list all of them in the
footnotes and reference list, this would be a very long book indeed.
I must also thank four individuals who have helped me turn my ideas
into the concrete reality that is How We Think and Learn. Dave Repetto at
Cambridge University Press recruited me to write the book, and together
we conceptualized a work that can (we hope) appeal to a broad audience of
readers. Megan Ferrara created several arts that illustrate certain ideas in
delightful visual form. And with their attention to both the big picture and
many nitty-gritty details, Joshua Penney at Cambridge and Sathish Kumar
at Integra transformed my manuscript into the final product you see
before you.
A special shout-out goes to Adrienne Starrs, who has, over the past 15
months, doggedly and yet graciously persisted in her efforts to stretch my
mind and fingers in new musical directions. In doing so, she has not only
enabled me to improve my piano-playing ability but also expanded my
conceptions of what expert instruction and effective learning are all about.
Finally, I will be eternally grateful to my husband, Richard, who has been
my cheerleader throughout this and previous book-writing projects, and to
my children and grandchildren, who have given me many great examples
of human cognition and learning in action.
vii
1
We human beings are hardly alone in our ability to learn from our
experiences. Even snails and earthworms can acquire and remember
new behaviors as their environmental circumstances change, and many
mammals and birds can learn new skills simply by observing and model-
ing what their human or nonhuman companions do.1 Yet as members of
the species homo sapiens – Latin for “wise man” or “wise human” – we
have several capabilities that far exceed those of our fellow residents on
Planet Earth.
Key among our exceptional talents is an ability to communicate with
one another using a grammatically complex and very flexible language.
Our language provides a critical means through which we learn from
other people’s experiences and guidance. For example, if you want to fix
a broken bicycle or bake chocolate chip cookies, you can ask other
people – or read books or websites that other people have written – to
guide you through the process. In addition, as you’ll discover in
Chapter 3, language also provides an important resource for thinking
about our experiences.
Another thing that sets us apart is the fact that virtually all of us humans
live within a certain culture that not only helps us learn new things but also
serves as a repository of what we have collectively learned as a group.2
Consider our many books, museums, universities, and Internet websites;
all of these serve as shared “memories” of what various civilizations have
learned over the ages.
Finally, much more so than is true for any other species, we human
beings can self-reflect about the things we have learned and about our
thoughts in general.3 For example, we can mull over and evaluate our
own and other people’s ideas about, say, social or political issues, and we
can integrate the many tidbits of information we’ve obtained from various
1
2 How We Think and Learn
Quite the opposite is true. Right from the get-go, we humans mentally
do something with much of the information we get: Our minds change and
condense it in ways that enable us to remember it more effectively. Thus,
we should never assume that our recollections of information and events
are accurate ones. Nor should we assume that other people’s recollections
are accurate, no matter how confidently and self-assuredly those indivi-
duals describe the “facts” of the matter.
Misconception #3: That occasional forgetfulness is a sign that some-
thing is wrong with our mental hardware
No, not at all. Some absent-mindedness is perfectly normal in people of
all ages. Usually the problem isn’t one of forgetting something altogether,
but rather of failing to remember it when we need it – for example,
completely forgetting about errands we’ve wanted to complete or appoint-
ments we’ve made for later in the day.
Chronic forgetfulness can sometimes indicate significant mental
impairment or decline. But especially if we lead complicated lives with
many distractions, virtually all of us occasionally forget something we’ve
really wanted to remember. I’ll talk more about this problem, including
strategies for addressing it, in Chapter 6.
figure 1.2. Here are two views of the same object. What might this object be?
I’m guessing that, in addition, you see the letter X in Figure 1.1, which
illustrates a second general principle: We try to impose meaning on the
information we obtain. As a rule, we humans seem determined to make
some sort of sense of our experiences. At our very core, we are meaning
makers. To see what I mean, look at Figure 1.2, which shows the same
object in two orientations, one being a 90-degree rotation of the other.
What is this object? Give it a label of some sort.
If you focus your attention on the left-hand version of the object, you
might think that it’s a fish or submarine going through water. If, instead,
you look more closely at the right-hand version, you might perhaps
think that it’s a rocket ship launching into space. In each of these
cases, you might interpret the three squiggly lines as indicating some
sort of movement of the object. Alternatively, you might think of the
squiggly lines in the right-hand version as reflecting the movement of
air – perhaps as a vacuum cleaner sucks up dirt from a carpet. The object
isn’t necessarily a fish, submarine, rocket, or vacuum cleaner, of course;
it could be something else altogether, or it could be just a collection of
black marks that have no meaning whatsoever.
