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Transborder languages of Africa

Beban Sammy Chumbow a
a
Rector University of Dschang, Cameroon

Online Publication Date: 01 December 1999

To cite this Article Chumbow, Beban Sammy(1999)'Transborder languages of Africa',Social Dynamics,25:1,51 — 69

To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/02533959908458661
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 Social Dynamics 25:1 (1999): 51-69

Transborder Languages of Africa

Beban Sammy Chumbow
Rector
University of Dschang (Cameroon)

Introduction

Transborder Languages
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Border Zones, defined as regions at the frontier of national or international

boundaries, have been the object and subject of a variety of studies from the
historical, geographical, economic and political perspectives. Indeed, border
studies of the African borderline have constituted a sub-domain of scholarship
in History since and even before Asiwaju (1984). However, very little attention
has been paid to the languages whose domain of usage geographically straddles
international boundaries. Yet, these languages, which have been termed
"transborder languages" (Chumbow and Tamanji 1992,1996), deserve to be
the object of scholarship in linguistics and sociolinguistics, particularly within
the perspective of language planning for national development and international
co-operation.
Without undermining the individual studies that have, in the past, alluded
to or mentioned transborder languages directly or indirectly by whatever name1,
it is hoped that this study will constitute a prolegomena to renewed and
vigorous studies of transborder languages of the various countries of Africa.
Transborder languages are a fairly common feature of the African
borderlines or frontiers and despite recognizable differences and specificities,
they have a considerable amount of shared characteristics to justify such
attention from scholars in the field of Linguistics. Furthermore, we submit that
the appropriate development and domestication of these languages as & joint
venture by the countries concerned, has lasting advantages for national
development, peaceful co-existence, and international co-operation.
 52 Transborder Languages of Africa

The Nature Of International Boundaries

Virtually all the significant issues and problems associated with the plight of
transborder languages arise from the very nature of international boundaries.
International boundaries in Africa, as in indeed most of the other continents, are
essentially arbitrary and artificial in nature. In other words, international
boundaries are neither congruent nor co terminuous with the more natural,
much older ethno-cultural groups and nationalities which predate the modern
nation-states.
The arbitrariness of African national boundaries is the result of the
unfortunate historical circumstances of the Berlin Conference in 1884, where
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European colonial powers in their scramble for Africa, met and hastily drew
lines on maps to share the African territory to themselves without any
consideration of the ethnic, cultural and linguistic reality of the partitioned
people.
The artificiality and arbitrariness of African boundaries is underscored
by Hargreaves 1984 and Asiwaju 1990 (among others). According to
Hargreaves, "the only logic which can be discerned in the marking of African
boundaries is that of conflicting interests and objectives of certain European
nation-states which are dedicated to territorial empire in Africa. The interest of
the border area was never envisaged, except as a dim, inarticulate presence in
the background." (Hargreaves 1984:25).
Asiwaju 1984 notes that the partitioning of Africa was essentially an
exercise in power politics characteristic of European powers.
"The European partition of Africa in the last quarter of a century was essentially
an extension of a process by which the same powers who partitioned Africa,
partitioned and were continuing to partition their own continent and peoples
among themselves. Indeed, the Europeans' partition of their own continent proved
to be a much more protracted process than their partition of Africa, America and
Asia." (Asiwaju 1984).
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 53

Languages And Ethnic Identity Across National Borders

Following the arbitrarily imposed boundaries, millions of African people of the
same ethnic identity, sharing the same language and governed by historical and
cultural bonds, suddenly found themselves partitioned and shared between
colonial powers and today belong to different nations. Thus, the territorial map
of an African country would rarely correspond to its ethno-cultural map.
This arbitrariness has created a human drama of considerable magnitude
in the psyche of the partitioned and mutilated ethnic groups who suddenly find
themselves "located" in an inaccessible fringe of their states.
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The imposition of arbitrary boundaries split not only traditional states but
also towns and villages some of which continue to have identical names across
the boundary. Thus, for instance, Barkindo 1984's illuminating account of the
split of the Mandara villages arbitrarily between the French Cameroons and
British Nigeria. Even the Mandara capital, Kerewa, and other towns were
partitioned. Parallels of this situation are found in almost every country of
Africa.
Despite the disruptive effect of the arbitrary boundary on the cultural and
ethnic unity of partitioned peoples, they quite often cultivate and reinforce the
pre-partition networks of intra-group or intra-ethnic relations and in some cases
(at least historically), they consider the boundary as binding only on the
colonial powers or present day governments and not on their own internal
relations which they consider "inviolable".
Thus, there is at the border zones, an invisible but clearly discernible
ethnico-cultural boundary underneath the visible national boundaries. The
former clearly undermines the latter as it penetrates into the various national
territories and defiantly crosses national boundaries. This invisible boundary is
maintained and nourished by the linguistic identity that cuts across the well-
safeguarded national frontier,2
Linguistic identity across the border is therefore a powerful force to be
reckoned with in the dynamics of nation building and development of border
zones.
 54 Transborder Languages of Africa

