Question No: - 1

Analyze the past (since 1990’s) and present trends of

foreign policy of the United States towards the Central Asian
Region.
Introduction

The collapse of the Soviet Union ushered in a new dimension of U.S. foreign
policy. The United States began its relationship with the five newly-independent
states of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and
Tajikistan) by assisting them to establish free-market institutions, develop their
energy resources, foster democratic governance, build national, economic and
political institutions, and manage Soviet-era WMD stockpiles.

Relations in 1990s

Before 1991, the states of Central Asia were marginal backwaters for
Washington. But in the 1990s, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the energy
resources of the Caspian Sea attracted many U.S. oil companies. Eventually, the
energy resources of the Caspian Basin produced tension in U.S.-Russian relations.
Central Asia also became a battlefield on the U.S.-led War on Terror. Violent clashes
erupted between ethnic groups in Uzbekistan and groups in Tajikistan; the region
then became entangled with war in Afghanistan. Still, the U.S.- Central Asia
relationship changed radically after September 2001, when the United States
undertook a prolonged military campaign in the region within the framework of the
global war against terrorism.

The United States assisted Central Asian countries to counter extremist

groups like the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. The Pentagon has helped their
militaries become more efficient, effective and professional. The U.S. agenda for
Central Asia and Afghanistan has included countering WMD proliferation; fighting
terrorists and securing borders; advancing U.S. economic interests and regional
integration; promoting good governance and civil liberties; monitoring Russian,
Chinese and Iranian activities in the region; and pursuing bilateral cooperation with
each regional state.

Human rights development

Human rights and democracy promotion were among the top priorities of the
Obama administration in Central Asia. These efforts were often coupled with (and
were often a condition of) security cooperation, mainly focused on fighting violent
extremism in the region. According to the U.S. State Department’s Country Reports
on Human Rights Practices for 2016, Central Asia has shown inadequate progress
towards democratic and human rights reforms.

Transition nature of US policy after 9/11

 After the events of September 11, 2001, the United States’ national security
interests in Central Asia underwent a drastic shift. The U.S. has been active in the
region in terms of foreign aid, military-military engagement programs, and energy
resource development since 1992. However, after September 11, it became clear
that there was a security vacuum in the region that posed a serious threat to U.S.
national interests and had to be addressed directly. Security issues have thus taken
priority in U.S. policy approaches toward the region in 2001-2002, but the U.S. is still
very much concerned with accelerating economic growth, fostering political
development including the promotion of human rights, and facilitating international
integration in Central Asia.

These factors are seen as interrelated. U.S. policy in the region is based on
the understanding that achieving long-term stability in Central Asia is a primary
objective, but will not be possible without significant internal reform in each of the five
Central Asian republics. As a result, the United States is pursuing its policy
objectives in Central Asia through a combination of diplomacy, relationship building,
and foreign assistance, in addition to increasing its military presence to pursue the
campaign in Afghanistan.

U.S. policy faces numerous challenges in Central Asia, such as the

decreasing U.S. military and economic resources in the region; Russian and Chinese
hostility to a long-term U.S. military presence in Eurasia; restrictions on religious and
other freedoms due partly to counterterrorism concerns; limited U.S. involvement in
the region compared to other external players (like Japan, as well as Russia and
China); an undeveloped U.S. policy regarding the SCO, the OBOR, the EEU, and
other regional institutions; and the indifference and ignorance of U.S. businesses
toward regional commercial opportunities beyond the energy sector. Since the U.S.
government was not involved with Central Asia prior to the 1990s, it lacks extensive
regional expertise. In addition: although the Central Asian states occupy a single,
shared geographic sphere, they cannot be approached as a single entity.

Current policy towards CA

The United States can pursue shared goals such as energy cooperation and
regional security, preventing instability in this potentially explosive region. However,
U.S. engagement with the region will likely remain secondary in comparison to the
greater role of China and Russia in the region. Given the national security priorities
of the current White House administration, Central Asia may become an afterthought
in U.S. foreign policy. The changing political landscape has already led Russia and
its Central Asian neighbors to prepare for an expected power vacuum following U.S.
military withdrawal from Central Asia.

A great uncertainty remains over the Afghan state’s ability to foster peace and
stability within its country, while fighting terrorism and drug trafficking with crumbled
infrastructures and weak political institutions. The countries of Central Asia see
terrorism and drug trafficking as real destabilizers in Afghanistan. However,
advocates of “America First” in the Trump administration do not see these threats as
sufficiently serious to garner U.S. military intervention beyond occasional training,
equipping, and intelligence sharing. Terrorism, drug trafficking, economic isolation,
and human rights restrictions in Central Asia do not present immediate existential
threats to the United States, sowing ambivalence over the future of U.S. foreign
policy in the region.

Major US policy goal

1. Foster the long-term development of democratic institutions and respect

for human rights. The United States has had a long-standing commitment
to the region since the fall of the Soviet Union

2. Passage of the FREEDOM (Freedom for Russia and Emerging Eurasian

Democracies and Open Markets) Support Act 1992 created support for
the development of markets and democratic institutions in Central Asia.

3. Passage of the Nunn Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Act of 1992

funded massive nuclear demobilization in Kazakhstan and elsewhere in
the Former Soviet Union

4. Proposal of Silk Road Strategy Act of 1999 and 2006 further supported
this desire for democratization. This commitment become more significant
following the US invasion of Afghanistan

Terrorism

The United States will stay engaged in Central Asia to fight the spread of
terrorism and other illicit activity, like drug trafficking that helps to finance terrorism.
Terrorist groups are building alliances, gathering material and technical support, and
are capable to maintain their groups despite losing bases or personnel. Terrorism is
Central Asia’s most significant and persistent regional threat, stemming from local
Islamist organizations like Chechen separatists or from international terrorist
organizations such as al-Qaeda and ISIL. Since the collapse of the USSR, an
interest in political Islam in Central Asia has grown.

The U.S. strives to prevent the further spread of terrorism by improving

security in the region through working together with regional governments. The
United States has implemented several bilateral and multilateral exercises, training
programs, military financing assistance and foreign military sales, and information
operations.

