Chapter 1

Chapter 1
Introduction
Lakshadweep1 is a cluster of inhabited and uninhabited islands situated on the

south western coast of the Indian subcontinent in the Arabian Sea. People from Kerala
migrated to the islands2 a long time ago and the exact chronology and purpose of the
settlement are disputed.3 The date of conversion to Islam by islanders is also contested.4
1
It was previously known as Laccadive, Minicoy and Aminidivi Islands. Laccadive group of
Islands of today consisted of Kavaratti, Kalpeni, Androth, and Agatti. Amini, Kadamat, Kiltan,
Chetlat, and Bitra which belonged to Aminidivi group of Islands. Minicoy stood at southern
end. The islands came under Indian Union in 1956 under the State Reorganization Act and on
1 November 1973, the name Lakshadweep was adopted. See, V. Vijayakumar, Traditional
Futures: Law and Custom in India’s Lakshadweep Islands (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2006) 4-5.
2
This migration was mainly to Laccadive and Amindivi Islands. The people here show
remarkable similarities with people from Malabar Coast in terms of culture, ethnic and
linguistic. Nambuthiris, Nayars, Tiyya and Mukkuva from Kerala are generally considered as
the migrant communities.
See, Andrew D.W. Forbes, “Southern Arabia and the Islamicisation of the Central Indian Ocean
Archipelagos,” Archipel 21 (1981): 58; R.H. Ellis, A Short Account of the Laccadive Islands
and Minicoy (Madras: Govt. Press, 1924) 15; Theodore P.C. Gabriel, Lakshadweep: History,
Religion, and Society (New Delhi: Books and Books, 1989) 12; A.R. Kutty, Marriage and
Kinship in an Island Society (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 5; Leela Dube, Matriliny
and Islam: Religion and Society in the Laccadives (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1969)
11; Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series, Madras II, (Calcutta: Government Printing,
1908) 352.
Still, there are no historical evidence to substantiate this theory. Some islanders identify
themselves to be the descendants of Arabs, but no proof attached to these claims.
3
Folk tradition attributes the migration to the legend of Cheraman Perumal’s conversion to
Islam and pilgrimage to Mecca around the 7th century. By and large, scholars rejected this
position, but no unanimous date could be identified so far. According to Kutty, as per the coins
found recently (1960s) from Kadamath Island, early settlement can be pushed back as far as to
second century A.D.
See, A.R. Kutty, Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society (Delhi: National Publishing House,
1972) 6-8; P. Sathikumaran Nair, and K. N. P. Namboothiri, Arabikkadalile Pavizhadweepukal:
A Study of Laccadive, Minicoy and Aminidivi Islands [Coral Islands of Arabian Sea] (Kottayam:
National Book Stall, 1972) 38; Theodore P.C. Gabriel, Lakshadweep: History, Religion, and
Society (New Delhi: Books and Books, 1989) 39; Leela Dube, Matriliny and Islam: Religion
and Society in the Laccadives (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1969) 12; W. Robinson,
Report on the Laccadive Islands (Madras: Government Press, 1874) 9; R.H. Ellis, A Short
Account of the Laccadive Islands and Minicoy (Madras: Govt. Press, 1924) 15; Andrew D.W.
Forbes, “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny in the Laccadive Islands,” Religion
8, 1 (Spring 1978): 21; Leela Dube, “Matriliny and Islam in Lakshadweep,” India International
Centre Quarterly, 22, 2/3 (1995): 170; Imperial Gazetteer of India, Provincial Series, Madras
II, (Calcutta: Government Printing, 1908) 352.
4
Islanders believe in the legend of Ubaidulla, supposedly a relative of Prophet Mohammed,
who came from Mecca around 7th century to propagate Islam in Lakshadweep and converted
all islanders. But scholars disregarded this position of sudden conversion and proposed that
Islamicisation in Lakshadweep must be a gradual process through Arab traders and missionaries
1
Certain characteristics of people of Malabar Coast could be identified in the islands5
among which matrilineal system, commonly known in Kerala as marumakkathayam6
stands out and characteristics of which included visiting husband pattern with duolocal
residence7 and tharavad-thavazhi system under the authority of a karanavan. The
present dissertation is on changing nature of matriliny in Lakshadweep and related
trends on tharavad, property inheritance and interpersonal relation of tharavad
members.
A group of individuals, both male and female, who can trace their descent by a
common ancestress for generations, is called a Tharavad in the island community.8 The
name of a particular tharavad is attached to every male and female who belong to it, in
which membership is purely based on a common matrilineal descent. Due to this,
spouses of men and women along with men’s children are kept out of this shared
matrilineal unit. Any child who was born to a woman of a tharavad is a member of it
and acquires the right to share in the properties held by tharavad jointly. Those
properties mostly include land, trees (mainly coconut trees), boats and buildings. All
who established Islam in the Malabar Coast. Most of the ceremonies of Lakshadweep Muslims
are similar to Sunnis of Kerala. Generally the conversion is taken around thirteenth century. W.
Robinson, Report on the Laccadive Islands (Madras: Government Press, 1874) 10; R.H. Ellis,
A Short Account of the Laccadive Islands and Minicoy (Madras: Govt. Press, 1924) 15-17; A.R.
Kutty, Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 6-
9; Leela Dube, “Matriliny and Islam in Lakshadweep,” India International Centre Quarterly,
22, 2/3 (1995): 170; Andrew D.W. Forbes, “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny
in the Laccadive Islands,” Religion 8, 1 (Spring 1978): 21-23; Theodore P.C. Gabriel,
Lakshadweep: History, Religion, and Society (New Delhi: Books and Books, 1989) 81-102;
Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908) 353.
5
Three-tier caste system was another major feature dividing people into upper caste Koya,
middle caste Malmi, and lower caste Melacheri. The Koyas were the land and boat owning
class, Malmi were the navigators, and Melacheris were tied to Koyas through tenancy system
under which they had to pluck the coconuts, work in the house of Koyas and assist while
traveling to mainland for trade.
See, Leela Dube, “Matriliny and Islam in Lakshadweep,” India International Centre Quarterly,
22, 2/3 (1995): 171; R.H. Ellis, A Short Account of the Laccadive Islands and Minicoy (Madras:
Govt. Press, 1924) 70; Theodore P.C. Gabriel, Lakshadweep: History, Religion, and Society
(New Delhi: Books and Books, 1989) 14-17.
6
Literally means inheritance through sister’s children.
7
Husband visited the wife at nights in her matrilineal household. Men and women continue to
live in their own matrilineal households even after marriage.
8
For a brief description on tharavad, thavazhi and karanavan, see, Leela Dube, Matriliny and
Islam: Religion and Society in the Laccadives (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1969) 27-47;
A.R. Kutty, Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society (Delhi: National Publishing House,
1972) 87-134; V. Vijayakumar, Traditional Futures: Law and Custom in India’s Lakshadweep
Islands (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006) 130-42; K.P. Ittaman, Amini Islanders
(New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1976) 116-131.
2
these properties will be naturally transferred to the next generation through female
members of the tharavad, whereas the male members only hold managerial rights. A
tharavad may comprises of one or more domestic groups. The new domestic groups
are formed by splitting the tharavad, which came to be called thavazhi. It is created
through the female members from a tharavad. Properties and needs of members of both
tharavad and its thavazhies were managed by the karanavan, who was the eldest male
member of the former. It was also possible that thavazhies having their own karanavan
who manages the properties allotted for their particular domestic group by the main
tharavad. In case of extinction of a thavazhi i.e., no female members were left to carry
out the transfer of property, all of its holdings would be reverted to main tharavad and
its other branches or thavazhies. This is generally characterized as the impartible nature
of tharavad properties.
The question of impartibility of tharavad is rather confounding.9 Though