Characteristics Of Transborder Language Communities

There are shared characteristics of partitioned communities throughout

Africa and a clear understanding of these constitutes crucial input to the study
and development of transborder languages. This is as important as the relevance
of sociolinguistic fact finding to the enterprise of language planning.

Attitudes To Imposed Boundaries By Partitioned Peoples

What is the attitude of people with a common ethnic and linguistic heritage to
arbitrarily imposed limits or boundaries to their territorial and cultural unity?
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Studies of partitioned peoples of Africa have identified a three-level reaction

(Asiwaju 1984).
1. Initially, the attitude of the partitioned people may be one of
indifference, particularly where there is inadequate education as to the
intention of partitioning powers and the consequences of the
partition.
2. Indifference soon gives way to irritation and resentment, resulting
from the development of awareness, for instance, when the mobility
of persons and goods is restricted and controlled by forces external
to the ethno-cultural entity.
3. Finally, brushes with the forces of border-control may lead to a
rejection of the border as a line of division which separates and
curtails interaction between people with a common bond of identity.

Manifestation Of Rejection Of Imposed Boundaries

The rejection of the boundaries at the psychological level is concretely
manifested in overt and covert activities.
Overt manifestations of resistance to imposed boundaries may take the
form of protests (written or not) against the offending boundary or mobilized
action of agitation in the form of what Asiwaju 1984 calls "militant irredentist
agitation " against the artificial boundary that seeks to make citizens strangers,
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 55

aliens and in some cases enemies of their kith and kin across the frontier for no
apparent reason.
The covert resistance is manifested in the violation of barriers and border
control mechanisms by deliberately avoiding them as well as routine checks or
immigration controls by way of clandestine movements across the frontier. This
may also take the form of smuggling goods across frontiers by violating
customs check points. Crossborder migrations are facilitated by the prevalence
of an identical language and similarity of culture across the border. This can be
illustrated by the situation along the Nigeria-Cameroon border where the
Ejagham people, a homogeneous ethnolinguistic group, who have 55% of their
population in Cameroon and 45% in Nigeria, (along with other linguistic groups
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like the Effik, the Evant and other partitioned people) tend to ignore the
boundary in their daily economic activities. The people of this region often
claim to be Cameroonians or Nigerians at different borders, depending on what
suits them best at the time. This makes it difficult for frontier police men and
customs officers on both sides of the border to effectively carry out their
mission of border patrol.

Attitudes Of States Or Government Towards Partitioned

Communities At The Border
The central government of African nations is often suspicious of the border
zones and the partitioned people because of what we may conveniently call the
Trojan horse syndrome. More specifically, the nationalism of partitioned people
is persistently put to question since they often remain attached to their kith and
kin across the border considered to belong to another nation, governed by a
foreign sovereignty. Thus, for instance, in the face of political activism of
anglophone Cameroonians, a minority population of Cameroon, some of whom
have ethnic ties with partitioned peoples across the border in Nigeria,
anglophone Cameroonians have been referred to as "l'ennemi dans la maison"
(the enemy in the house). Thus, doubts are cast on the nationalism and loyalty
of linguistic communities at the border.
 56 Transborder Languages of Africa

The reality of the Trojan horse syndrome can be imagined as follows:

Two new nation-states A and B, have a common boundary which runs through
a homogeneous ethnolinguistic unit C such that sub-sections of C (i.e. a and b)
now belong to different nations A and B respectively. The ethnolinguistic entity
C, now a partitioned people, often may still nourish, nurture and cherish the
natural ancestral bonds of ethnolingustic unity that bind them.
If the relationship between nations A and B is not cordinal, the subgroups
(a) and (b) now belonging to different sovereignties are viewed with suspicion by
the rest of the groups within each nation state. They may be perceived as a
veritable Trojan horse or the enemy in the house by other groups within the
national territory of A or B as the case may be.
Partitioned peoples are routinely controlled by immigration and customs
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officials to check movement of people and goods. However, depending on the

degree of government suspicion, the borders may be strictly policed or even
militarized when they are considered a security risk or when the relation
between the two countries is not cordial.
As a result of government suspicion, linguistic communities at the border
may be victims of voluntary strategic neglect. Characteristically, the economic
and social development of these zones and their people may be withheld or
curtailed to the minimum. Concretely, schools, hospitals, markets and other
evidences of development are deliberately withheld, while road infrastructure
is either completely absent or neglected.

Socio-political Tension And Conflict

As already mentioned, boundaries between nation-states are usually territorial
limits of national sovereignty and political jurisdiction. International boundaries
are therefore lines of contact of two sovereign powers each jealous of its
territorial integrity and national autonomy.
"Contacts at the borderline are therefore more often, contacts of conflict rather
than for harmony". (Asiwaju 1984)
The reaction of border communities to imposed boundaries of division and the
stringent measures taken by governments to ensure that the boundaries are
respected, naturally result in tension that occasionally explodes into violent
conflict.
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 57

The resentment of the limitation and control of free movement of goods

and persons by border populations leading to clandestine violation of the
frontiers and to smuggling across the frontier is often a source of tension and
conflict when government acts to re-assert its authority. For instance, at the
Nigeria-Cameroon border, fugitives from justice and smugglers from one
territory promptly escape to seek asylum in the other territory across the border.
Punitive expeditions against them often lead to a situation where the pursuing
frontier police or soldiers cross the border without realising it. This invariably
results in armed confrontation with forces of the other side. This may lead to a
deterioration of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Tension and
conflict between border communities on the one hand and forces of law
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enforcement and national security on the other hand, therefore result from the
fact that visible (arbitrary) national boundaries of division are superimposed on
underlying invisible ethnolinguistic boundaries of unity both of which have
different and conflicting interests of national sovereignty versus ethnolinguistic
unity.

Options For Border Management

How have African states sought to manage or cope with the situation at border
zones? Two discernible modes of border management are attested in the African
context (Asiwaju 1984)

The Traditional Approach

Traditionally, borders were and in some cases are still governed by way of
restrictive measures that seek to enforce the sovereignty of the state and its
authority. States often make use of certain regulatory mechanisms to enforce
their sovereignty. These include, legislative and judicial processes i.e. laws and
regulations to determine cross-border flow of goods and persons on the one
hand, and the use of the executive instruments of government e.g. customs
officials, the police and police-related forces to apprehend and punish
defaulters, on the other hand.
 58 Transborder Languages of Africa

The traditional measures of border management consist of using these

mechanisms as restrictive control measures without any consideration of the
human situation at the frontier. This mode of border management is generally
negative in its approach and in its effect. Problems are expected to be solved by
policing and or by militarisation of the border.

The Positive Policy Option

This border management policy option, while recognising the need to make use
of both the legislative-judicial processes and the executive instruments of
government, prefers to cultivate legal instruments of co-operation such as
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treaties, protocols and other diplomatic exchanges. In addition, the positive

policy option has as its main feature, an expansion and elaboration of what
Boggs 1940 calls "the principle of simplification of the boundary function".
This means, in effect, that while the principle of the "intangibility of frontiers
inherited from colonial masters" may be respected and maintained because of
the problems and difficulties inherent in asking for boundaries to be shifted or
nullified, their function as lines of demarcation, division and separation should
be modified for them to assume a simpler function as lines of productive
contact.
The positive option has received popular acclaim and advocacy as a more
realistic approach to border problems and it is within this policy that one can
fruitfully envisage the role and function as lines of productive contact.