Energy

Energy has become a top priority at least on paper. There are two projects
under the Silk Road umbrella that the United States has advocated. The CASA-1000
is an electricity transmission system that would allow for summer energy surpluses
from Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to be transported to energy-hungry Afghanistan and
Pakistan. Washington also supports the construction of the 1800 kilometer TAPI gas
pipeline, which is designed to deliver gas from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan
and into Pakistan and India. However, the U.S.-promoted Silk Road has lacked both
political substance and sufficient funding from the beginning. Washington has
committed only $15 million to the CASA-1000, which will cost an estimated $1.2
billion.
US will allow china for Economic involvement in Central Asia

Generally, the United States accepts China’s growing economic involvement

in the region as inevitable, and potentially benign, due to its own resource
constraints.59 Increasing economic development and business opportunities in
Central Asia can alleviate societal disenfranchisement that can cause individuals to
turn to the drug trade and terrorist activities. However, the United States and the
Central Asian countries have an interest in ensuring that China’s regional influence
does not translate into a form of neocolonial dominance that restricts Central Asia’s
ability to form economic and political links with Europe, South Asia, and the Middle
East.60 While the United States may be unable to devote resources to regional
economic development on par with China, it should seek to coordinate economic
projects with China that are aimed at countering narcotic activities and terrorism.

Concluding Remarks
There are still significant obstacles to the long-term development and stability
of Central Asia. Unlike other former Soviet states that are geographically positioned
near Europe, the states of Central Asia are not pulled by Europe toward reform.
Reforms in Central Asia are occurring and will certainly continue, but their pace is
and will be slow. As a result, U.S. foreign policy toward Central Asia must be shaped
by a long-term perspective and considerable patience. The United States adopted a
similar patient and long-term approach to its policy in East Asia thirty years ago, and
that region has since made significant strides, which Central Asia, with its rich
human resources, could emulate and aim for.

Central Asia might be the only region in the world where the United States,
Russia, and China interact so closely. As Beijing is on the rise, Moscow suffers from
a temporary stupor and Washington rethinks its approach to the region. The United
States should not withdraw from Central Asia. It would leave a void that would be
quickly filled by Russia and China to the detriment of U.S. national and global
interests. Security and terrorism could be the fields in which all three players could
reach a mid-term consensus. Washington will be well advised to closely monitor the
developments taking place at the core of Eurasia.
Question No: - 2

Describe the constitution and working of the

Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

Introduction

On 8 December 1991, the leaders of Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine signed a

“Creation Agreement” on the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the creation of CIS
as its successor entity. At the same time they declared that the new organization
would be open to all republics of the former Soviet Union, as well as other nations
sharing the same goals. The “Creation Agreement” abolished the USSR and stated
that all the member States were sovereign and independent nations.

On 21 December 1991, the leaders of eight former Soviet Republics

(Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan,
and Uzbekistan) joined the CIS. Georgia joined two years later, in December 1993,
while the three Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, chose not to take part.

Constituent of CIS

The Creation Agreement remained the main constituent document of the CIS
until January 1993, when the CIS Charter was adopted. The charter formalized the
concept of membership: a member country is defined as a country that ratifies the
CIS Charter (sec. 2, art. 7). Turkmenistan has not ratified the charter and changed its
CIS standing to associate member as of 26 August 2005 in order to be consistent
with its UN-recognized international neutrality status. Although Ukraine was one of
the three founding countries and ratified the Creation Agreement in December 1991,
Ukraine did not ratify the CIS Charter and formally is not a member of the CIS.

Charter of commonwealth of Independent States

On January 22, 1993 The CIS Charter was adopted, according to which the
goals of the CIS are defined as follows:-

1. Cooperation in political, economic, environmental, humanitarian,

cultural and other spheres.

2. Comprehensive and balanced economic and social development of the

CIS member states

3. Ensuring human rights and fundamental liberties in accordance with

generally recognized principles and norms of international law.

4. Cooperation between member states to ensure international peace and

security, realization of effective measures for the reduction of arms and
military expenditures, and achievement of universal and full
disarmament.
 5. Peaceful settlement of disputes and conflicts between the CIS
member-states.

6. Assisting citizens of member states in free communication, contacts

and movement in the Commonwealth and etc.

In September 1993 the Heads of the CIS States signed an Agreement on the
creation of Economic Union to form common economic space grounded on free
movement of goods, services, labor force, capital; to elaborate coordinated
monetary, tax, price, customs, external economic policy; to bring together methods
of regulating economic activity and create favorable conditions for the development
of direct production relations.

In order to facilitate further integration, the Agreement on deepening of

integration in economic and humanitarian field of four countries (Belarus,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia) and Agreement on creation of Commonwealth of
Sovereign Republics (Belarus and Russia) with creation of corresponding
coordinating bodies were signed in 1995. In February 1999 by the decision of the
Interstate Council of four countries (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia) the
Republic of Tajikistan was recognized as participant of the customs union enjoying
full rights.

CIS Structure and Decision-making Procedures

The Charter Bodies of the CIS are as under:-

1. The Council of the Heads of States

2. The Council of the Heads of Governments
3. The Council of Foreign Ministers
4. The Council of Defense Ministers
5. The Council of Commanders-in-Chief of Frontier Troops
6. The Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, and the Economic Court.

The Executive Bodies of the CIS are as under:-

1. The Economic Council.

2. The Council of Permanent Plenipotentiary Representatives of the
States-Participants of the Commonwealth under Charter and Other
Bodies of the Commonwealth.
3. The Executive Committee.

Council of the Heads of States

This is a supreme body of the CIS which discusses and solves any principle
questions of the Commonwealth connected with the common interests of the states -
participants.

Council of the Heads of Governments

 This Council coordinates cooperation of the executive authorities of the states
- participants in economic, social and other spheres of their common interests.

Decisions of the Council of the Heads of States and the Council of the Heads
of Governments are adopted by consensus. Any state may declare about its lack of
interest in one or another question, the fact being not considered as an obstacle for
adopting a decision.

Council of Foreign Ministers

The main executive body ensuring cooperation in the field of foreign policy
activities of the state’s participants of the CIS on the matters of mutual interest,
adopting decisions during the period between the meetings of the Council of the
Heads of States, the Council of the Heads of Governments and by their orders.