partition occurs for the maintenance of the thavazhi, it was not absolute partition,10 but
only maintenance arrangements occurred with the consent of each and every members
of the tharavad. The types of properties, partition and its inheritance pattern11 in
Lakshadweep can be traced through two ways; 1) velliazhcha swothu or tharavad
swothu or Friday property or commonly-held property by matrilineal kin that is
9
Vijayakumar holds the view the tharavad was originally impartible and his assumptions are
based on a court verdict by Justice Janaki Amma for which no historical evidence at present
could be found (V. Vijayakumar, Traditional Futures: Law and Custom in India’s
Lakshadweep Islands (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006) 183). Dube and Kutty
discussed about the modes of partition of tharavad properties, but these conclusions are
depended on the ethnographic fieldworks done in 1960s as by that time partition might have
begun to consolidate in the islands. A.R. Kutty, Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society
(Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 88-89; Leela Dube, “Matriliny and Islam in
Lakshadweep,” India International Centre Quarterly, 22, 2/3 (1995): 174.
10
Absolute partition in the form of conversion of property occurs.
11
General features of property inheritance and partition in Lakshadweep are described here.
There are some minute regional variations.
See, Omesh Saigal, Lakshadweep (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1990) 135-137; R.H. Ellis,
A Short Account of the Laccadive Islands and Minicoy (Madras: Govt. Press, 1924) 74-75; V.
Vijayakumar, Traditional Futures: Law and Custom in India’s Lakshadweep Islands (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006) 142-162; Leela Dube, Matriliny and Islam: Religion and
Society in the Laccadives (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1969) 36-37; A.R. Kutty,
Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 88-91;
K.P. Ittaman, Amini Islanders (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1976) 131- 140; Andrew
D.W. Forbes, “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny in the Laccadive Islands,”
Religion 8, 1 (Spring 1978): 30.
3
inherited through matrilineal line and 2) thingalazhcha swothu12 or Monday property
or self-acquired property that is inherited through Sharia13 law. Friday property is
collectively enjoyed by matrilineal kin members that could not be divided, though the
thavazhi or branches could be established under circumstances. But, once the last
member of the thavazhi dies, the property that is given for their maintenance will be
reverted to the main tharavad. Male members of the tharavad only hold the managerial
right, and do not have absolute power over the property. He cannot give away the
tharavad or thavazhi properties to his wife or children. In this collective property, each
member of the matrilineal kin has equal share. The Monday property, on the other hand,
is obtained through individual effort and could be given to his wife and children. Apart
from tharavad property, people try to get some individual earnings, which could be
counted under this category. This individual property can only be divided under Islamic
Sharia law. These were gifts given as part of paternal affection, and not a necessary
obligation imposed upon the father. There remained an option to convert the Friday
property to Monday property. That is, if a person wants to give some property to his
children, he should get the consent from reversioners14 (maranavakasikal) of the
tharavad, which generally is given through a sammathapatram (deed of consent),
where all reversioners have to agree to give that particular property to the person as
Monday property, so that latter could be gifted to his children. But this alienation of
tharavad property remained minimal. This fusion of collective and individual property
inheritance had emerged due the peculiar secluded situation of islands, where division
of property in terms of number would lead to nothingness and chaos. As a result, both
marumakkathayam and Islamic pattern of inheritance co-existed in Lakshadweep. The
only exception to this is the family group, who claims Sayyid status, descendants of
Prophet Muhammad, who follow patrilineal inheritance.15 Though the tradition of
matrilineal inheritance prevails even now, it is under deterioration and people hold
different opinion regarding its preservation, based on reasons varying from personal to
religious.
12
It is also called belasha swothu or Thursday property in Amindivi group of islands. Origin of
such nomenclatures are not clear. See, K.P. Ittaman, Amini Islanders (New Delhi: Abhinav
Publications, 1976) 131.
13
Islamic law
14
All the living members of tharavad and other thavazhies
15
Andrew D.W. Forbes, “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny in the Laccadive
Islands,” Religion 8, 1 (Spring 1978): 30-31.
4
Duolocal visiting husband pattern was one of the important features of
Lakshadweep matrilineal system. After the marriage, husband and wife continue to live
in their respective matrilineal households.16 Husband used to go to the house of the wife
in the nights and leave in the morning.17 The financial independence of wife from
husband was possible as economic interests of both were tied to their own matrilineal
tharavad. The usual husband ‘paying for wife’ was absent in these marriages.18 A man
was supposed to pay or gift annually like rice or coconut, clothes, but it is not sure that
these were obligatory.19 A wife need not to consider that serving husband as ultimate
goal of marriage, and gifts given by husband in the form of clothes, ornaments, and the
like were suggested the sexual relation between a couple.20 Islanders, by and large,
followed monogamy, but divorces were very common.21 The children born out of this
marriages bore the identity of mother. But due to the influence of Islam, father-child
relationship remained strong as his presence was needed for certain Islamic
ceremonies.22 Father used to bear the expenses of children’s clothes, ornaments,
education etc. though he had no legal responsibility to do so.23
The seeming mismatch between Islam and matriliny as it exist in the islands
stimulate curiousity and of particular interest to scholars. But it is not an exclusive
phenomenon seen in Lakshadweep alone. A community of Muslims in north Malabar
and Minangkabau in Sumatra are cited as prime examples of the juxtaposition of Islam
and matrilineal tradition.24 The matrilineal system in Lakshadweep might have
16
Leela Dube, “Matriliny and Islam in Lakshadweep,” India International Centre Quarterly,
22, 2/3 (1995): 169.
17
Ibid.
18
Ibid. 172.
19
Ibid. 172-173.
20
22, 2/3 (1995): 173; Andrew D.W. Forbes, “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny
in the Laccadive Islands,” Religion 8, 1 (Spring 1978): 32.
21
1972) 176-180; Andrew D.W. Forbes, “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny in
the Laccadive Islands,” Religion 8, 1 (Spring 1978): 33; R.H. Ellis, A Short Account of the
Laccadive Islands and Minicoy (Madras: Govt. Press, 1924) 73.
22
Leela Dube, Matriliny and Islam: Religion and Society in the Laccadives (Delhi: National
Publishing House, 1969) 92-94.
23
1972) 180; Leela Dube, “Matriliny and Islam in Lakshadweep,” India International Centre
Quarterly, 22, 2/3 (1995): 173.
24
L.R.S. Lakshmi, Malabar Muslims: A Different Perspective, (New Delhi: Cambridge
University Press, 2012); Aleena Sebastian “Matrilineal Practices among Koyas of Kozhikode,”
Journal of South Asian Studies 1, 1 (2013): 66-82; Alexander Stark, “The Matrilineal System
5
undergone through the constant contact with Islamic ideals over the centuries. The
theoretical patrilineal Islam is completely different from matrilineal inheritance as the
idea of ancestral property is absent in the former.25 But there did not seem to happen
any kind of collision or conflict. On the other hand, “the expression of religion appear
to reaffirm the solidarity and unity of matrilineal groups and to buttress the relationships
and values of existing social structure.”26 Hence, the customs of Monday property,
provision of conversion of Friday property to Monday property, paternal affection
towards children etc. developed. However, whether Muslims of Lakshadweep
demarcate such contrasts in explicit terms is difficult to establish as they consider
themselves as law-abiding faithful Muslims.27
The general features of matrilineal system in Lakshadweep are under