Transborder Language Issues

In the face of the socio-political situation in the border zones presented above,
what is the situation and role of transborder languages? What are the specific
issues associated with the language situation at the border that need to be
elucidated and solved.
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 59

Frontier Languages And Transborder Languages

As indicated in Chumbow and Tamanji (1996) frontier languages are of two
types:
a) Those that are spoken along the border and constitute a parallel
with some other language(s) across the border. These have been
called simply border languages.
b) Those whose domain of usage straddles the international
boundary demarcating the two countries. These we have called
transborder languages (Chumbow and Tamanji 1992)
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Only the latter are under study here, because the former's sphere of
geographical spread falls within the national territory of one nation and ipso
facto does not present any special problems.
Transborder languages are astride two national frontiers, two sovereign
powers and therefore literally ignore international borders and national
sovereignty. This presents the many problems we have highlighted above.
Put simply, border languages are spoken along the border, while
transborder languages are spoken across the border. Both are referred to as
frontier languages.
Transborder languages appear to be far more numerous than border
languages and this is a natural consequence of the arbitrariness of the
boundaries and does, indeed, attest to the fact of the artificiality of boundaries.
There are about 45 transborder languages across the Nigeria - Cameroon
frontier, 3 across the frontier with Equatorial Guinea, 2 across the Cameroon-
Gabon frontier, 6 across the frontier with the central African Republic and 13
across the Cameroon-Chad frontier. A detailed study of these languages is
beyond the scope of this work. (For more information on this, see Chumbow
and Tamanji 1996). This typifies the situation of most African countries to a
greater or less extent.
 60 Transborder Languages of Africa

Dialectilisation Of Transborder Languages

It has been observed that one long term effect of an imposed boundary that
seeks to separate, is that a situation results where speakers of the same language
on both sides of the border sometimes make a conscious or unconscious effort
to regionalise their own variety of the language creating dialectal variations
where none existed before. Such dialectisation arises in some cases because of
the reduced level of interaction and visible vitality among the speakers as a
result of the imposed barrier. However, in cases where nationalism takes a
certain level of ascendancy, it may be politically motivated; i.e. people in one
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region may just want to be different from those of another region belonging to
a different sovereignty.

Language Development Of Transborder Languages

"National development' is a much sought-after ideal by African nations which
invariably formulate five-year national development plans to focus on problems
of development for the masses. It is now axiomatic that to mobilize the masses
of the population to participate fully in the enterprise of national development,
education and communication of national development products must be
presented to them not in an exoglossic language (like English and French), but
in the language they know best: an indigenous African language. Since many
of these languages are still essentially oral in their usage, there is a need to
ensure that they are technically apt to carry out the new function to be assigned
to them as languages of education and vectors of basic knowledge in Science
and Technology, at least in specific domains, like primary health, agriculture,
general communication etc.
We have used the term language development to refer to all language
engineering activities undertaken to bring a language from its natural state (the
oral form in a preliteracy state) to a codified and standardised form, with some
amount of literature and literacy activities in terms of conveyance of knowledge
in various aspects of science and technology (Chumbow 1987, Chumbow and
Tamanji 1996, Sadembouo and Watters 1987).
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 61

Language development activities include the following:

1. Selection of a standard (where the language exhibits dialectal
variation.
2. Standardisation by codification i.e., providing the language with
norms of orthography, norms of (pedagogic) grammar and
norms of discourse and style.
3. Lexical expansion (or "modernization") by the various
mechanisms and techniques to provide the language with
relevant terminology for it to respond to the challenge of
communicating new knowledge in the Arts, Science and
Technology required for self actualisation and national
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development.
4. Dissemination and diffusion of the innovation in the
standardized language to potential adopters in the linguistic
community.
5. Development of literacy and literature in the language.

In order to ensure greater communicative efficiency across the border,

transborder languages have an important role to play and their "development"
in the sense just defined is of primary importance.
The state of the development of transborder languages in Africa varies
from country to country depending on a number of variables including the
following among others (1) the premium the African country attaches to the
development and use of African languages according to the provisions of its
language policy (or lack of it) (2) the status of the language in terms of the
functions assigned to languages of the nation by its language policy (3) other
socio-economic-political variables.

