CHILD WASTE PICKERS
Child waste pickers in
Caroline Hunt is a Research
Associate currently working
on a large international study
looking at diet and blood pres-
sure. This paper is based on
an individual research project
undertaken as part of a Mas-
ters degree at the University of
Amsterdam. Address: Imperial
College of Science, Technol-
ogy and Medicine at St. Mary’s,
Norfolk Place, London W2
1PG. Tel: (44) 171 725 1501;
fax: (44)171 262 9722; email:
c.hunt@ic.ac.uk.
1. United Nations Development
Programme (1985), Challenge to
the Environment: Annual Report,
UNDP, New York.
2. See reference 1.
3. Furedy, C. (1990), “Social
aspects of solid waste recovery
in Asian cities” Environmental
Sanitation Review Series No.30,
Environmental Sanitation Infor-
mation Centre, Bangkok.
4. Gunn, S.E. and Z. Ostos
(1992), “Dilemmas in tackling
child labour: The case of scav-
enger children in the Philippines”
in International Labour Review
Vol.131, No.6.; see also
Kungnulskiti, N., C. Pulket, F.
Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996
India: the occupation and
its health risks
Caroline Hunt
SUMMARY: This paper describes the health risks to which waste
pickers are exposed in their work (and often in their homes). It
then presents the findings of a study on the health problems of a
group of 100 children living in informal settlements in Bangalore
(India) in which the health problems of those who work as waste
pickers were compared to those who do not.
I. INTRODUCTION
OVER 5 MILLION people are estimated to die every year in the
South from diseases related to the inadequate disposal of waste.(1)
Only approximately between 25 and 55 per cent of all waste
generated in the cities in the South is collected by municipal
authorities. (2) Most of the remainder is thrown onto open
dumpsites where hazardous materials contaminate the air, soil
and water. This is a huge environmental health problem. There
are also occupational health risks to those who work with waste.
The most marginalized and unrecognized of these workers are
the waste pickers of Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Waste pickers make a living by selling materials they collect
from dumpsites, bins and from along roadsides. Typically, this
waste comes from domestic, industrial and commercial sources.
Commentators have reported that the number of people involved
in this work in Asian cities is increasing.(3)
There have only been a small number of formal studies inves-
tigating the health risks involved in this work.(4) This paper
reports the results of a comparative study looking at the health
status of child waste pickers in the Indian city of Bangalore.
The health hazards of the occupation are presented below.
II. HEALTH HAZARDS FOR WASTE PICKERS
a. Occupational Risks
HAZARDOUS NATURE OF waste:
• Waste may be contaminated with faecal material. This may
include biological pathogens such as parasites and bacteria
111
CHILD WASTE PICKERS
DeWolfe Miller and K.R. Smith
(1991), “Solid waste scavenger
community: An investigation in
Bangkok, Thailand” in Asia-Pa-
cific Journal of Public Health
Vol.5, No.1; also Nath, K.J.
(1991), “Socio-economic and
health aspects of recycling of ur-
ban solid waste through scav-
enging”, World Health Organiza-
tion regional office for South East
Asia; and Parasuramalu, B.G.,
M.S. Rajanna and K. Sumana
(1993), “A study of medico-social
problems of under-fifteen
ragpickers” in Indian Journal of
Preventative and Social Medicine
Vol.24, No.1, pages 31-39.
5. Srikanth, V., S. Srikantha and
M.K. Vaaundhra (1993), “Knowl-
edge of health professionals re-
garding waste management in
health institutions” in Karnataka
Journal of Community Medicine
Vol.9, pages 91-93; see also
Huysman, M., J.S. Velu, K.N.
Ganesh and R. Bhuvaneswari
(1994), “Approaches to urban
solid waste management : Link-
ages between formal and infor-
mal systems of source separa-
tion and recycling, a profile of
Bangalore”, discussion papers
for workshop on “Linkages in Ur-
ban Solid Waste Management”,
Bangalore, 18-20 April.
6. World Health Organization
(1988), Children At Work - Spe-
cial Health Risks, a report of the
WHO Study Group, Geneva.
112
related to the gastro-intestinal tract. This can be passed from
hands to the mouth.
• Hospital waste often constitutes part of the waste which pick-
ers sort through. (It is usually insufficiently disposed of in
Bangalore).(5) This can be hazardous in terms of biological
and chemical contamination including exposure to used sy-
ringes, dressings, discarded medicines and sometimes body
parts.
• Industrial waste may include toxic materials such as heavy
metals and their associated health effects.
• Edible materials in the waste can be hazardous when eaten.
This can lead to food poisoning and gastro-enteric problems.
• Sharp objects can cause cuts which, in turn, may lead to
tetanus or other infections.
Direct environmental hazards:
• Carrying heavy loads of materials over long distances may be
associated with muscular/skeletal problems.
• Waste provides an ideal habitat for disease vectors including
flies, other insects and rats.
• In their work waste pickers are in direct competition with
dogs for the waste materials; this sometimes leads to dog
bites and the associated threat of rabies.
• On dumpsites and in some roadside bins, fires are either lit
to reduce the volume of materials or occur spontaneously
because of the presence of methane and other gases. These
can be hazardous in terms of burns and smoke inhalation.
Indirect environmental hazards:
• Weather conditions can be problematic during the wet sea-
son when flooding may lead to faecal materials becoming
washed into domestic waste in the street. Climatic extremes
may also lead to health problems for those waste-picking.
• Harassment is something most waste pickers report among
the negative aspects of their work. This comes in the form of
sexual harassment of females by males, hounding by police,
local residents and sometimes competition from other waste
pickers over waste materials.
b. Environmental Risks
• The waste which waste pickers collect can also contaminate
the air, water and soil of the environment in which they live.
These workers often live in informal settlements which are
not serviced by local municipalities. They are, therefore, of-
ten doubly exposed to the environmental hazards of waste
listed above.
Specific risks to child workers:
• The health risks posed by the occupation may be greater for
children than for adults.(6) In comparison to adults, children
lack judgement, experience and knowledge. They may there-
Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996