transformation. Tharavad properties had begun to split in an unprecedented manner
from the 1960s onwards, for which an increased cultural contact with mainland, putting
a termination to its age old seclusion apparently played a decisive role.28 The present
situation shows that though the tharavad ties had not weakened completely, the overall
interdependence among matrilineal kin members had substantially reduced. Both male
and female members began to demand their share, especially men alienating share of
his tharavad properties had increased, though customarily he had no right to do so.29
Even in those islands, especially Kalpeni Island and Androth Island, where full-fledged
partition did not become a norm like that of Kavaratti Island, and Agatti Island,
economic interdependence and collective labor between the tharavad members had
lessened except for the life-course rituals like marriage, feast etc. The present study
attempts to explore various reasons for this change presuming that influence and
intervention of non-kin members in the affairs of the tharavad had consolidated,
of the Minangkabau and its Persistence throughout History: A Structural Perspective,”

Southeast Asia: A Multidisciplinary Journal 13 (2013): 1-13.
25
Leela Dube, “Who Gains from Matriliny? Men, Women and Change on a Lakshadweep
Island,” Sociological Bulletin 42, ½ (1993): 33.
26
Publishing House, 1969) 79.
27
Leela Dube, “Who Gains from Matriliny? Men, Women and Change on a Lakshadweep
Island,” Sociological Bulletin 42, ½ (1993): 33.
28
Publishing House, 1969) 95; V. Vijayakumar, Traditional Futures: Law and Custom in
India’s Lakshadweep Islands (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006) 265; Andrew D.W.
Forbes, “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny in the Laccadive Islands,”
Religion 8, 1 (Spring 1978): 34.
29
Omesh Saigal, Lakshadweep (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1990) 136-137.
6
authority of karanavan declined, intimate conjugal bonds and paternal obligations
established, there emerged nuclear families with separate households with new centers
of power i.e. father or husband, and alienation of tharavad properties. The growth of
modern education and employment, land reform and settlement and judicial
intervention have contributed to these intersecting transformations.30 Even though
earlier equations of property inheritance is changed, still, matrilineal system of
inheritance is retained, chiefly at ‘Tharavad Islands’31. Matrilocal residence replaced
the visiting husband pattern, expenses of which are paid by the Husband-Wife unity,
not the Brother-Sister, though the children still inherit their tharavad membership
through their mother.
Debates on Lakshadweep matriliny is of recent origin when compared to the

mainland discussions and legislative and judicial interventions in Kerala (among
Hindus and Muslims) that had started from colonial period.32 It seems that colonial
legislative measures that were implemented in Kerala had not extended to Lakshadweep
and did not have any impact on the majority islanders. It was in the 1970s and post
1980s that administration became aware about the necessity of codifying customary
laws of Lakshadweep. By the time, some islanders had also become conscious to the
idea that their Islamic identity is being compromised due to matrilineal tradition.33 But
those who support matrilineal pattern paint the system as something approved by Islam
and not really un-Islamic; Islam according to them permits it under the sharia approved
waqf property.
30
Publishing House, 1969) 96-97; V. Vijayakumar, Traditional Futures: Law and Custom in
India’s Lakshadweep Islands (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006) 265.
31
Kalpeni, Androth, Kavaratti, and Amini are considered as the Tharavad Islands due the
dominance of Koyas in these islands. In this case, Kalpeni and Androth are referred.
32
G. Arunima, There Comes Papa: Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala,
Malabar c.1850-1940, (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2003) 128-185; L.R.S. Lakshmi,
Malabar Muslims: A Different Perspective, (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2012)
44-58; Manaf Kottakkunnumal, “Indigenous Customs and Colonial Law: Contestation in
Religion, Gender, and Family among Matrilineal Mappila Muslims in Colonial Malabar,
Kerala, c. 1910-1928,” Sage Open (Jan-March 2014): 3-9.
33
7
1.0 Survey of Literature
This literature review attempts to situate the transformation and reform debates
occurred among matrilineal societies across the world, taking a few specimens.
1.1 Theory of Origin
Matrilineal system of living is still prevalent in many part of the world,