Separate Language Development Enterprises

Where efforts have been made o undertake the language development of
transborder languages, one observes that the same language undergoes two or
more separate developments leading to different and divergent norms
(particularly orthographic norms). This stems from the fact that the language
 62 Trarisborder Languages of Africa

engineering enterprise is carried out by independent Language Planning

Committees (LPC) each representing the sovereignty of the various nations
across the one linguistic border. Thus, each LPC may (a) choose a different
reference dialect for the standardisation process, (b) create varying norms of
grammar or orthography for the same language. This has serious implications
with respect to formal usage in textbooks written on either side of the border.
For instance, Fulfude, which is spoken by over twenty million people in the
Savanna belt across West Africa from Senegal to Nigeria and Cameroon has
clearly different orthographic norms in different countries. The consequence is
that a native speaker of the language in one country who is literate in the
language, can communicate orally with speakers from other countries but is
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unable to read anything written from the other countries. The capital of Burkina
Faso would be written as "Wagadugu" in Nigeria, but as "Ouagadougou" across
the border in Niger.
The consequence of such separate development is (i) the duplication of
language planning efforts on the same language in different countries, (ii) waste
of resources (rather than reducing cost by pooling resources and, (iii)
complication of the norms, thus alienating and excluding other native speakers
who otherwise would be included as users of the (written) language.

Transborder Language Co-operation

General Perspectives On Border Co-operation

Faced with the problems of tension at the border, the traditional mode of border
management of implementing or imposing regulatory mechanisms, leading to
excessive policing and militarisation of frontier zones in order to impose state
authority, has proved to be negative and counter-productive. The generally
accepted approach to boundary management is one that should emerge based
on "the principle of simplification of the boundary function" from a line of
demarcation, and separation to a line of contact and co-operation.
Thus, for instance, having analysed the issue of rural development for the
Ngoni frontier community astride the Zambian boundary with Malawi, Phiri
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 63

(1984) proposed that "the international boundary should not be seen as a

barrier, a line of separation and exclusion but a meeting point, a line of
inclusion."
Fanso (1989) having examined the case of the Nigeria-Cameroon frontier,
proposed that the international boundary in Africa must be decolonised to
ensure that "it should not continue to function as if it were still controlled by the
European powers that established it". Decolonization of frontiers means
'reducing the excessive rigidity of boundaries, making them sensitive to the
human tragedy they have caused the people divided among neighbouring
countries" (Fanso 1989). Ultimately this new perspective of border management
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should lead to the demilitarisation of border zones by removing military posts

and stations along the border, leaving only police and security officers to
perform border duties.
As already indicated in Chumbow and Tamanji (1992), we proposed that
international frontiers should be transformed into bridges of co-operation by
exploiting shared ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities across the border. The
principle of bridges across the border is best achieved by a comprehensive
transborder co-operation policy between nations.
Transborder co-operation should seek to establish and consolidate
interstate co-operation at the political, cultural and economic levels with visible
manifestations along the border in the form of development projects that will
benefit people across the common border.
More specifically, this may involve at the political and administrative
levels, a Joint Consultative Board to examine and monitor boundary problems
and make recommendations to be jointly applied as a tension-defusing measure.
At the economic level, joint economic and social development projects in the
interest of the welfare of the border people such as birder markets, health care
units, schools etc. may be undertaken.
At the cultural level, cultural exchanges or joint organisation of cultural
activities could be envisaged under a Joint Cultural Committee functioning
within the comprehensive policy of interstate co-operation.
 64 Transborder Languages of Africa

Transborder Language Co-operation

Within the perspective of a comprehensive policy of interstate co-operation,
transborder languages have a crucial role to play, particularly in defusing border
tension, because these languages constitute the common property of the people
of the two nations. Furthermore, language is the element of culture par
excellence and the means by which people with a common cultural heritage
express their common culture and ethnic identity. Transborder languages can
therefore be made to undergo the process of language development and used as
the means of accomplishing the new perspective of bridges of co-operation at
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the frontier, specifically, as the vector of the new-found spirit of transborder co-
operation.
It is proposed that for the effective development and use of transborder
languages for both national development and international co-operation, two
organs should be set up as joint ventures each with specific terms of reference,
but working together to achieve this noble goal.