Council of Defense Ministers

This is a body of the Council of the Heads of States responsible for military
policy of the states - participants of the CIS. Its working office is a Staff which
coordinates military cooperation of the CIS member states, prepares and holds
meetings of the Council of Defence Ministers, organizes the activities of groups of
military observers and collective forces for peace keeping in the CIS.

Council of Commanders-in-Chief of Frontier Troops

This is a body of the Council of the Heads of States responsible for guarding
outer frontiers of the states participants and securing stable situation there. Its
working office is a Coordinating Service of the Council which organizes preparation
and holding of the meetings of this Council, implementation of the decisions adopted
by it.

Inter-Parliamentary Assembly

The Assembly was established in March 1995 by the leaders of Supreme

Soviets (parliaments) of the Commonwealth countries as a consultative institution to
discuss problems of parliamentary cooperation and develop proposals by the
parliaments of the CIS states.

1. The Assembly consists of parliamentary delegations of the states -

participants of the CIS.
2. The activities of the Assembly are carried out by the Assembly
Council which comprises the leaders of the parliamentary
delegations.
3. The Assembly Secretariat, headed by Secretary-General, was
created to ensure the work of the Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, its
Council and commissions.

Economic Court
 Economic Court functions with the aim of ensuring the meeting of economic
commitments in the framework of the CIS. Its terms of reference include settlement
of interstate economic controversy arising in meeting economic commitments
envisaged by Agreements and decisions of the Council of the Heads of States and
the Council of the Heads of Governments of the CIS.

Economic Council

The main executive body which ensures implementation of the decisions of

the Council of the Heads of States and the Council of the Heads of Governments of
the Commonwealth of Independent States on realization of the Agreement for
creation of free trade zone, Protocol to it, as well as for other matters of socio-
economic cooperation. The Council adopts the decisions on the matters related to its
competence and by the orders of the Council of the Heads of States and the Council
of the Heads of Governments of the CIS.

Economic Council consists of the Deputy Heads of Governments of states-

participants of the CIS.

Executive Committee

It is the unite permanently functioning executive, administrative and

coordinating body of the CIS, which organizes the activities of the Council of the
Heads of States, Council of the Heads of Governments, Council of Foreign Ministers
of states - participants of the CIS, Economic Council and other bodies of the
Commonwealth, prepares proposals on extending economic cooperation in the
framework of the CIS, creating and functioning free trade zone, ensuring favorable
conditions for transition to higher stage of economic cooperation, developing
common economic space in future, jointly with the states - participants and the
bodies of the Commonwealth develops proposals and draft documents aimed at the
development of states - participants of the CIS in political, economic, social and
other spheres.

Bodies of Branch Cooperation

They are: the Anti -Terrorist Center, the Interstate Bank, the Interstate
Statistical Committee, the Interstate Council on Standardization Metrology and
Certification, the Interstate Council on Emergency Situation of Natural and
Anthropogenic Character, the Interstate Council on Antimonopoly Policy, the
Coordinating council of the states-participants of the CIS on Informatization under
the Regional Commonwealth in the Field of Communications, the Electric Energy
Council, the Interstate Council on Aviation and Air Space Use, the Council of the
Heads of Statistical Services of the States-Participants of the Commonwealth, and
the Council of the Heads of Customs Services of the States-Participants of the
Commonwealth.
Question No: - 3

Discuss the nature of political parties and their

ideology/structure with respect to each of the Central Asian State.
Political structure of Tajikistan

Independent Tajikistan's initial government conformed to the traditional Soviet

formula of parliamentary-ministerial governance and complete obeisance to the
regime in Moscow. The office of president of the republic was established in 1990,
following the example set by the central government in Moscow. Until the
establishment of the short-lived coalition government in 1992, virtually all
government positions were held by communist party members. After December
1992, power was in the hands of factions opposed to reform. Former allies in that
camp then contended among themselves for power.

The 1994 Constitution

In 1994 Tajikistan adopted a new constitution that restored the office of

president, transformed the Soviet-era Supreme Soviet into the Supreme Assembly
(Majlisi Oli), recognized civil liberties and property rights, and provided for a judiciary
that was not fully independent. Like constitutions of the Soviet era, the document did
not necessarily constrain the actual exercise of power. For example, the mechanism
by which the constitution was formally adopted was a referendum held in November
1994. Balloting occurred simultaneously with the vote for president, even though that
office could not legally exist until and unless the constitution was ratified.

The Executive

The president was first chosen by legislative election in 1990. In the first direct
presidential election, held in 1991, former communist party chief Rahmon Nabiyev
won in a rigged vote. The office of president was abolished in November 1992, then
reestablished de facto in 1994 in advance of the constitutional referendum that
legally approved it. In the interim, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet, Imomali
Rahmonov, was nominal chief of state. In the presidential election of November
1994, Rahmonov won a vote that was condemned by opposition parties and
Western observers as fraudulent. Rahmonov's only opponent was the antireformist
Abdumalik Abdullojanov, who had founded an opposition party after being forced to
resign as Rahmonov's prime minister in 1993 under criticism for the country's poor
economic situation.

The Council of Ministers is responsible for management of government

activities in accordance with laws and decrees of the Supreme Assembly and
decrees of the president. The president appoints the prime minister and the other
council members, with the nominal approval of the Supreme Assembly. In 1996 the
Council of Ministers included fifteen full ministers, plus six deputy prime ministers,
the chairmen of five state committees, the presidential adviser on national economic
affairs, the secretary of the National Security Council, and the chairman of the
National Bank of Tajikistan.
The Legislature

The republic's legislature, the Supreme Assembly, is elected directly for a

term of five years. According to the 1994 constitution, any citizen at least twenty-five
years of age is eligible for election. The unicameral, 230-seat Supreme Soviet
elected in 1990 included 227 communists and three members from other parties.
The constitution approved in November 1994 called for a unicameral, 181-seat
parliament to replace the Supreme Soviet. In the first election under those
guidelines, 161 deputies were chosen in February 1995 and nineteen of the
remaining twenty in a second round one month later. (One constituency elected no
deputy, and one elected deputy died shortly after the election.)