especially among the tribal communities. It caught the interests of many scholars as the
identity of a child was traced through the mother’s lineage in opposition to the father-
son axis as predominant in patrilineal societies. Many studies had attempted to explore
the origin and continuation of the system. Jacob Bachofen put forward the idea that
during the evolution of human history, it was through females that the kinship was
traced.34 Subsequently, Lewis Morgan also argued in favour of this evolutionary-
scheme i.e., “historical priority of matrilineal clan over patriliny and over the nuclear
family,”35 which acquires the status of almost a universal acceptance. Based on this,
Engels theorized the matriarchal ‘mother-right gens’ was in the preliminary stage of
primitive society and held the opinion that the originally inheritance and succession
was matrilineal not the patrilineal.36 So the idea of stages of evolution in which
matrilineal kinship preceded the patrilineal equivalent became widespread and
supported by many scholars.37 The historicity of such hypothesis was challenged later
by the scholars.38 Contrary to such evolutionist ideas of women’s rule of past i.e.,
matriarchy as the norm of early societies, supposition of ‘universal male dominance’
than that of female dominance, even in matrilineal communities, are dominant now.39
In Sexual Life of Savages, Malinowski argued that real guardianship of her family
remains with her brother. Thus, he contended that “the power and functions which
34
Chris Knight, “Early Human Kinship was Matrilineal,” Eds. N. J. Allen, et al., Early
Human Kinship: From Sex to Social Reproduction (UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011) 67.
35
Ibid.
36
Friedrich Engels, Origin of Family, Private Property and the State (Moscow: Progress
Publishers, 1977 [1884]) 181-182.
37
D.M. Schneider, “Preface,” Eds. D.M. Schneider and K. Gough, Matrilineal Kinship
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961) vii.
38
D.M. Schneider, “Preface,” Eds. D.M. Schneider and K. Gough, Matrilineal Kinship
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961) xi; Chris Knight, “Early Human Kinship was
Matrilineal,” Eds. N. J. Allen, et al., Early Human Kinship: From Sex to Social Reproduction
(UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011) 71-73.
39
Karla O. Poewe, Matrilineal Ideology: Male-Female Dynamics in Luapula, Zambia
(London: Academic Press, 1981) 1.
8
belong to a family are vested in the men of each generation, though they have to be
transmitted by women,”40 thereby undermining the rationality of associating matriliny
with matriarchy. It is assumed widely now that even though women hold the exclusive
right to property, their power is limited and it is the men who wields authority. It is
substantiated by Schneider who put forwarded three constant features which constitute
matrilineal descent; first, children were took care by mothers; second, male members
assert authority over women and children: thirdly, exogamy among descent groups.41
Attempts had been made by scholars to trace the origin whenever they study
about any matrilineal communities. The compelling forces of adoption of matrilineal
system may vary between contexts and communities. Minangkabau is one among the
world’s largest matrilineal communities, living in the western Sumatra, Indonesia.42 In
India, Khasis and Garos of Meghalaya have ambiguous origin.43 Among the Nayars of
Kerala, many theories had been postulated for embracing matrilineal tradition.44 One
of them is Brahmin Nambuthiri- Nayar hypergamous linkage, in which former being
the rentier class and latter tenants. The economic dependence of Nayars had forced
them to succumb to hypergamous sexual relations by Nayar women, locally called as
sambandhams, with Nambuthiris.45 The absence of men from Nayar families, who are
recruited to the army, is seen as another reason for its origin.46 The origin of Mappila
matrilineal Muslims in Kerala were related with the converts from Nayars who
40
B. Malinowski, The Sexual Life of Savages (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1982[1929]) 24.
41
D.M. Schneider, “Introduction,” Eds. D.M. Schneider and K. Gough, Matrilineal Kinship
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961) 5.
42
Taufik Abdullah, “Adat and Islam: An Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau,”
Indonesia 2 (1966): 1.
43
Sanbanielyne Ryndem, “The Essesnce of Khasi Family,” IOSR Journal of Humanities and
Social Sciences 22, 9 (Sept 2017) 54.
44
Govindan Unny, Kinship Systems in South and Southeast Asia A Study (New Delhi: Vikas
45
G. Arunima, There Comes Papa: Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in
Kerala, Malabar c.1850-1940, (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2003) 4-5; Praveena Kodoth,
“Courting Legitimacy or Delegitimizing Custom? Sexuality, Sambandham and Marriage
Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Malabar,” Modern Asian Studies 35, 2 (May 2001): 351.
46
C.J. Fuller, Nayars Today (London: Cambridge University Press, 1976) 123-124. This
theory of Nayar Militia was contended by Arunima who argued that there were many Nayars
performing agricultural operations along with military occupation carrying out matrilineal
practice.
G. Arunima, There Comes Papa: Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala,
Malabar c.1850-1940, (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2003) 6.
9
continued the system even after the conversion.47 On the other hand, small pockets of
Muslim of North Malabar and Calicut, adoption of matrilineal system is considered as
a matter of convenience.48 Trade relation between coastal Kerala and Arabs saw the
inflow of traders who entered into marriage with local women which was seen as
temporary arrangement.49 Hence, role of father was insignificant and children was born
and brought up in the households of women. It is taken as the root of matrilineal
customs among the Muslims of Kerala.50 It was further continued by local Muslims
who were engaged in trade, taking it as a reason for the frequent absence of men from
the households.51 Among Lakshadweep Muslims, reason for the presence of matrilineal
system had attributed to the migration of communities practicing matriliny [Nayar, and
Tiyya communities] from Kerala, who continued the tradition even after settlement and
conversion to Islam.52
1.2 Matrilineal Societies and its Transformation
Matrilineal systems are also assessed from the point of view of patrilineal social
structure. Thus, the varying features of such societies in relation to family, household
and residence pattern, descent, property and inheritance, marriage principles, and
kinship relations etc., receive wide range of scrutiny by the scholars who are from
patrilineal background.53 In this section, matrilineal features of diverse societies and
their differences are discussed.
47
Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1976) 252; S.
M. Mohamed Koya, Mappilas of Malabar: Studies in Social and Cultural History (Calicut:
Sandhya Publications, 1983) 62.
48
University Press, 2012) 35.
49
S. M. Mohamed Koya, Mappilas of Malabar: Studies in Social and Cultural History
(Calicut: Sandhya Publications, 1983) 20.
50
University Press, 2012) 35; S. M. Mohamed Koya, Mappilas of Malabar: Studies in Social
and Cultural History (Calicut: Sandhya Publications, 1983) 62-64; Sreedhara Menon, A
Survey of Kerala History (Kottayam: DC Books, 1967) 292-323.
51
52
22, 2/3 (1995): 169; Leela Dube, Matriliny and Islam: Religion and Society in the Laccadives
(Delhi: National Publishing House, 1969) 12; A.R. Kutty, Marriage and Kinship in an Island
Society (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 5.
53
Leela Dube, Sociology of Kinship: An Analytical Survey of Literature (Bombay: Popular
Prakashan, 1974) 4.
10
1.2.1 Descent, Residential Pattern and Marriage
To put it simply, in matrilineal communities, descent is traced through the

