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Page i
Understanding Psychology
FOURTEENTH EDITION
Robert S. Feldman
University of Massachusetts Amherst
Page ii
Published by McGraw-Hill Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121. Copyright © 2019 by McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved.
Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2017, 2015, and 2013. No part of this publication may be reproduced or
distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill
Education, including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.
Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 LWI 21 20 19 18
Bound:
ISBN 978-1-260-19452-4
MHID 1-260-19452-3
Loose Leaf:
ISBN 978-1-260-19463-0
MHID 1-260-19463-9
All credits appearing on page or at the end of the book are considered to be an extension of the copyright page.
The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website does not indicate an
endorsement by the authors or McGraw-Hill Education, and McGraw-Hill Education does not guarantee the accuracy of the information
presented at these sites.
www.mhhe.com
Page iii
Dedication
To
Jon, Leigh, Alex, Miles, Josh, Julie, Naomi,
Sarah, Jeff, Lilia, and Kathy
Page v
About the Author
©Robert S. Feldman
ROBERT S. FELDMAN is Professor of Psychological and Brain Sciences and Senior Advisor to the
Chancellor of the University of Massachusetts Amherst. A recipient of the College Distinguished Teacher
Award, he teaches psychology classes ranging in size from 15 to nearly 500 students. During the course
of more than three decades as a college instructor, he has taught undergraduate and graduate courses
at Mount Holyoke College, Wesleyan University, and Virginia Commonwealth University in addition to the
University of Massachusetts.
Professor Feldman, who initiated the Minority Mentoring Program at the University of
Massachusetts, also has served as a Hewlett Teaching Fellow and Senior Online Teaching Fellow. He
initiated distance-learning courses in psychology at the University of Massachusetts.
A Fellow of the American Psychological Association, the Association for Psychological Science, and
the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Professor Feldman received a BA with High
Honors from Wesleyan University and an MS and PhD from the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He is a
winner of a Fulbright Senior Research Scholar and Lecturer Award and the Distinguished Alumnus
Award from Wesleyan. He is past President of the Federation of Associations in Behavioral and Brain
Sciences (FABBS) Foundation, which advocates for the field of psychology, and is on the board of the
Social Psychology Network (SPN).
He has written and edited more than 250 books, book chapters, and scientific articles. He has
edited Development of Nonverbal Behavior in Children, Applications of Nonverbal Behavioral Theory and
Research, and Improving the First Year of College: Research and Practice, and co-edited Fundamentals
of Nonverbal Behavior. He is also author of P.O.W.E.R. Learning: Strategies for Success in College and
Life. His textbooks, which have been used by more than 2 million students around the world, have been
translated into Spanish, French, Portuguese, Dutch, German, Italian, Chinese, Korean, and Japanese.
His research interests include deception and honesty in everyday life, work that he described in The Liar
in Your Life, a trade book published in 2009. His research has been supported by grants from the
National Institute of Mental Health and the National Institute on Disabilities and Rehabilitation Research.
Professor Feldman loves music, is an enthusiastic pianist, and enjoys cooking and traveling. He
serves on the Executive Committee and Board of New England Public Radio. He and his wife, also a
psychologist, live in western Massachusetts in a home overlooking the Holyoke mountain range.
Page vii
Brief Contents
Preface xxvi
Glossary G1-G12
References R1-R68
Name Index NI1-NI35
Subject Index SI1-SI16
McGraw-Hill Education Psychology APA Documentation Style Guide
Page xi
Contents
Preface xxvi
Making the Grade xxxvi
©Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock
CHAPTER 1
Introduction to Psychology 1
CHAPTER 2
Psychological Research 28
©DGLimages/Shutterstock
CHAPTER 3
Neuroscience and Behavior 52
©Uppercut/SuperStock
CHAPTER 4
Sensation and Perception 87
©Eugenio Marongiu/Shutterstock
CHAPTER 5
©MJTH/Shutterstock
CHAPTER 6
Learning 167
©Eugenio Marongiu/Shutterstock
CHAPTER 7
Memory 200
CHAPTER 8
©Digital Vision
CHAPTER 9
Intelligence 267
CHAPTER 10
Motivation and Emotion 296
©Jade/Getty Images
CHAPTER 11
CHAPTER 12
Development 367
©santypan/Shutterstock
CHAPTER 13
Personality 422
©Fancy Collection/SuperStock
CHAPTER 14
©Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock
CHAPTER 15
Psychological Disorders 486
©urbancow/Getty Images
CHAPTER 16
MODULE 49 Psychotherapy:
Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive
Approaches to Treatment 526
Psychodynamic Approaches to Therapy 527
Behavioral Approaches to Therapy 529
Cognitive Approaches to Therapy 533
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: How Cognitive
Behavioral Therapy Changes Your Brain 535
Page xxii
CHAPTER 17
Social Psychology 556
{671}
"The Government of the United States has been vested not with
all powers but only with certain particular powers. These
particular delegated powers are in some respects limited and
confined in scope and operation, but in other respects they
are entirely unlimited. So that the real and practical
question is whether there is any limitation preventing the
particular thing here complained of.