In the 1995 parliamentary election, an estimated forty seats were

uncontested, and many candidates reportedly were former Soviet regional and local
officials. The sixty communist deputies who were elected gave Rahmonov solid
support in the legislative branch because the majority of deputies had no declared
party affiliation. Like the 1994 presidential election, the parliamentary election was
not considered free or fair by international authorities.

The Judiciary

The 1994 constitution prescribes an independent judiciary, including at the

national level the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court (theoretically, the final
arbiter of the constitutionality of government laws and actions), the Supreme
Economic Court, and the Military Court. The Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous
Province has a regional court, and subordinate courts exist at the regional, district,
and municipal levels. Judges are appointed to five-year terms, but theoretically they
are subordinate only to the constitution and are beyond interference from elected
officials.

However, the president retains the power to dismiss judges, and in practice
Tajikistan still lacked an independent judiciary after the adoption of the 1994
constitution. In June 1993, the Supreme Court acted on behalf of the Rahmonov
regime in banning all four opposition parties and all organizations connected with the
1992 coalition government. The ban was rationalized on the basis of an accusation
of the parties' complicity in attempting a violent overthrow of the government.

As in the Soviet system, the Office of the Procurator General has authority for
both investigation and adjudication of crimes within its broad constitutional mandate
to ensure compliance with the laws of the republic. Elected to a five-year term, the
procurator general of Tajikistan is the superior of similar officials in lower-level
jurisdictions throughout the country.

Local Government

Below the republic level, provinces, districts, and cities have their own elected
assemblies. In those jurisdictions, the chief executive is the chairman of a council of
people's deputies, whose members are elected to five-year terms. The chairman is
appointed by the president of the republic. The Supreme Assembly may dissolve
local councils if they fail to uphold the law. For most of the late Soviet and early
independence periods, Tajikistan had four provinces: Leninobod in the north,
Qurghonteppa and Kulob in the south, and the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous
Province in the southeast.

The precise status of that region is unclear because separatists have declared
it an autonomous republic and even the government does not always call it a
province (see fig. 10). Beginning in 1988, Qurghonteppa and Kulob were merged
into a single province, called Khatlon. (The two parts were separated again between
1990 and 1992.) A large region stretching from the west-central border through
Dushanbe to the north-central border is under direct federal control.

Political Parties

As long as Tajikistan was a Soviet republic, political power resided in the

Communist Party of Tajikistan, not in the state. Until 1991 the party was an integral
part of the CPSU, subordinate to the central party leadership. In the years before
independence, several opposition parties appeared with various agendas. Since the
civil war, the opposition's official participation has been limited severely, although
some parties remain active abroad.

Opposition Parties

The end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s saw the open
establishment of opposition parties representing a variety of secular and religious
views. In 1991 and 1992, these groups engaged in an increasingly bitter power
struggle with those who wanted to preserve the old order in substance, if not in
name. By the summer of 1992, the battle had escalated into an open civil war that
would claim tens of thousands of lives.

A branch of the Islamic Rebirth Party (IRP) was established in Tajikistan in 1990 with
an initial membership of about 10,000. The Tajikikistan IRP was established as an
open organization, although it was rumored to have existed underground since the
late 1970s. After the civil war, the party changed its name to the Movement for
Islamic Revival.

Two other parties, the Democratic Party and Rastokhez (Rebirth), also were banned,
with the result that no opposition party has had official sanction since early 1993.

Political Parties of Tajikistan

People’s Democratic Party (PDP; pro-president); Democratic Party (DP);

Communist Party; Socialist Party; Social Democratic Party (SDP); Agrarian Party;
Party of Economic Reforms (PER); Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT)
(banned in August 2015)

The republic of Kazakhstan

The Republic of Kazakhstan has a parliamentary system dominated by

President Nursultan Nazarbayev and the ruling Nur Otan Party. While the
Government of Kazakhstan articulates a strategic vision of a democratic society, it
lagged on the implementation front. The leadership remained resistant to competitive
political processes, and the situation is complicated by the fact that President
Nazarbayev was extraordinarily popular, while the opposition was weak, fractured,
and comprised principally of former Nazarbayev loyalists who fell out of favor.

Kazakhstani politics are particularly opaque due to the closed nature of the
clan system, the tight family relationships among the elite, and the shortage of
political analysts and investigative journalists with any first-hand knowledge of
events. Nazarbayev's family excelled at keeping its differences and motives secret.
Nazarbayev maintained a balance of power around him by transferring overly-
successful or ambitious individuals to less-advantageous posts. The maneuverings
that were visible to outsiders were merely the surface ripples of an enormous
struggle that takes place far beyond the public eye. Nevertheless, a few things are
clear: As early as 2007 the Kazakhstan elite were beginning to maneuver into
position to succeed Nazarbayev.

The head of the state is the President

The supreme body of the authority is two-chamber Parliament that consists of

the Senate and the Mazhilis. Kazakhstan is the constitutional parliamentary
presidential republic. The president is the head of the state and chief supreme
commander.

Executive authority

The President of Republic Kazakhstan is voted by full age citizens of

Kazakhstan on general, equal, direct and secret vote basis. The President of
Republic Kazakhstan is Nursultan Nazarbaev. The Presidents terms of limit are 5
years.

The executive authority is carried out by the government. The system of the
executive branch of the government consists of the ministries, services and
agencies. The head of the government — the prime minister Karim Masimov.

Legislative power

Legislature is brought into action the Parliament that consists of two

Chambers: the Senate and the Mazhilis working on a regular basis.

The Senate is formed by the deputies represented in order of constitution law

for two person out of each region, city of republican value and capital of the Republic
of Kazakhstan (14 regions, 2 cities). Fifteen deputies of the Senate are appointed by
the President in order to fulfill the representation for the Senate of national-cultural
and other significant interests of a society.