female line. A group of individuals who trace their lineage from a common ancestress,
which is also called as a dwelling unit and an exogamous unit, are variously known that
iing among Khasis, tharavad among Nayars, and Muslims of Kerala and
Lakshadweep.54 It can be viewed commonly as a “domestic group of three or four
generations consisting of male and female consanguine and may or may not have any
husbands in any generation residing with their wives and children and may also include
married brothers living with their sisters but without their wives and children.”55
Matri-clans among Minangkabau are exogamous and “corporate descent group
with ceremonially instituted male head called the penghulu.”56 The basic economic unit
in the traditional society of Minangkabau was the adat57 house where cultivation was
carried out together.58 The exclusive house structure of adat was that women only slept
in it, whereas men slept outside prayer halls.59 Duolocal residence pattern seems to be
the custom prevalent among them.60 Polygyny seems to have part of the custom prior
to advent of Islam in 16th Century, and with Islam polygyny was legitimized by Islamic
law.61 The customary form of marriage and Islamic form of nikah62 were combined
here in which for the former, role of mamak63 was highlighted and for the latter
54
E. Kathleen Gough, “Changing Kinship Usages in the Setting of Political and Economic
Change Among the Nayars of Malabar,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of
Great Britain and Ireland 82, 1 (Jan –June 1952): 72; Sanbanielyne Ryndem, “The Essesnce
of Khasi Family,” IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 22, 9 (Sept 2017) 54.
55
Social Sciences 22, 9 (Sept 2017) 54; Tiplut Nongbri, “Khasi Women and Matriliny:
Transformations in Gender Relations,” Gender, Technology and Development 4, 3 (2000):
366.
56
Tsuyoshi Kato, “Change and Continuity in the Minangkabau Matrilineal System,”
Indonesia 25 (1978): 2
57
Custom
58
Indonesia 25 (1978): 5.
59
Ibid. 8.
60
Nancy. M. Tanner, “Nuclear Family in Minangkabau Matriliny: The Mirror of Disputes,”
Bijdragentot de Taal-Land- en Volkenkunde 138, 1 (1982): 131; Tsuyoshi Kato, “Change and
Continuity in the Minangkabau Matrilineal System,” Indonesia 25 (1978): 4.
61
Aleena Sebastian, “Matrilineal Practices among Muslims: A Comparative Analysis of
Koyas of Kozhikode and Minangkabau of West Sumatra”. Unpublished Dissertation,
University of Hyderabad, 2012: 65.
62
Marriage as per Islamic law.
63
Maternal Uncle
11
acknowledgment of father was sought.64 Divorces are very common among
Minangkabau people.65
Among Khasis, the dwelling unit and the common descent shared by group of
immediate relatives are called iing. In this matrilineal community, a child belong to the
family of his/her mother and mother’s brother had a decisive role.66 After marriage,
men leave his matrilineal house for wife’s house and look after his wife and children.
Though husband is the bread-winner, he does not holds the ritualistic significance in
the matrilineal households of the wife and over his children which is conferred upon on
mother’s brother. Mother’s brother is seen as the “sole ruler, provider and the
guardian.”67 But it is not right to think that father possessed zero role. It could be said
that the “kni, or mother’s elder brother, is the head of the house, but the father is the
executive head of the new home, where, after children have been born to him, his wife
and children live with him. In his wife’s clan he occupies a very high place, he is second
to none but u kni, the maternal uncle, while in his own family circle a father and husband
is nearer to his children and his wife than u kni”68. The status of affinal kin are really
strained. Even though they are living in their wife’s house, they excluded from the
rituals of his affinal kin, even that of his children, but they would offer gifts in cash and
kind.69 In Khasi society, women possesses an elevated position.70 “Chie Nakane (1967),
aptly conveys the piquancy of the situation by quoting an informant who says that he
has one foot planted in the sister’s house and the other at the wife’s… [and] notes the
man feels more at home in the sister’s house.”71
64
Indonesia 25 (1978): 13-14.
65
Nancy. M. Tanner, “Nuclear Family in Minangkabau Matriliny: The Mirror of Disputes,”
Bijdragentot de Taal-Land- en Volkenkunde 138, 1 (1982): 139.
66
Angelica Queenie Lyngdoh and A.K. Nongkynrih, “Mother’s Brother in Matrilineal
Societies: A Study of Khasi Matriliiny,” NEHU Journal XIII, 1 (Jan-June 2015): 2.
67
Ibid. 40.
68
P.R.T. Gurdon, Khasis (Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1975 [1905]) 78-79; Tiplut Nongbri,
“Khasi Women and Matriliny: Transformations in Gender Relations,” Gender, Technology
and Development 4, 3 (2000): 370.
69
Tiplut Nongbri, “Gender and the Khasi Family Structure: Some Implications of the
Meghalaya Succession to Self-Acquired Property Act 1984,” Sociological Bulletin 37, ½
(March-Sept 1988): 71-82.
70
Soumen Sen, Ed. Women in Meghalaya (Delhi: Daya Publishing House, 1992) 23.
71
Tiplut Nongbri, “Khasi Women and Matriliny: Transformations in Gender Relations,”
Gender, Technology and Development 4, 3 (2000): 373.
12
Nayars of Kerala and Muslims of Lakshadweep use the term tharavad to denote
common dwelling and collective identity. In this kinship unit, decisive position was
held by the eldest male member of the tharavad, called Karanavan, who was in-charge
of properties, and Karanoti72 was also influenced the decisions of the karanavar
depending on the kinship relation they had.73 Distinctive features of the Nayar matriliny
were the talikettukalyanam and sambandham. Thalikettukalyananam74 was a pre-
puberty ritual marriage prevalent among the Nayars which indicated the social maturity
of a girl and declaring herself as ready for sexual intercourse and “procreative
functions.”75 After the ceremony, when attained age, these girls will enter into a number
of unions with men from her own sub castes and hypergamous sexual relationship with
upper caste Nambuthiris which were called sambandham.76 Men also engaged in more
than one relations. These “marriages were not strong and it is argued that concept of
fatherhood scarcely existed.”77 Visiting Husband system was the norm among Nayars
of Kerala and he was under no obligation towards the wife except for providing gifts in
the form of clothes and vegetables at times of festivals.78 Husband visited the partners
72
Eldest female head of the tharavad who can be seen as the counterpart of karanavan.
73
Publishing House, 1969) 53-56; A.R. Kutty, Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society
(Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 152-154.
74
Deciding a suitable time every few years, a grand ceremony was held within the lineage in
which chosen bridegrooms tie a tali (a gold ornament) around the neck of brides of ages
around seven to twelve. Sexual relation may take place considering age group of the girl. The
groom leaves after three days and he does not have any further obligation towards the bride
thereafter.
E. Cathleen Gough, “Nayars and the Definition of Marriage,” Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 89, 1 (Jan-June 1959): 24; E. Kathleen
Gough, “Changing Kinship Usages in the Setting of Political and Economic Change Among
the Nayars of Malabar,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
Ireland 82, 1 (Jan –June 1952): 73; Govindan Unny, Kinship Systems in South and Southeast
Asia A Study (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994) 101-102.
75
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 89, 1 (Jan-June 1959): 24-25.
76
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 89, 1 (Jan-June 1959): 28-30; Praveena
Kodoth, “Courting Legitimacy or Delegitimizing Custom? Sexuality, Sambandham and
Marriage Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Malabar,” Modern Asian Studies 35, 2 (May
2001): 350; E. Kathleen Gough, “Changing Kinship Usages in the Setting of Political and
Economic Change Among the Nayars of Malabar,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 82, 1 (Jan –June 1952): 72.
77
Great Britain and Ireland 82, 1 (Jan –June 1952): 73.
78
J. Puthenkalam S.J, Marriage and the Family in Kerala (Calicut: Current Books, 1977) 87;
13
at nights and left in the morning during which no food was taken. Arunima argued that
no multiple partners at same could be verified, instead ‘serial monogamy’ was
prevalent.79 Both partners lived in their natal homes and there was no question of
displacement. Both were economically independent as their economic interests were
tied to the matrilineal tharavads of own. The duty of the father was limited and it was
to his sister’s children that a person was obliged to. It might be because of the
consciousness arose out of men that they were “nothing but one of the polyandrous
husbands.”80 Children acquired the status through his/her mother and lives with
matrilineal kin. By combining the polyandry and polygyny, the Nayars of Kerala had
managed to eliminate the husband and father.81 Divorces were common and easy as a
man stops providing her gifts is taken as the cessation of marriage.
In the case of matrilineal Muslims of Kerala, Nayar type of tharavad residence