The General Nature of Human Cognition and Learning 5
being strategic
Our brains don’t come with owners’ manuals. And without such manuals,
most of us tend to be quite naive and ill-informed in our approaches to new
learning and teaching situations. The next two misconceptions illustrate
the problem:
Misconception #4: That we intuitively know how we can best learn
and remember something new
Misconception #5: That we intuitively know how we can most
effectively teach other people new knowledge and skills
Sadly, many people of all ages think that the best way to learn a new fact is
simply to repeat it over and over. And some teachers seem to emphasize
drill-and-practice exercises in their instructional methods. As you’ll see in
the discussion of automaticity in Chapter 5, repetition and drill-and-
practice do have their place, but as a general rule they’re not terribly
effective ways to either learn or teach new knowledge and skills.
By and large, effective learning and effective teaching require conscious,
intentional, planful strategies. Sometimes we develop such strategies on our
own, but we typically do so only after we’ve undergone a fair amount of
trial and error with relatively mindless approaches. Fortunately, with
appropriate guidance and support from others, we can acquire many
good strategies, the result being that we become far more successful and
efficient learners and teachers. In other words, we can greatly enhance our
own and others’ brainpower.
Consistent with my optimism about what we can do if we use the right
strategies, each chapter in this book has a “Being Strategic” section that
includes both (a) self-strategies for enhancing thinking and learning in
your own everyday life and (b) formal and informal instructional strategies
for enhancing thinking and learning in other people. Those other people
might be students (if you’re a teacher), employees (if you’re a boss or
supervisor), or readers of your work (if you’re a writer or Internet blogger).
I’ll often use the word students in my instructional strategies, but I urge you
8 How We Think and Learn
notes
1. Aplin et al., 2015; Datta, 1962; de Waal, 2016; Heyes & Galef, 1996; Samarova
et al., 2005.
2. Some research has detected primitive forms of a “culture” in certain other
species as well (e.g., see Aplin et al., 2015; Boesch, 2012), but nothing that
approaches the sophistication of human cultures.
3. For examples of self-reflection in other animals, see Foote & Crystal, 2007;
Kornell, 2009.
4. Chomsky, 2006; Dewar & Xu, 2010; Mandler, 2007; Quinn, 2007.
5. For varying perspectives, see Dehaene, 2007; Fernández-Espejo et al., 2011;
Kaku, 2014; G. A. Miller, 2010; Paller, Voss, & Westerberg, 2009; Siegel, 2012.
6. If you have a background in psychology, you might realize that this part of
the definition conflicts with traditional behaviorists’ view of learning, which
involves a change in observable behavior rather than a change in a mental
entity.
2
The human brain is such an incredibly complex organ that researchers have
only begun to get a handle on the intricacies of its structures and functioning.
For a long time, much of what researchers knew about the brain came either
from animal research or from observations and (sometimes) postmortem
autopsies of people who had sustained brain injuries, undergone neurosurgical
procedures, or had other brain abnormalities. Fortunately, recent advance-
ments in technology now enable neuroscientists to examine brain structures
and functioning of presumably normal human beings in varying circum-
stances. One technique is to place electrodes at strategic locations on
a person’s scalp and record patterns of the brain’s electrical activity.
The result is an electroencephalogram (EEG) record that can reveal different
patterns of brain waves for different activities (e.g., for sleep versus wakeful-
ness). Researchers have also been using neuroimaging technologies to take
pictures of blood flow or metabolism rates in various parts of the brain as
people do certain things; examples are positron emission tomography (PET),
computerized axial tomography (CAT), magnetic resonance imaging (MRI),
and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). And as neuroscientists
have increasingly recognized that two or more parts of the brain often work
together even in the simplest of everyday activities, they have begun to use
functional connectivity MRI (fcMRI), a technique that enables them to deter-
mine which brain regions consistently work together in one task or another.
You and I will draw on all of these sources of information as we explore
the human brain in this chapter. We’ll start with the brain’s most basic
components – its countless tiny cells and their many, many, many inter-
connections. We’ll then look at larger structures within the brain and at the
developmental changes that the brain undergoes across a typical lifespan.
Finally, we’ll get strategic, using what we’ve learned about the brain to
identify ways of enhancing brainpower in both ourselves and others.
11
12 How We Think and Learn
Dendrites
Axon
Nucleus
Terminal buttons
Myelin sheath
Cell body
Cerebral cortex
Corpus callosum
Prefrontal cortex
Thalamus
Hypothalamus
Cerebellum
Amygdala
Hippocampus
Frontal lobe
• Reasoning
• Problem solving Parietal lobe
• Speech production • Interpretation and
• Sustained attention integration of
• Planning sensory information
• Impulse control • Body orientation
• Voluntary actions • Involvement in spoken
language, reading,
writing, and math
The newest and biggest part of the brain, the forebrain, rests on top of
and surrounds much of the hindbrain and midbrain. Its most prominent
subpart is the cerebral cortex, which looks like a thick, lumpy toupee.