7. See reference 5, Huysman,
Velu, Ganesh and Bhuvaneswari
(1994).
8. See reference 5, Huysman,
Velu, Ganesh and Bhuvaneswari
(1994).
9. See reference 5, Huysman,
Velu, Ganesh and Bhuvaneswari
(1994); see also Joseph, A.
(1994) “Urban garbage; recog-
nizing the removers” in The Hindu
Survey of the Environment ,
Delhi.
10. Rajabapaiah, P. (1988), En-
ergy from Bangalore Garbage: A
Preliminary Study, ASTRA, In-
dian Institute of Science,
Bangalore.
11. Huysman, M. (1994), “Waste-
picking: A survival strategy for
women in Indian cities” in Envi-
ronment and Urbanization Vol.6,
No.2, October.
Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996
CHILD WASTE PICKERS
fore be at greater risk of occupational hazards and injuries.
For instance, children may pick dangerous materials which
adults would know to avoid.
• Exposure to hazardous materials may be more severe for a
child. For instance, children have a faster rate of breathing
than adults which may make them more vulnerable to air-
borne hazards (such as gases given off by burning waste
materials). Children have thinner layers of skin than adults
which may make them more vulnerable to chemical absorp-
tion and burns. Furthermore, the softness of children’s bones
may mean any skeletal problems resulting from carrying heavy
loads are greater than they would be for adults.
• Children, by starting this work at an early age, have a greater
potential number of years in the occupation which may put
them at an increased level of risk of low level chronic expo-
sure.
• Children may be more susceptible than adults to the detri-
mental effects of this work on personality development. Chil-
dren may be less aware of the stigma attached to the work
than adults. Furthermore, the lack of choice associated with
this work means that the children forgo other opportunities
such as formal education.
III. THE STUDY
THE STUDY WAS carried out in India’s fifth largest city,
Bangalore. The city has a population recorded at over 4 million
in the 1991 census. It is estimated to expand to 7 million by the
year 2000.(7) Much of this development stems from the city’s
status as India’s centre for science and technology.
There are estimated to be between 20,000-30,000 waste pick-
ers in the city.(8) The majority are women and children from the
lower castes. The city generates approximately 2,000 tonnes of
waste daily.(9) The domestic portion of this waste has been de-
scribed as being largely vegetable matter (78 per cent) along
with paper (4 per cent), plastics (2 per cent), glass (1 per cent)
and 15 per cent miscellaneous.(10)
An earlier article in Environment and Urbanization by Marijk
Huysman(11) describes the lives of women waste pickers in the
city. In contrast, this paper looks at the health risks for child
waste pickers.
a. The Methods
One hundred children (mainly girls) aged four to 15 were in-
terviewed (with either their mother or teacher present) and given
health checks by doctors with the help of two non-governmen-
tal organizations (Asha Deep and the Bangalore Multi-purpose
Social Service Society). One-third of these children were waste
pickers whilst the remaining two-thirds were children of the
same age and sex, living in the same settlements but not in-
volved in any waste-picking work. Further information was col-
lected during group discussions and interviews with waste pick-
ers in their teens.
113
CHILD WASTE PICKERS