The republic of kyrgzstan

The Republic of Kyrgyzstan was an early leader in the post-communist

transition. The country's pro-reform leader, Askar Akaev, a scientist and former
president of the republic's Academy of Sciences, quickly established an impressive
record of encouraging political and economic liberalization. The Kyrgyz government
liberalized most prices, established a national currency, began privatization and
financial sector reform, and introduced the legal and regulatory framework for open
trade with its neighbors. Non-tariff barriers were removed, and export taxes were
eliminated on all goods between 1994 and 1997. In December 1998, the Kyrgyz
Republic became the first former communist country to qualify for entrance to the
World Trade Organization.

Form of state

The Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic declared its independence in August

1991 and changed its name to the Kyrgyz Republic. A constitution was approved on
May 5th 1993. The president’s powers were enhanced by referendums held in
February 1996, February 2003 and October 2007. The provisional government held
a referendum on a new constitution restoring powers to parliament in June 2010; a
parliamentary election under this new constitution was held in October 2010

National government

If a party holds more than half of the seats in parliament, it has the right to nominate
the prime minister, who must then be approved by the president (if no party wins a
majority, the president will entrust one of parliament’s parties with forming a
coalition)

Head of state

Almazbek Atambayev won the election in October 2011 and took over from
the interim president, Roza Otunbayeva, on December 1st 2011

Main political parties

Ata-Jurt (Fatherland); Ak Jol (True Path); Social Democratic Party of

Kyrgyzstan (SDPK); Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan (KPK); Socialist Party Ata-
Meken (Fatherland); Democratic Party of Women of Kyrgyzstan; Erkindik (Freedom);
Mekenim (Fatherland) Kyrgyzstan movement; Moya Strana (My Country);
Progressive-Democratic Party Erkin Kyrgyzstan (ErK); Respublika; Party of
Communists of Kyrgyzstan (PKK); Protection Party; Republican People’s Party;
Butun Kyrgyzstan (United Kyrgyzstan)

The Legal System

Kyrgyzstan's legal system is based on the continental legal system.

Kyrgyzstan's constitution was adopted in 1993. The constitution recognizes a
separation of powers among 3 branches of government: an accountable executive, a
deliberative legislative, and an independent judiciary. The constitution has provisions
to ensure checks and balances, competitive elections, and judicial independence.
The judiciary consists of Constitutional Court (to decide issues of constitutional
import), the Supreme Court, an arbitration court to resolve commercial disputes.
There is a system of lower courts. The constitution was amended in February 1996
by a popular referendum that substantially expanded the powers of the president.
The Political System

The Kyrgyzstan political system is formally a competitive system. Officials are

popularly elected in multi-candidate elections. The country's president is elected by
popular vote for a 5-year term. Kyrgyzstan president Askar Akaev was first elected in
October 1990 and reelected in December 1995 and December 2000. High officials
such as the prime minister and other top cabinet officials are appointed by the
president and submitted for approval to the Kyrgyzstan legislature, the Zhogorku
Kenesh. There are numerous parties and political movements. The officially
registered political parties are the Agrarian Party, the Agrarian Party of Kyrgyzstan,
the ASABA party, the Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan, the Democratic Movement of
Kyrgyzstan, the Dignity Party, the Fatherland Party, the Justice Party, Kyrgyzstan
Erkin Party, the Movement for the People's Salvation, the Ashar Party, the National
Unity Democratic Movement, the Peasant Party, the Republican Popular Party of
Kyrgyzstan, and the Social Democratic Party.

The Government

The Kyrgyzstan government has sought to limit the size of the public sector to
enable greater opportunities for the growth of private industry and services.
Accordingly the government has sought to reduce the total government revenue as a
percentage of the GDP. However, after the 1998 economic crisis, tax collection fell
behind anticipated levels. Tax revenue collection relies heavily on industry. Poor
industrial performance contributed to the shortfall in tax revenue. Yet during the
economic crisis total government expenditures were higher than anticipated in recent
years due to the increased costs of social protection programs. International financial
institutions urged the Kyrgyzstan government to maintain a tight monetary policy ,
reduce government spending, and increase revenue collection. Yet the Kyrgyzstan
government was reluctant to adopt these politically unpopular measures.

The Republic of Turkmenistan

Turkmenistan is an authoritarian state that was long dominated by its first

president, Saparmyrat Niyazov, who died in late 2006. Niyazov faced no significant
domestic oppositionn, nor does his successor Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, who
was "elected" in 2007. Reporters without Borders ranked the Muslim-majority country
of 5.5 million people 176 out of 178 countries in its 2010 press freedom index. The
law characterizes any opposition to the government as treason. Those convicted of
treason face life imprisonment and are ineligible for amnesty or reduction of
sentence. In the past the government arrested and filed charges against those
expressing critical or differing views on economic or criminal charges instead of
charging its critics with treason.

The Opaque nature of government

Turkmenistan is often described as opaque, with a government with an

inscrutable decisionmaking process. While still very insular, with few external points
of reference, it is not opaque. The system has rules, although this fact is not readily
apparent to those with only a passing knowledge of the Turkmen. Understanding
these rules, however, makes it easier to comprehend what is going on.

The Turkmen elite is weak, has limited resources, and lacks charismatic
figures. Top officials in Turkmenistan suffer from the fly-by-night syndrome more
than their counterparts in any other post-Soviet republic. In Turkmenbashi's
government a minister occupied his post no more than half a year on average, after
which he was ousted, sent to prison, or fled abroad. It is enough to recall that
parliament speakers were changed four times from the early 2001 to November
2002. None of the claimants to power have great resources, especially as regards
social support. The Turkmen political class rested on multiple family and regional
interrelations, but after Boris Shikhmuradov, Khadaiberdy Orazov, Nurmukhammed
Khanamov, and other "nomenclature oppositionists" were removed from power, their
relatives were ousted from top echelons of government and big business.