The cortex is largely – although not entirely – divided into two hemi-
spheres, one on the brain’s left side and the other on its right side. Each
hemisphere has four distinct lobes that specialize in somewhat different
functions, as illustrated in Figure 2.3. The two hemispheres are connected
by the corpus callosum, a large bundle of more than two million axons that
regularly transmit messages back and forth across the divide.
Although the various lobes of the cerebral cortex constantly communicate
with one another, the left and right frontal lobes seem to house much of our
conscious thinking – that is, our general awareness of ourselves and of the
outside world. The frontal lobes are largely responsible for our sense-making
capabilities, speech, logical reasoning, problem solving, and general ability to
keep our mental attention focused on whatever it is we need to accomplish.
The frontal lobes are also primarily responsible for our ability to inhibit
irrelevant and counterproductive thoughts, control impulses, and produc-
tively plan future actions. At the very front of the frontal lobes, right behind
the forehead, is the prefrontal cortex (PFC), which seems to be “command
central” in our conscious, controlled, planful thought processes.
Other structures in the forebrain, all lying nestled in the middle of the
brain under the cortex, are key players as well. Intricately connected to the
cortex is the limbic system, a cluster of structures that are actively involved
in learning, memory, emotions, and motivation. One structure is the
18 How We Think and Learn
Misconception #7: That the brain’s left and right hemispheres have very
different functions and can be independently trained and nurtured
Researchers have indeed found some differences in what the left and right
hemispheres do. Contrary to what might seem logical, the left hemisphere
controls the right side of the body, whereas the right hemisphere controls the
left side. In addition, the two hemispheres seem to specialize a bit in different
aspects of human cognition. For most people, the left hemisphere is in charge
of language skills, including speech production, comprehension of spoken
language, and reading. And in general, the left hemisphere is the more
analytical and detail-oriented of the two; for instance, it tends to dominate
in mathematical calculation skills and in analyzing music.13 Meanwhile, the
right hemisphere takes the lead role in processing visual and spatial informa-
tion – for instance, in perceiving objects within their overall spatial contexts,
conjuring up mental images, estimating quantities, and interpreting people’s
facial expressions, gestures, and other nonverbal body language. The right side
is also much better than the left side at synthesizing information into multi-
faceted, meaningful wholes. In other words, the right hemisphere is better at
seeing the big picture – it’s more likely to see the overall forest in situations in
which the left hemisphere is being distracted by some of the trees.
Yet thanks to the corpus callosum that connects them, the two hemi-
spheres of the brain constantly collaborate in even the simplest of daily
activities. Let’s take language comprehension as an example. Although
the left hemisphere might handle the nitty-gritty details of syntax and
word interpretation, it tends to take what it hears and reads quite literally.
The right hemisphere is better able to put the words in their larger con-
texts – for instance, to interpret metaphors, detect sarcasm, and find
multiple possible meanings in words.14 To see what I mean, try to make
logical sense of the following three sentences in combination:
Time flies.
I can’t.
They go too fast.
These three sentences go together only if you think of the first sentence as
a command rather than as a common expression regarding how quickly
time can whizz by. Get it? If you’re still puzzled, then imagine that I’m
a biologist conducting lab research with fruit flies. You’re my research
assistant, and I want you to measure how quickly the little critters are
zipping around in their container. The first sentence is what I ask you to
do – to time my flies – and the second and third sentences comprise your
20 How We Think and Learn
Again no, not true. The process of learning or thinking about virtually any
tiny thing in our lives – even a single word – is distributed across many
parts of the brain.17 As an example, take the word horse. That simple word
probably involves brain regions related not only to how the word sounds,
how it’s pronounced, and how it’s spelled, but also to what you’ve observed
and can remember about the word’s concrete equivalents – actual horses.
And here’s another misconception that I must emphatically refute:
Misconception #9: That most of us don’t use more than 10% of our
brain capacity
Oh, for Pete’s sake. I mean, really??!! I can’t recall where this idea originally
came from – from some self-proclaimed “brain expert,” no doubt – but it’s
completely bogus. Think about it: The human brain has several trillion
cells that are interconnected in more ways than we can count. How could
anyone possibly calculate a “percentage” of what’s being used? Besides, as
we’ve seen, unused neurons and synapses (and presumably also glial cells)
gradually wither away. It’s inconceivable that 90% of anyone’s brain is just
sitting there idly with nothing to do.