b. The Results
Most of the indicators for home environment, nutritional sta-
tus, health behaviour and socio-economic status showed that
the waste pickers came from poorer families than the other chil-
dren. For instance, they were more likely to live in overcrowded,
poorly ventilated huts made of dried vegetation (rather than clay).
They were more likely to use open ground for defecation than
use public or private latrines. They reported having more health
problems. They were more likely to be malnourished. They
were less likely to attend formal school. Those that did attend
school were then more likely to drop out from school.
The proportion of educated parents was lower. Their fathers
were more likely to be either deceased, unemployed, unable to
work for health reasons or to have left the family. They were
more likely to have lower-skill jobs. The range of jobs they had
spanned only seven different occupations whereas the fathers
of non-waste pickers represented 18 different occupations. The
waste pickers’ parents were also far more likely to be waste
pickers themselves (especially their mothers). The waste pick-
ers spoke fewer languages (none spoke Kannada, the state lan-
guage, only either Tamil or Telegu). Most of the waste pickers
said they were born in Bangalore. It is likely that their Tamil-
speaking parents or grandparents migrated to the city. They
could easily have been part of the large and continuing influx of
people from rural Tamil Nadu into the city, in search of work.
Of the non-waste pickers, 12 were paid as domestic workers,
21 did no paid work and went to formal school and the remain-
der neither did paid work nor went to formal school. Most of the
children were Hindu. Some were Muslim (however, none were
waste pickers). The rest of the children reported that they were
Christian.
The fact that the waste pickers live in worse conditions sup-
ports the argument that the occupation is a survival strategy.(12)
It also suggests that they would suffer poorer health than the
12. See reference 11. other children. However, even when all of these factors were
taken into consideration in the statistical analysis, waste pick-
ers were still two and a half times more likely to be ill than non-
waste pickers.
The types of illness that the children were found to suffer from
are presented in Figure 1 below.
There are several possible explanations for the differences in
the two groups. For example, the worm infestation may be due
to the children touching materials contaminated with human
waste (and then touching food or putting their fingers into their
mouths). Or, it could be due to eating food found in the waste.
Upper respiratory tract infection is common among children and
may be related to the home environment (cooking in poorly ven-
tilated conditions, with overcrowding increasing the rate of per-
son to person transmission). Susceptibility may also be cou-
pled with lowered resistance because of poor diet, “heavy” physi-
cal work (carrying the waste materials) and possible infection
from waste. Lymph node enlargement is also common in chil-
dren and is usually caused by minor infection. Some of these

114 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996

 CHILD WASTE PICKERS

Figure 1: Results of the Medical Examinations

children had suspected tuberculosis. Xerophthalmia (vitamin

A deficiency) is diet related. Dental caries (tooth decay) is due
to poor dental hygiene.

IV. THE JOB OF WASTE PICKING

OVER TWO-THIRDS of the children reported that they started
the job with a family member (usually their mother). All of them
collected from dustbins and the roadsides. They all walked to
the different places they picked from and a small number also
used buses. The average length of time that they had been

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996 115

CHILD WASTE PICKERS

picking was four years. They all collected plastic. Other materi-
als included metal, paper, bones, rubber, glass, batteries and
coconut shells.
Only a few of the children used gloves to work in and in each
case these were provided by their mother. Most used a stick or
other instrument with which to sort through the waste. Just
over half had separate clothes (older items) to work in.
Almost three-quarters said that they themselves sold their col-
lected material to the waste dealer. The average income per day
was reported to be Rs. 10. The children worked an average of
five hours a day and seven days a week. Almost all gave most of
their money to their mother or guardian and in half of the cases
the child received some money back (up to Rs. 3.). Half of the
children saved some money (usually at the NGO).
The vast majority worked as part of a team rather than alone.
Many said this was advantageous because they needed the guid-
ance, liked the company and would be frightened to go alone.
Three- quarters of them worked all year round while the remain-
der did not always work during the wet season.
Most felt that there were no restrictions on when and where
they could work. Those who said there were restrictions thought
they were due to other waste pickers competing over materials
and territory. Over half thought that waste-picking was hazard-
ous. Almost a third of those stated health hazards (primarily
cuts). Others cited dogs (who compete for the same waste), the
weather and harassment as problems.
Half of the children said they were not harassed while working
whilst 6 per cent were not sure and 44 per cent said they were
harassed. Of these, most complained of dogs, the police, male
harassment of females, other waste pickers and also local resi-
dents.
The children were asked how they treated the cuts they sus-
tained while picking. A small number said that they did not get
cuts (those who wore gloves). Eighteen per cent said that they
left the wound open. The priority for the remaining children was
to stop the bleeding. They did so by either bandaging with cloth,
applying medicines found on the roadside, applying lime, wrap-
ping in paper, rubbing on the ground, licking the wound or by
buying a plaster. Only one child washed her wounds. Some said
that they would go and see a doctor later if necessary.
Just over one-third said that waste-picking was good because
it provided money to buy food. Over half said that it was a bad
thing, for the following reasons: they did not like doing the work;
they were blamed for any local theft; they would prefer to study;
they did not like getting cuts from the waste or being harassed.
Furthermore, one girl thought it was bad because her older sis-
ter had been hit by a car whilst waste-picking several years pre-
viously. The remaining children were not sure what they thought.
When talking about what they wanted to do when they were
older almost half of all of the children said they wanted to study.
The non-waste pickers described more varied jobs which they
would like to do in the future, including teaching. Only one of
the waste pickers wanted to continue waste-picking.
Case studies of older waste pickers were developed (with the