While perhaps not rational or logical to many outsiders, the system has its
own rules, which it follows, religiously. Rather than opaque, it is better to describe
Turkmenistan as translucent, like a bathroom window. You can tell if the light is on or
not. You know if someone is inside. You can tell when the shadows move. With time,
given the light and shadow, you can deduce what is going on. Yet, there is just
enough hidden to serve its purpose.
Legal system

Turkmenistan became a constituent republic of the Soviet Union in 1924, and

became independent in December 1991; a new constitution came into effect in May
1992

National legislature

Under constitutional amendments in September 2008, the Khalk Maslakhaty

(People's Council) was dissolved and its powers transferred to the unicameral Mejles
(parliament). After a parliamentary election in December 2008 the number of
deputies in the Mejles, who are elected in single-mandate constituencies, rose from
65 to 125

Main political parties

In December 1991 the Turkmen Communist Party changed its name to the
Democratic Party of Turkmenistan, which has become the party of power. A new
political party, the Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (UIE), was formed in
August 2012 and represents the interests of business owners. The Agrarian Party
held its initial congress in September 2014; it represents the interests of rural areas
and agriculture. The entrance of new political parties to the political system is
controlled by Mr Berdymukhamedov. All genuine opposition parties are banned

The Republic of Uzbekistan

A Brief Overview
 The Republic of Uzbekistan is one of the two double locked countries in the
world. It is bordered by the five landlocked countries of Kazakhstan, Tajikistan,
Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, and Turkmenistan. It is a presidential constitutional republic
with the president heading both the state and the government. The executive powers
are with the government while the legislative power is with the two chambers of the
Supreme Assembly. The judiciary is made up of the Supreme Court, the
Constitutional Court, and the Higher Economic Court. The government of Uzbekistan
ensures guidance over the effective functioning of the country’s economy,
implementation of the law, and social and cultural development.

The Government

The Government of Uzbekistan has its legal basis in the Constitution of

Uzbekistan. The government is in three levels: the Executive, Legislative, and
Judicial branch. The 1992 constitution officially created a separation of power among
the three arms of government. Although the names of government institution have
changed since independence in 1991, the institutions are still similar to the ones that
existed before the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The major roles of the government
include ensuring progressive economic, social, and cultural growth and
implementation of the laws and policies of the Supreme Assembly.

The Executive Branch of the Government Of Uzbekistan

The executive branch comprises of the president, the premier, ministers, and
deputy ministers. The president is elected for a five-year term by popular vote in a
free and fair election. He or she appoints the prime minister and deputy minister who
form part of his cabinet. The president is granted supreme executive powers by the
constitution. He or she also has the power to appoint judges of the national courts,
declare war or a state of emergency, and to dissolve the parliament. The executive
branch remains the most powerful branch of government with some of the executive
decrees superseding some democratic features in the constitution. The president,
prime minister, ministers, and deputy ministers forms the Cabinet of Ministers are
responsible for the effective functioning of the country.

The Legislative Branch of the Government Of Uzbekistan

The legislative branch of the Uzbekistan Government is referred to as the Oliy

Majlis, or the Supreme Assembly. The Supreme Assembly succeeded the Supreme
Soviet in 1995 and remained unicameral until January 2005. The parliament has 150
members in the Legislative Chamber and 100 members of the Senate elected from
territorial constituencies and at the session of districts respectively for a five-year
term. 84 members of the Senate are elected directly while 16 are appointed by the
president. Both the Legislative Chamber and the Senate are headed by Chairmen
who do not have a term limit. The legislature meets only a few days in a year and
has little powers to shape the law since the power is with the executive branch.

The Judicial Branch of the Government Of Uzbekistan

The judicial branch of the Uzbekistan Government is made up of the Supreme

Court, the Constitutional, and Higher Economic Courts. The courts exercise the
judicial powers although the powers have been overshadowed by the executive
branch. The judiciary lacks independence since the president has the powers to
appoint and dismiss the judges of the national court.
Question No: - 4

Discuss the economic and military capabilities of each

of the Central Asian State.
Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan’s military is Central Asia’s most capable, but it is far less capable
than NATO or Russian militaries. Special Forces will play a larger role as
Kazakhstan looks to make a greater contribution to the Shanghai Cooperation
Organization’s counter-terrorism capability.

A Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) report estimates

Kazakhstan’s armed forces at 30,000-45,000 troops plus many thousands of other
personnel attached to the Interior Ministry. In 2014, Astana said that it would be
increasing defence spending by 36% over three years from around 2 billion dollars
per annum to 2.7 billion dollars by 2017, according to a report by IHS Janes.
However, this increase may have to be reduced slightly to fall in line with expected
budget cuts due to low oil prices.

Air force

The air force, which has a primarily air defence role, has between 11,000 and
13,000 personnel, according to SIPRI and the International Institute for Strategic
Studies (IISS). Combat pilots average 100 hours of flight time per year, which is
lower than the NATO standard.

Navy procurement

The navy has been significantly expanded and modernized since 2010. It now
has 3,000 personnel and has deployed new patrol boats and missile boats. The
navy’s missions focus on territorial defence and protection of offshore oil platforms
and tankers. Kazakhstan’s increased naval procurement follows a general trend of
greater military activity on the Caspian.

Economic standing

Central Asia’s largest country by land area has a number of strengths: serious
economic potential, a capacious market (17 million people domestically, plus access
to the markets of other Eurasian Economic Union member countries), a legal
framework focused on attracting investors, a complex of programs for developing the
non-oil economy, and the creation of favorable conditions for investments in these
spheres. However, the outlook for Kazakhstan is rather negative, because in the
near- or medium-term there will be a power transition (current President Nursultan
Nazarbayev is the oldest Central Asian leader at 76 years old).

Uzbekistan
 Uzbekistan’s military is reckoned to be Central Asia’s second most capable
with an army currently numbering 40,000 personnel. Total defence spending is
approximately 2 billion dollars per annum, according to SIPRI. The military is focused
on improving its capabilities to defeat asymmetric challenges to President Islam
Karimov’s administration. However, in Uzbekistan, the National Security Service
(SNB) has historically been seen as significantly more important than the military.
This trend will likely continue.

Air force disrepair

Uzbekistan’s air force is reasonably well-equipped, but ill-maintained. Pilots

receive around only 10 hours of flight time per year. Uzbekistan’s primary air assets
are SU-24, SU-27, SU-25 and MIG-29 fighters, with transport capabilities provided
by Illyshin-76 and AN-26s.