and lineage were followed. This joint family was under the authority of karanavan.82
Influences of local Hindu tradition is seen in the marriage ceremonies along with the
Islamic mode of nikah.83 The social organization they followed varied from place to
place.84 The duolocal residence pattern with visiting wife at night like that of Nayars
was gradually replaced by uxorilocality, which is staying at wife’s house permanently.85
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 89, 1 (Jan-June 1959): 26; E. Kathleen
Gough, “Changing Kinship Usages in the Setting of Political and Economic Change Among
the Nayars of Malabar,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and
Ireland 82, 1 (Jan –June 1952): 73-74.
79
Kerala, Malabar c.1850-1940, (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2003) 12.
80
University Press, 2012) 41-44; J. Puthenkalam S.J, Marriage and the Family in Kerala
(Calicut: Current Books, 1977) 87.
81
Great Britain and Ireland 82, 1 (Jan –June 1952): 75; Govindan Unny, Kinship Systems in
South and Southeast Asia A Study (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994) 85.
82
J. Puthenkalam S.J, Marriage and the Family in Kerala (Calicut: Current Books, 1977)
210.
83
84
198-200.
85
Kathleen Gough, “Mappilla: North Kerala,” Eds. D.M. Schneider and K. Gough, Matriliny
and Kinship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961) 421; J. Puthenkalam S.J,
Marriage and the Family in Kerala (Calicut: Current Books, 1977) 202.
14
The joint family consisted of a female head called karanoti, with karanavan.86 Unlike
the Nayars, matrilineal Muslims had acknowledged the importance of father and his
right over children and polyandry was not sanctioned.87 Lakshadweep matrilineal
system have many similarities with that of Nayars and Matrilineal Muslims of Kerala.
The social structures of tharavad, karanavan, visiting husband and duolocal pattern, all
are said to be remnants of Kerala migrants which were subsequently made flexible with
the ideals of Islamic principles after the conversion.88 Among Muslims (both in
Lakshadweep and Kerala), sambandham and talikettukalyanam could not be seen as it
might be taken as the subversion of strong understanding of chastity of women in the
Islam. At the same time, divorces were very frequent in Lakshadweep.89 Though
paternal right of men was recognized, which mainly related to ceremonies like
circumcision, marriage of girl, ear boring etc., and children lived with the mother
acquiring the status of her descent.90 Dube saw this affection from the side of father as
a result of assimilation of Islamic ideals into the lives of islanders.91
1.2.2 Property and Inheritance
The established notions in patrilineal societies are that sons are considered as
legal heirs who carry on the lineage forward by inheriting major share of properties. In
the matrilineal communities, it is the women who inherit the property, and act as the
center of linkage across generations. In many matrilineal communities, dual mode of
property system is seen; ancestral property and self-acquired property and the
succession pattern of such properties are also different.92 The ancestral property is the
86
Kathleen Gough, “Mappilla: North Kerala,” Eds. D.M. Schneider and K. Gough, Matriliny
and Kinship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961) 428.
87
88
Publishing House, 1969) 77; S. M. Mohamed Koya, Mappilas of Malabar: Studies in Social
and Cultural History (Calicut: Sandhya Publications, 1983) 69; Govindan Unny, Kinship
Systems in South and Southeast Asia A Study (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994)
146.
89
90
91
Ibid. 90-93.
92
Social Sciences 22, 9 (Sept 2017) 54-55.
15
common properties of matrilineal kin members whereas self-acquired properties are
earned by a person on his life time.
The ancestral property among Minangkabau are called harto pusako which
consist of rice-fields, the common house, land, utensils etc.93 Prior to the advent of
Islam it is generally understood that communal property inherited through women was
only existed.94 Islam brought the concept of self-acquired property called harto
pantjarian, which is individually owned by men or women and can be gifted to his
children which is limited to single generation, after that it will be merged into that
person’s ancestral property.95
The ancestral and self-acquired properties are called Ka nongtymmen and Ka

nongkhynraw among the Khasis of Meghalaya, Velliazhcha Swothu and Thingalazcha
Swothu among Muslims of Lakshadweep respectively.96
Different methods were followed for succession of both properties. Even though
authority goes down from brother to sister’s son, property is passed to daughter from
mother.97 Ancestral property is passed to the youngest daughter among Khasis who act
as guardian of the property.98 The younger daughter inherits the house and becomes the
in-charge of ceremonies that had to be done to strengthen the matrilineal kinship, who
continue to stay in the mother’s house.99 The property that a woman generates in her
life-time would ultimately merge into ancestral property. Among Kerala Muslims and
93
94
Ibid. 20.
95
Publishing House, 1994) 19-22; Aleena Sebastian, “Matrilineal Practices among Muslims: A
Comparative Analysis of Koyas of Kozhikode and Minangkabau of West Sumatra”.
Unpublished Dissertation, University of Hyderabad, 2012: 62-63; Tsuyoshi Kato, “Change
and Continuity in the Minangkabau Matrilineal System,” Indonesia 25 (1978): 11-12.
96
(Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 88-91; L.R.S. Lakshmi, Malabar Muslims: A
Different Perspective, (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2012) 43; Sanbanielyne
Ryndem, “The Essesnce of Khasi Family,” IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
22, 9 (Sept 2017) 54-55.
97
Angelica Queenie Lyngdoh and A.K. Nongkynrih, “Mother’s Brother in Matrilineal
Societies: A Study of Khasi Matriliiny,” NEHU Journal XIII, 1 (Jan-June 2015): 39.
98
Gender, Technology and Development 4, 3 (2000): 370-371.
99
Social Sciences 22, 9 (Sept 2017) 54; Puspita Das and Ayuta Mohanty, “Power of Women: A
Study of the Tribes of Meghalaya,” IJIMS 4, 1 (2016): 6.
16
Nayars and Lakshadweep Muslims too, ancestral property is inherited by the female
members of the matrilineal kin members of tharavad, and in case of members are
outnumbered in the tharavad, a thavazhi or branches is created through female
members.100 In Lakshadweep, such thavazhi properties will revert to the tharavad once
no female members are there to carry out the succession.101
At the same time, self-acquired property of men could be given to whosoever

he likes, even the sons could inherit it.102 Self-acquired property among Khasis are of
complex. Those properties he earns while living with mother before marriage, would
go to his mother if he dies intestate. But those properties he earns after marriage would
go to wife and children. Sometimes, men are forced to merge the self-acquired property
with matrilineal property of his wife by which his mother and sisters will lose the claim
on it.103 Nayar marumakkathayam does not recognize the father-child bond, and they
do not had any right in the properties left by husband or father. 104 Among Nayars of
Kerala, self-acquired properties would be reverted to tharavad after the person’s death
whereas Muslims of Kerala and Lakshadweep, self-acquired properties can be passed
down based on the sharia law or at his will.105
1.2.3 Disintegration, Debate and Continuity
The collapse of matrilineal system and transformation towards patrilineal

inheritance as a result of the acceleration of modernization in the 19th and 20th century,
has been widely discussed.106 The disintegration of matrilineal system towards a
100
139.
101
1972) 89; V. Vijayakumar, Traditional Futures: Law and Custom in India’s Lakshadweep
Islands (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006) 143.
102
Social Sciences 22, 9 (Sept 2017) 55.
103
(March-Sept 1988): 72.
104
M.P. Joseph, Principles of Marumakkathayam Law (Kottayam: Privately Printed, 1918) 1.
105
C.J. Fuller, Nayars Today (London: Cambridge University Press, 1976) 132; A.R. Kutty,
Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society (Delhi: National Publishing House, 1972) 91; S.
M. Mohamed Koya, Mappilas of Malabar: Studies in Social and Cultural History (Calicut:
Sandhya Publications, 1983) 68.
106
Katheleen Gough, “The Modern Disintegration of Matrilineal Descent Group,” Eds. D.M.
Schneider and K. Gough (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961) 631-652; S. M.
Mohamed Koya, Mappilas of Malabar: Studies in Social and Cultural History (Calicut:
Sandhya Publications, 1983) 71; G. Arunima, There Comes Papa: Colonialism and the
17
nuclear family oriented with father/husband as a commanding figure had been emerging
with the turn to modernity. But these modern trends did not altogether destructed many
matrilineal communities. The older joint-family system is under deterioration even
though there are variations in the range of transformation in different communities.
Modernization brought structural changes in the matrilineal system all over the world.
Thus, question of tradition and its reform were surfaced which in turn led to
introspection within the communities. Primitive and archaic nature of the customs were
pointed out by those who opposes the matrilineal system. Among Muslim matrilineal
societies, Anglo- Mohammedan law as true Islamic concepts and customary practices
as contravention had instilled in the minds of people. Through debates and contests,
certain features of matrilineal system had collapsed, while its structure as matriliny
survived.
According to Murdock, increased authority of men with patrilocal residence

caused for the collapse of matrilineal system107 and it is the power, prestige and property
108
that led to the downfall of matrilineal descent. According to Schneider, the
increasing authority of husband over wife and strengthening affection between father
and his children becomes the impediments for the solidarity of matrilineal group.109 But
this understanding is refuted by many scholars who argues that the affection between
father and child was a reflection of resilience and vibrancy rather than conflict in
matrilineal households.110 Gough argued that the “root cause of modern kinship
change… appears rather to be the gradual incorporation of society in a unitary market
system, in which market ceased to be isolated and are linked in a common standard of
Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala, Malabar c.1850-1940, (New Delhi: Orient Longman,