116 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996

 CHILD WASTE PICKERS

help of the NGO DEEDS (Development Education Society)) to

provide retrospective views on the occupation as a child. Box 1
gives two examples, those of Vasu (aged 20) and Lakshmi (aged
17) and these help to show some of the differences between
male and female waste pickers.

Box 1: Reflections on Working as a Child Waste Picker

This box is drawn from interviews with Vasu (aged 20, who had worked as a waste
picker since the age of ten) and Lakshmi (aged 17, who also began work aged ten).

Vasu had started work aged ten with his friends while Lakshmi had started aged ten
with her mother. Vasu gave half of his income to his mother and spent the rest on
films and food. Lakshmi gave all of her income to her mother.

Vasu said that waste pickers in his part of the city had a monopoly and newcomers
had little chance of starting work there. When Vasu reached his late teens he took
on the role of leader of five or six younger boys. This involved acting as their
protector and, in turn, receiving drinks of tea and coffee. Lakshmi worked alongside
her mother.

Vasu said he was not aware of any health risks. However, he then went on to mention
cuts from broken glass in the waste. To treat these he used to find cloth, burn it
and use it as a bandage. He also wore shoes, covered his skin and drank alcohol to
ward off illness. Lakshmi reports rarely having pains and cuts from her work. She
was very cautious and never picked unfamiliar materials even if her parents told
her to.

Overall, Vasu thought the work was detrimental largely because he was ridiculed for
it. He also suffered from police harassment and was often blamed for local theft.
Lakshmi thought that waste-picking was a good job because she had done it
throughout her childhood, was therefore used to it and furthermore had no experience
of anything else.

Neither of them had heard of any NGOs or CBOs (community based organizations)
in the city working with waste pickers. Vasu took any problems he had to a close
friend whilst Lakshmi said that while she had her parents she would have no problems
in life.

Vasu’s advice to any young waste pickers now would be for them to stop. He believes
that if they continue they will not develop fully and will have fewer opportunities in
life. Lakshmi’s advice would be about what materials to pick and how to do so.

Vasu stopped waste-picking five months ago because he wanted an arranged marriage
and felt it was not possible if he continued. When he stopped he passed on his
knowledge and contacts to a friend. Lakshmi still works as a waste picker. Her
neighbours have recently commented that she is too old to still be waste-picking
(perhaps because she is of marriageable age). Lakshmi says she would be happy to
stop and stay at home all of the time. She reports that her parents would not allow
her to do any other kind of work.

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996 117

CHILD WASTE PICKERS

V. CONCLUSIONS
WASTE-PICKING, AS might be expected, does appear to be det-
rimental to health (especially worm infestations and respiratory
and other infections). The waste pickers in this study were from
poorer families than the other children. Their parents were more
likely to be waste pickers themselves and to be migrants.
More than half of the children did not like doing the work and
thought it was hazardous. Discussions with older waste pick-
ers suggested that children became aware of the stigma attached
to the work only in their late teens. It also appears that girls are
more likely to continue the work than boys.
Recommendations from the study span the short, the medium
and the long term. In the short term, children need to be pro-
tected from the hazards of the job. This could include protec-
tive equipment such as gloves, footwear and tools to sort waste,
also vaccination against tetanus.
In the medium and long term, disposal of hazardous indus-
trial and hospital waste needs to be vastly improved. The gen-
eral living environment of these children and their families also
needs improvement. Last but not least, their status needs to
change. This could involve the formalization of the sector, giv-
ing the waste pickers official recognition and protection. In the
case of children whose mothers also collect waste, it is probably
only such structural change (giving their families increased
employment security and rights) which would allow them the
freedom to leave the occupation of waste-picking.

118 Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 8, No. 2, October 1996