Joint Russian training

Uzbekistan’s defence priorities include procuring modern military equipment,

improving combat readiness and mobility, and increasing professionalism among the
officer corps. In December 2014, defence and military cooperation were discussed
during President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Uzbekistan. Some 3,000 Uzbekistani
military officers will reportedly study at military schools in Russia this year, which will
increase Russia-Uzbekistan military interoperability.

Leaner fighting force

Uzbekistan aims to cut the overall size of its military in order to free up
resources to create and train more mobile units. Heavy armor formations using T-72,
T-64 and T-62 battle tanks and high-caliber artillery units are being reduced in favor
of lighter infantry units with counter-insurgency/counter-terrorism and mountain
warfare capabilities.

Economy

Uzbekistan is with its large interior market (more than 30 million people),
diversified economy, personal resource base, and political stability in the wake of a
recent political transition. New President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has outlined many
plans for systemic economy reform and the creation of favorable conditions for
investors. At the same time there is strong government interference in the economy,
resulting in a non-liberalized currency market, frequent violations of investors’ and
entrepreneurs’ rights, corruption, and an ossified bureaucracy. Uzbekistan also
remains underdeveloped, with low purchasing power. Given the government’s stated
plans the outlook for Uzbekistan is positive.

Turkmenistan

Ashgabat’s military numbers an estimated 22,000-30,000, according to SIPRI.

Despite being willing to spend money on modern weapons, Turkmenistan’s armed
forces are considered weak with low operational effectiveness. Ashgabat has been
unwilling to allocate spending to training and equipment maintenance. Meanwhile,
the modern weapons it has acquired largely remain unused due to a lack of qualified
personnel. The 2012 defence budget is estimated to be 210 million dollars,
according to SIPRI. The army currently uses a lot of old Soviet era hardware such as
T-72 tanks, BTRs and BMP infantry fighting vehicles.

Air Force struggles

Despite having received a large number of aircraft at the collapse of the

Soviet Union, Turkmenistan has struggled to maintain these, and pilot training has
suffered. Currently it has MiG-29 and SU-25 fighters along with a handful of Mi-24s
and Mi-8 helicopters. The air force lacks a heavy lift capability and would struggle to
support the army on out-of-area operations or on Caspian patrols, which it is officially
tasked to do.

Navy new ships

The navy was reformed as an independent force in only the past two years.
Previously it was a department in the general staff. The navy’s missions include
defending the Caspian coastline and protecting energy assets. Ashgabat has
focused on improving naval capabilities through building new bases, procuring new
ships and setting up a naval officer training academy.

Military reform

President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov has made military reform a

central aspect of his policy platform. In 2010, the government adopted a five-year
military modernisation plan. However, reports indicate that the programme focuses
on rearmament objectives, rather than structural reforms. In November,
Berdymukhamedov reportedly told his national security council that Turkmenistan
must procure the most advanced modern military equipment.

With the country having a long, porous border with Afghanistan, Ashgabat will
increasingly look to procure unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) for surveillance.
However, despite buying modern arms, absent reforms and greater training of
personnel, Turkmenistan’s military will remain an impressive military on paper but
will lack the capabilities to defend the state.

Economy

In spite of the availability of large hydrocarbon reserves, transit potential,

political stability, and economic continuity. Turkmenistan’s political model allows the
authorities adopt measures to reform the economy and maintain stability in society.
However, firm political control also implies potential interference in any economic
activity in the country. The country is characterized by weak protection of property
rights, high corruption and bureaucracy, economic dependence on hydrocarbon
exports, and a risk of destabilization due to the crisis in Afghanistan. The outlook for
Turkmenistan is negative.

Kyrgyzstan
 In 2013, according to World Bank data, Kyrgyzstan allocated the equivalent of
3.2% of GDP to defence spending. This represents a gradual decline over the last
four years from 2010 (3.8%) and 2011 (3.4%). The Kyrgyzstani armed forces are
weak overall with gaps in command and control. Total spending on military and
security services is estimated by SIPRI at 234 million dollars per annum.

Morale is assessed to be low. Declining funding means that Kyrgyzstan is

increasingly dependent on external assistance for equipment and training. Bishkek’s
main goal is to improve readiness and mobility in order to let the military respond to
both border and internal events.

Army

The army’s total strength is 8,500 personnel, according to SIPRI. The army is
looking to become a more agile force focused on mountain warfare. Mirroring a
common theme across the region, the army is equipped with T-72 tanks, BMPs and
BTR armoured vehicles.

Air force

Poor pilot and personnel training hinder Kyrgyzstan’s air force which is
considered to be one of Central Asia’s weakest. Given limited resources, the
country’s leadership has chosen not to upgrade the air force’s capabilities. Instead,
Bishkek relies on assistance from Russian air forces based at Kant, where Moscow
has rights until 2032.

Economy

The country boasts relatively liberal legislation and its government has worked
to create favorable conditions for investments. The republic is a good source of
inexpensive labor and has favorable conditions for agriculture, light industry, and
tourism development. Kyrgyzstan is also a member of the EEU. At the same time,
state interference in the economy has set a number of serious precedents, creating
difficulties for foreign investors in the implementation of projects through multiple
revisions of early agreements with foreign investors. The lack of political continuity
and high risks of political instability are also serious concerns, along with the spread
of Islamist ideology. Kyrgyzstan also suffers from a small internal market and low-
skilled labor force. The short-term outlook for Kyrgyzstan is negative due to the
forthcoming elections in 2017 and current uncertainty over the future political
direction.

Tajikistan

With its 1,300 kilometer border with Afghanistan, Tajikistan’s military would be
pressed to halt any incursions from militant groups. To boost security, Tajikistan is
planning a new military base on the Afghan border.

Total spending on military and security services is estimated at 164 million

dollars per annum, according to SIPRI. Dushanbe’s military forces developed out of
irregulars that operated during the 1992-97 civil war. In recent years, the military has
sought to increase mobility by establishing airborne and mountain infantry units.
Tajikistan is dependent on Moscow for its security. Russia has 7,000 troops in
Tajikistan that are set to remain in the country until 2042 ( see CIS: Unstable Central
Asia will drive Russian ties – January 23, 2015).