2003) 19-25; Leela Dube, Matriliny and Islam: Religion and Society in the Laccadives
(Delhi: National Publishing House, 1969) 95-99; Govindan Unny, Kinship Systems in South
and Southeast Asia A Study (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994) 149-162; L.R.S.
Lakshmi, Malabar Muslims: A Different Perspective, (New Delhi: Cambridge University
Press, 2012) 50-61; Sanbanielyne Ryndem, “The Essesnce of Khasi Family,” IOSR Journal of
Humanities and Social Sciences 22, 9 (Sept 2017) 57.
107
108
G.P. Murdock, Social Structure (New York: Macmillan, 1949) 206-207.
109
D. M. Schneider, “Introduction,” Eds. D.M. Schneider and K. Gough, Matrilineal Kinship
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961)19; Nongbri, “‘Matrilineal Puzzle’ Re-
examined: Dialectics of Kinship and Gender among the Tribes of North-East India,” Ed.
Maitrayee Chaudhury, Practice of Sociology (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2003) 310.
110
18
value, and in which all produced goods, but more particularly land and other natural
resources, and human labor itself, become privately owned and potentially marketable
commodities.”111 The reason for the disintegration of the matrilineal system in different
communities could be various from modernization to religion.
In the Khasi society, changes in the land relations, colonial administration,

spread of Christianity and education are taken as reasons for the disintegration of
matrilineal system, in which Christian ideologies led to the ideological erosion of
custom filling it with patriarchal mind set.112 It is understood that conversion to
Christian religion along with modernization (like salaried jobs and consciousness of
individualism) had destabilized matrilineal kinship among Khasis.113 Insistence from a
group of men to abolish matrilineal system and state’s attempts to codify and preserve
customary practices through Khasi Social Custom of Lineage Bill (Government of India
1997), which is yet to be passed, gave further momentum to the changing trends.114 The
pro-changers emphasized on the backward nature of the matrilineal customs and it has
to be given away for a better system.115 The changing attitude of Khasi men had been
expressed while discussing the bill. Main aim of the bill was to preserve the customs
related to matriliny by providing it legal validity. Strong rejection for the bill came due
to a particular clause of the bill i.e., a child borne out of a legal marriage between a
Khasi women and non-Khasi men is a Khasi.116 It also proposed that “any person who
fails to follow the Khasi matrilineal lineage, inheritance and succession, kinship,
consanguinity would cease to be a Khasi”.117 This move brought out the people’s sheer
patriarchal inclinations and reflected the changes happening in Meghalaya. Naturally,
considering the matrilineal custom of Khasi, such a provision is not anomalous and
111
Gough, “The Modern Disintegration of Matrilineal Descent Group,” Eds. D.M. Schneider
and K. Gough (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961) 640.
112
Gender, Technology and Development 4, 3 (2000): 383-384.
113
(March-Sept 1988): 80.
114
Gender, Technology and Development 4, 3 (2000): 359; Tiplut Nongbri, “Family, Gender and
Identity,” Contribution to Indian Sociology 44, 1&2 (2010): 173.
115
116
Ibid. 377.
117
Ibid. 380
19
completely justified. The bill was passed twice, due to criticism from certain groups, it
could not receive the assent of governor. First provision seemed to hurt the patriarchal
feelings of men of Khasi as they were not ready to accept the child of a non-Khasi men
as a Khasi.118 Some men has taken this measure as an attack on the ethnicity of
Khasis.119 The entire discussion became a question of marriage of women.120
Throughout the debate, it was assumed that “women married to outsiders are
unpatriotic, devoid of any sentiment or attachment to their culture and tradition.”121
Nongbri argues that “the process of decolonization and economic development, the
struggle for political autonomy, and rise of ethnic politics among indigenous people in
the region have sharpened the vulnerabilities of women”122 which are explicit in the
debates.
Nayar community is a widely studied matrilineal society and its abolition

through legislative action is unique. For the matrilineal disintegration among Nayars,
though single factor could not be attributed, rise of modern capitalist economy is taken
as a significant factor for the collapse of tharavad.123 It is argued that colonial influence
caused for the decline of matrilineal kinship and as a result of demobilization of Nayar
army took place and their return to home stabilized the monogamous arrangement of
marriage replacing the sambandham and polyandry.124 Jeffrey pointed out the
involvement of missionaries in facilitating the decline of Nayar domination in South
Travancore as their activities pushed government to respond to the economic, legal, and
educational grievances which in turn led to the decline of Nayar tharavads.125 Arunima
118
119
Ibid.
120
Ibid. 381.
121
Ibid.
122
Ibid.
123
124
C.J. Fuller, Nayars Today (London: Cambridge University Press, 1976) 123-124; E.
Kathleen Gough, “Changing Kinship Usages in the Setting of Political and Economic Change
Among the Nayars of Malabar,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great
Britain and Ireland 82, 1 (Jan –June 1952): 79-80; K. Gough, “Nayars: Central Kerala,” Eds.
D.M. Schneider and K. Gough, Matrilineal Kinship (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1961) 316-317.
125
Robin Jeffrey, Decline of Nayar Dominance: Society and Politics in Travancore 1847-
1908 (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1976) 265-271; K. Saradamoni, Matriliny
Transformed (New Delhi: Sage Publications India, 1999) 5; J. Puthenkalam S.J, Marriage
and the Family in Kerala (Calicut: Current Books, 1977) 213- 215.
20
pointed out that the reason for the changes may vary from “legal redefinition of family
by the colonial state to economic and ideological pressure.”126 Various legislative acts
like Malabar Marriage Act 1896, Madras Marumakkathayam Act of 1933 and Cochin
Nayar Act of 1937 etc. and the debates over theses legislations and its consequences
ultimately led to the collapse of the tharavad. The Nayar matrilineal demand for
transformation was seen as the impetus for the Muslims to redefine their own customs.
The earlier understanding of Islam and legislative measures for matrilineal
disintegrations among Muslims began to shift to more material socio-economic
conditions like collapse of bazar economy and outcomes of gulf-migrations etc. The
understanding of matrilineal system as un-Islamic formed another major reasons for the
contention.127 Osellas argue that Islamic reformism among the Mappillas was critical
to certain features of tharavad like minimal authority of father, and often the educated
middle class trying to reform rural Muslims blaming certain practices held by them as
un-Islamic.128 Various legislative measures implemented by British like Mappila
Succession Act of 1918, Sharia Application Act of 1937 Mappilla Marumakkathayam
Act of 1939 etc. facilitated to bring certain changes in the tharavad.129 Puthenkulam
argued that matriliny is replaced by patriliny among the Muslims of Kerala.130 Whereas
there are certain groups which still hold the essence of matrilineal tradition, though
many of its features have been re-articulated.131
Among Islamic matrilineal communities, the question of ‘correct textual Islam’