The Transborder Language Planning Committee

There is a need for a Joint Transborder Language Planning Committee for each
transborder language (ideally).
Membership: It should be made up of the people who normally constitute
members of a language planning committee i.e., of the specialists in the
language community, teachers, linguists, language material developers, writers
etc. It is, however, essential that the composition of the language planning
committee should be representative with respect to the various countries where
the language is spoken and possibly with respect to dialectal distribution. Some
transborder languages are widely spoken across three or more countries (e.g.
Fulfude, Swahili, Hausa, Fang, Bambara etc.).
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 65

Terms of Reference: The Joint Language Planning Committee is expected to

accomplish the following mission among other objectives:
1. Identification of the scope of the use of the language in terms of the
geographical distribution of the language in all the countries where
it is used.
2. Identification of dialectal variation of each transborder language.
3. Standardization by (i) provision of a phonemically based standard
orthography to a selected standard variety (ii) design and provision
of language learning materials such as primers, readers, textbooks,
dictionaries, etc.
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4. Harmonization of already standardized language systems across the

borders on the basis of agreed (scientific) principles of
harmonization.
5. Promotion of literacy in the language.
6. Promotion of the general development of the language by way of (i)
the enterprise of lexical expansion (provision of thematic glossaries
etc.) and (ii) the encouragement of the production of general reading
materials (novels, plays, folk tales, poems etc.) in the language.
7. Undertaking any other enterprise congruent with the development and
use of transborder languages.
Successful attempts have been made by the Summer Institute of Linguistics
(Societe Internationale de Linguistique) in Cameroon to establish joint language
planning committees for Ejagham and Gude, two transborder languages of the
Nigeria-Cameroon border. These language planning committees have members
from the two countries and have undertaken joint projects. Indeed, the new
testament in Ejagham was launched in December 1997, with the participation
of the elite of the language community from both sides of the border.
This is evidence that the proposal of joint language planning committees
for transborder languages is one that promises to bear fruit and yield dividends.
 66 Transborder Languages of Africa

Transborder Language Commission

The work of the Transborder Language Planning Committees will need to be
coordinated and followed up by another instance which we shall call the
Transborder Language Commission.
Membership: Membership of the Commission shall be senior government
representatives from Ministries concerned (e.g. Foreign Affairs/ External
Relations, Education and Culture) and linguists and other experts of language
development.
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Terms of Reference: To determine general policy guidelines for transborder language

co-operation and transborder language development.To co-ordinate the work of the
Transborder Language Planning Committees in line with policy guidelines.

The collaborative and concerted action of the two Joint ventures will
ensure that transborder languages are maximally developed at a more cost-
effective rate for the good of all border communities concerned.

Conclusion
This paper has focused attention on transborder languages, arguing that given
the ethnic identity and cultural similarities that correlate with the same language
spoken across the border, transborder languages are characterized by underlying
ethnolinguistic unity which seeks to, express itself in the face of the
superimposition of arbitrary national boundaries of separation and disunity that
seek to establish neo-nationalism and sovereignty. It is proposed that the
resulting tension and conflict can be defused by establishing bridges of co-
operation between the new sovereign states with the transborder languages
serving as a natural cement of the co-operation; more specifically, as vectors
of the new spirit of co-operation, given the fact that they are the common
property of the two sovereign states at the borderline. In order to achieve this,
transborder language co-operation is envisaged in the form of two joint
ventures: (i) Joint Transborder Language Planning Committees to undertake the
language development process for each transborder language and (ii) A Joint
 Beban Sammy Chumbow 67

Transborder Language Commission to co-ordinate the activities of the

Language Planning Committees.
Given the importance of language as one of the key bridges for mutual
understanding, peaceful coexistence, and transborder co-operation, it is hoped
that this proposal will be given serious consideration in the development of
transborder languages.
It is hoped that the paper will encourage scholarship on transborder
languages in terms of their surface sociolinguistic and underlying
ethnolinguistic reality as well as country studies of characteristics of
transborder languages.
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Notes

1. Some have referred to transborder languages as "cross-border" languages.

2. The pre-partition networks of intra-ethnic relations are so strong that they

make a "non-sense" of colonially imposed boundaries as illustrated by the
"revolutionary" wars in Mozambique, fleeing Mozambicans crossed over to
Malawi and Zambia where refugees who actually crossed the border never
showed up at the refugee camps. They had apparently "disappeared". Anxious
and concerned, investigations carried out indicated that the Mozambican
Chewa and Ngoni populations simply accommodated them naturally and most
affectionately (Phiri 1984). This is very instructive in that their kinsmen did
not consider them "foreigners" from a different nation unlike the international
community, in particular, the United Nation's Commission for refugees that
had branded them "refugees". Thus, the ethnic bond seems to be stronger than
national ties.
 68 Transborder Languages of Africa

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