Tajikistan’s army has only 7,000 personnel, and uses a variety of Soviet era
equipment. Air forces are divided among various ministries, and have only a handful
of Mi-24 and Mi-8 helicopters. With GDP of 8.5 billion dollars (World Bank 2013),
Tajikistan’s military and security forces are likely to remain constrained for the
foreseeable future. Dushanbe lacks the spending power to boost the military
significantly.

Economy

Tajikistan on the positive side, the country can offer inexpensive labor,
mineral wealth, and a favorable climate for agricultural development. However, the
republic is characterized by underdeveloped infrastructure, a limited domestic
market, and high risks of political destabilization. Thanks to corruption and
bureaucratic red tape combined with government intervention in the economy, there
are few real mechanisms for entrepreneurs to protect their rights. The outlook for
Tajikistan is negative.

Concluding Remarks

Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan appear to be building reasonably capable military

forces. In Uzbekistan, the security service (SNB) will likely remain pre-eminent and
enjoy the best access to the president. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are struggling to
maintain even small rapid reaction forces; Bishkek and Dushanbe would likely need
Russian military support in the event of a security crisis. Turkmenistan has the
wealth to formulate a major military force, but Ashgabat has been unwilling to spend
on training and maintenance.
Question No: - 5

Analyze the history of relationship between the Central

Asian States and People’s Republic of China. How China is
influencing the geopolitics of the region?

Introductory remarks

The present relationship between China and Central Asia is defined by

geographic, political, economic and security factors. This is the basis behind the
policy of China towards Central Asian countries.

In terms of geography, China and Central Asia are neighbors. For the nations
of Central Asia, China is an outlet to the sea, while the countries of Central Asia can
help China establish inland communications to Europe and West Asia.

In terms of politics, China and the nations of Central Asia have long standing
ties. Now, China and Central Asia hold similar views on many national and
international problems, and advantageous political relations have been formed
among these nations.

In terms of economics, China and the countries of Central Asia have

complementary advantages that offer the possibility of extensive cooperation. For
China, the energy resources, metals, leather goods and other commodities, as well
as the raw materials and markets of Central Asia, are very important. At the same
time, China’s industrial, consumer and agricultural products and markets hold a
strong attraction for the countries of Central Asia. In terms of security, China and the
nations of Central Asia share common interests. The actions of ethnic separatists,
religious extremists and the threat of transnational crime, terrorism and regional
conflict are mutual concerns. Maintaining the stability of Central Asia and the
western border areas of China benefits everyone.

Although there have been cultural exchanges and trade between China and
Central Asia for thousands of years, it was only after the recent independence of the
Central Asian nations that an equal and mutually beneficial relationship was
established among the countries. Over the past decade, sound foundations have
been laid to form strategic cooperation in the twenty-first century between China and
Central Asia.

The Political Basis of Bilateral Cooperation

Today, China and Central Asia are building a closer political relationship
because they share a 3,300-kilometer common boundary as well as blood and
cultural ties. China’s fundamental policies toward Central Asia include:

1. Peaceful, good-neighborly relations.

2. Cooperation on the basis of mutual benefit and common prosperity.
 3. Respecting the choices of the Central Asian people and
noninterference in the internal affairs of other nations.
4. Respecting independent sovereignty as well as promoting regional
stability.

On July 5, 1996, when China’s president Jiang Zemin gave a speech at the
Parliament of Kazakhstan, he promoted the relationships between China and the
Central Asian countries to a strategic level appropriate for the twenty-first century.
He said that because China and the Central Asian countries had common interests,
China hoped to create a glorious future of friendly cooperation and common
development with the Central Asian countries, being good neighbors, good friends,
and good partners forever. The leaders of the Central Asian countries generally
approved this proposal.

China and Central Asia in the New World Order

China and Central Asia are geographically neighbors. Central Asia offers
China the prospect of a transportation corridor for overland communication between
China and Europe, while China gives Central Asia safe, secure passage to the
Pacific Ocean. Thousands of years ago, China and Central Asia enjoyed common
prosperity through the “Silk Road,” but this relationship was completely severed.
However, in the early 1990s, as the result of the disintegration of the Soviet Union,
five new countries emerged in the central region of the Asian continent: Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. With this development, a new
historical period in the relationship between China and Central Asia began.

Cultural Characteristics

The international strategies of China and the Central Asian republics have
different foundations. China and Central Asia are both on the Asian continent and
have traditionally been called Eastern countries. China is an ancient state and has
greatly contributed to the development of world civilization. Although Central Asia
has a similar cultural tradition, it has been also influenced by Europe. While China
does not have a strong religious tradition, Central Asia was part of the Islamic world.
Over the past 5,000 years, China has been economically and culturally independent,
and has played a key role in East Asia and Southeast Asia. China has always been
an influential power in the region. In contrast, Central Asian countries have a history
of failed attempts to obtain political independence, while having to withstand invasion
from powerful neighbors.

The Way of Development

China has decided to construct “socialism with Chinese characteristics.” The

Central Asian republics have followed the development formal model of the West,
but (although) they have persisted in the centralization of state power and their
particular economic system.

Geopolitical Relations
 China and Central Asia are neighbors with common economic and security
interests. Each looks on the other as a “buffer” and trusts the other as a cooperative
partner. The geopolitical strategies of China and the Central Asian countries coincide
to some degree. For example, they have the same orientation in terms of external
relations and common views on many international problems. China and Central
Asia are interdependent geographically.

Economic Cooperation between China and the Central Asian Countries

The leaders of China and the Central Asian countries take economic and
trade cooperation seriously. In April 1994, China’s premier Li Peng declared the
following basic principles regarding economic cooperation between China and the
Central Asian countries in Almaty, Kazakhstan:-

1. Equality and mutual benefits acting according to economic laws.

2. Diversifying the types of cooperation.
3. Proceeding from the actual situation and making full use of local
resources.
4. Improving the conditions of communication and transportation, building a
“New Silk Road”.
5. Providing modest economic aid to the Central Asian countries as an
expression of friendship.
6. Developing multilateral economic cooperation, promoting common
prosperity.

China and the five Central Asian countries have separately signed
agreements on economic and trade cooperation, protecting investment, banking
cooperation, traffic and other areas of cooperation