{672}
"This was the form in which the article stood when the whole
draft was referred to the committee of eleven, but when
reported back September 12, it constituted the second clause
of the sixth article and declared that the Constitution and
laws and the treaties made and to be made should be 'the
supreme law of the land,' and so it now stands as part of the
Constitution. If the clause had been adopted in the form
agreed to in the committee and inserted in the first draft,
there would have been at least a certain degree of
plausibility in the argument made here for the Government, but
even in that case we think the powers of Congress would have
been limited whenever and wherever it might attempt to
exercise them. But it is argued here that the history of the
Constitution and the language employed in the preamble, and in
some other places, show that it was intended to establish a
government only for such of the States then existing as might
ratify it, and such other States as might thereafter be
admitted into the Union, and that, therefore, while it confers
power upon Congress to govern Territories, it does not require
that body to govern them in accordance with the supreme law of
the land; that is, in accordance with the instrument from
which the power to govern is derived. Even if the premises
were true, the conclusion would not follow; but is it true
that the Constitution was ordained and established for the
government of the States only? If so, how did it happen that
the great men who framed that instrument made it confer the
power to govern Territories as well as States? It is true that
the Constitution was ordained and established by the people of
the States, but it created a National Government for national
purposes, not a mere league or compact between the States, and
jurisdiction was conferred upon that Government over the whole
national domain, whatever its boundaries might be. It is not
true that the Government was established only for the States,
their inhabitants or citizens, but if it were true, then it
could exercise no power outside of the States, and this court
would have to put a new construction upon that provision which
authorizes Congress to dispose of and make all needful rules
and regulations respecting the territory, or other property,
belonging to the United States. The necessary construction of
that clause would be that it conferred power only to dispose
of land or other property, and to make necessary rules and
regulations respecting land or other property belonging to the
United States; that is, belonging to the several States
composing the Union. It would confer no power whatever to
govern the people outside of the States."
{673}
"Nor is it true that at the time this declaration was made all
independent states or nations claimed and exercised the right
to acquire, hold and govern foreign dependencies, and no state
or nation then recognized its obligation to confer on the
people of such acquired territory the privileges and
immunities enjoyed by the people of the home government,
except at its own will and discretion. It is true that all
independent states claimed and exercised the right to acquire
territory, but if it were important in this case I think the
arguments of Pitt, Camden and Barre could be used to establish
the proposition that under the British Constitution as it
then was, that nation had, from the time of King John and the
Great Charter until King George, recognized that its subjects
had essential rights not dependent upon the 'will and
discretion' of the home government. It is unnecessary to
follow that subject here. It is sufficient that the
Declaration of Independence was brought about by the assertion
on the part of King George and his ministers of precisely the
present doctrine of this administration and its
representatives in this court. If value is to be attached to
contemporary history that fact cannot be lost sight of. The
speeches of Grenville and Townshend in favor of unlimited
power on the part of Parliament over the American colonists
and their affairs have been substantially parodied in Congress
by the advocates of unrestrained power over our 'colonies,' as
it is now unfortunately fashionable to denominate them. The
signers of the Declaration of Independence held that as
subjects of the British Constitution there was no right to
impose taxes upon them without their consent, to deprive them
of trial by jury, to deprive them of their legislatures, and
to declare Parliament in vested with power to legislate for
them 'in all cases whatsoever.' These and other grievances
were held denials of rights belonging to every British subject
as such and to justify rebellion and war. It seems impossible
that a people who rebelled for such reasons established a
State invested with the very power which they had denied to
the British government and the assertions of which made
rebellion necessary.
"In fact, we submit that this court has already held that
sovereign power in the sense that the words are used in the
law of nations as prerogative rights of the King or Emperor,
not only is not vested in the United States or in any branch
of its government, but cannot be so vested. The sovereign
power is with the people. In leaving it with the people our
government marked a departure from all that had previously
existed."
Supreme Court of the United States,
October Term, 1900, Number 419:
C. H. Aldrich, Argument in reply.
{674}
{675}
Said another: "How would anybody find out how many people in
the State of Mississippi were disfranchised for the reasons
stated in this resolution? There is there an educational
qualification. How are you to determine how many of the men in
the State of Mississippi who did not vote, did not vote
because they were disfranchised under the educational
qualification? Then there is a qualification in extension and
not in limitation of the suffrage, saying that even those who
can not read and write may still vote, provided they can give
an understanding interpretation of the Constitution or any
part of it. How are you going to determine how many are
disqualified by that? And then there is a qualification which
says that those can not vote who shall not by a certain time
have paid their poll tax. Out of the number of people who did
not vote, how are you going to determine which of them have
not voted because of the educational qualification? Which
because of the understanding qualification? Which because of
the poll-tax qualification? Which because of the registration
qualification? How many because of the pure Australian ballot
which exists in the State of Mississippi? … There is not a
State in the Union which has the Australian ballot which by
the very fact and the necessity of voting according to that
Australian ballot does not prevent the citizen who can not
read and write from voting if he votes a split ticket of any
sort."
"We will not review the past by any discussion of the question
as to whether the provisions of the fourteenth amendment
should have been made effective when the last apportionment
was made ten years ago. We find to-day conditions existing
which make its enforcement imperative. I do not propose to
discuss at this time whether the reasons given for these
abridgments by the people of the various States are valid or
not. … I am simply pointing out the conditions as they exist;
I am simply pointing out that the time has come when the
tendency of the States to abridge their electorates has grown
to such proportions as to demand that this Congress shall
proceed in a constitutional manner in making the new
apportionment. I do not say that States have not the right to
establish educational qualifications for their electors, but I
do maintain that when they have done so they must pay the penalty
prescribed in the Constitution, and have their representation
abridged proportionately.
{676}
I do not say that we shall punish only Louisiana;
I do not say that we shall punish only Massachusetts;
I do not say that we shall punish only California;
but I do say and insist, as the representative of a State in
which every male member 21 years of age and over is guaranteed
the sacred right of franchise, that there is a constitutional
remedy prescribed for their acts, and I do demand that that
remedy be applied."
STATES.
REQUIREMENTS AS TO CITIZENSHIP. [First paragraph]
ALABAMA.
Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.
ARKANSAS.
Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.
CALIFORNIA.
Citizen by nativity, naturalization, or treaty of Queretaro.