played a significant role in developing the consciousness of un-Islamic characteristics
126
Kerala, Malabar c.1850-1940, (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2003) 13-14.
127
Manaf Kottakkunnumal, “Indigenous Customs and Colonial Law: Contestation in
Kerala, c. 1910-1928,” Sage Open (Jan-March 2014): 5-6; L.R.S. Lakshmi, Malabar
Muslims: A Different Perspective, (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2012) 56.
128
Caroline Osella, “Desires under Reform: Contemporary Reconfigurations of Family,
Marriage, Love and Gendering in a Transnational South Indian Matrilineal Muslim
Community,” Culture and Religion, 13, 2 (2012): 246-247; Fillipo Osella and Caroline
Osella, “Islamism and Social Reformism in Kerala, South India,” Modern Asian Studies 42
(2008): 323.
129
130
211.
131
Aleena Sebastian, “Matrilineal Practices among Muslims: A Comparative Analysis of
Koyas of Kozhikode and Minangkabau of West Sumatra”. Unpublished Dissertation,
University of Hyderabad, 2012: 1-13.
21
of matrilineal tradition.132 While making the colonial legislation much importance was
given to the translated textual information on Islam rather than focusing on the daily
practices. Those practices which are not conforming to the textual Islam are classified
as un-Islamic through colonial interpretation and matrilineal practices among Muslims
also categorized under this. In order to justify the matrilineal property, it was taken
under waqf by many Muslims.133
As it is understood, Lakshadweep Muslims were by and large immune to the

colonial revisions of the customs and practices they have initiated in the mainland. Most
of the laws were not extended to Lakshadweep by them, and being isolated, the scope
for internal reforms were also limited. It was in the post-independence period that its
exclusive character ended and modern developments took place. Kutty and Dube holds
the opinion that Islam could be a factor of change in the Islands, as many in the1960s
began to be conscious about the un-Islamic nature of matrilineal social practices.134
Vijayakumar argues that introduction of mainland laws in the islands, land reforms and
economic transformations helped in the alterations of Lakshadweep matrilineal
system.135 But so far, matrilineal system survived in Lakshadweep, though not in its
original form.
The process of modernization and religious reformation seems to be the prime

reasons for disintegration of matriliny in many Muslim communities, and it was
conceived by scholars that Lakshadweep would also fall in the same line.
2.0 Objective of the Study
The objective of this research is to explore the changes happened to the system
of matriliny in Lakshadweep due to various reasons including the influence of Islam.
Matrilineal system had undergone drastic changes, though not abandoned completely,
in the post-Independence period. The study traces the changing trends of matrilineal
132
Manaf Kottakkunnumal, “Indigenous Customs and Colonial Law: Contestation in
Kerala, c. 1910-1928,” Sage Open (Jan-March 2014): 6.
133
Ibid. 9.
134
135
V. Vijayakumar, Traditional Futures: Law and Custom in India’s Lakshadweep Islands
(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006) 264-270.
22
system by observing the debates and reflecting upon the present situation. While
looking at the changes, the study also attempts to understand the reasons for this
matrilineal shift which came into effect through the constant contact with modern
machineries like legal institutions, education, and so on. The role of Islam in this
transforming tendency of traditional matrilineal system is looked into with regard to the
reform debates and perceptions of people. The outlook of people towards the
intersection of practices of Islam and matrilineal practices are also examined.
3.0 Sources and Methodology
The primary sources includes various reports obtained from islanders. The
failure to gain a copy of certain reports is filled with the quotation from another works.
The reports are mainly obtained from the private collections: excerpts of Report of
Expert Committee headed by R. Sankaranarayanan Iyer 1972 (quoted in other works),
proposal of Lakshadweep and Amindivi Marumakkathayam Regulation 1975 and
Report of Radhakrishnan Nair Committee 1984. Papers presented, by islanders and
non-islanders in 2003 in the Seminar for Codification of Customary Laws at Kavaratti
and Amini and complaint written by islanders in their opposition to Lakshadweep State
Legal Authority are also used. Magazine and newspaper periodicals like
“Lakshadweepile Marumakkathayam” [Marumakkathayam in Lakshadweep] by V.M.
Shamsuddin in Dweep Times 30 Apr. 2001, “Parivarthanathinte Mukhangal” [Facets of
Transformation] by K.K. Mohammed Koya in Kavaratti School Centenary Celebration
(1978-79), “Lakshadweepile Kudumba Jeevitham” [Family Life in Lakshadweep] by
U.C.K. Thangal, “Tharafad” [Tharavad] by Chalakkad and “Marunna Kudumba
Sangalppangal” [Imagining New Family] by P.I. Muhammed Iqbal in Antarashtra
Kudumba Varsham Souvenir 1995 etc. have enlightened the present study to understand
the attitude of islanders. Two major Court verdicts by Justice K.K. Mathew and Justice
Janaki Amma of Kerala High Court in 1966 and 1978 respectively have been
considered for understanding the context of debates. Interviews were conducted, both
in person and through telephone , during the fieldworks from 18-11-16 to 26-01-17 and
23-02-17 to 09-05-2017 with islanders from Kavaratti, Androth, Amini, Kalpeni,
Chetlat and Bitra, especially E.P. Attakkoya Thangal, U.C.K. Thangal, Pookkoya,
Aboosala, Buharikoya, M. P. Cheriyakoya etc., have been knowledge rich. Non-
islanders who have played influential role in the customary codification endeavors like
Vijayakumar and Omesh Saigal were also interviewed.
23
Various secondary books and articles on Lakshadweep gave a lot of necessary
information. Details on Lakshadweep matrilineal tradition are obtained from the books
like Matriliny and Islam: Religion and Society in the Laccadives by Leela Dube,
Marriage and Kinship in an Island Society by A.R. Kutty, and Traditional Futures:
Law and Custom in India’s Lakshadweep Islands by V. Vijayakumar along with articles
like “Matriliny and Islam in Lakshadweep”, “Conflicts and Compromise: Devolution
and Disposal of Property in a Matrilineal Muslim Society” and “Who Gains from
Matriliny? Men, Women and Change on a Lakshadweep Island” by Leela Dube, and
“Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny in the Laccadive Islands” by
Andrew D.W. Forbes. A number of books written on Lakshadweep addresses the
matrilineal customs; important ones among them are Amini Islanders by K.P. Ittaman,
Lakshadweep by Omesh Saigal, Arabikkadalile Pavizhadweepukal: A Study of
Laccadive, Minicoy and Aminidivi Islands [Coral Islands of Arabian Sea] by P.
Sathikumaran Nair and K. N. P. Namboothiri, A Short Account of the Laccadive Islands
and Minicoy by R.H. Ellis, Lakshadweep: History, Religion, and Society by Theodore
P.C. Gabriel and India’s Coral Islands in the Arabian Sea: Lakshadweep by Murkot
Ramunny etc.
The methodology of ethnographic fieldwork was adopted which includes

collection of materials, personal interviews and participant observation. The Committee
Reports have been used to understand the context and nature of debates of
transformation of matrilineal tradition in Lakshadweep Islands. Interviews, seminar
presentations, and periodicals are used to relate and understand findings from various
Reports. The understanding of people and government towards the link between Islam
and matriliny are also analyzed from the aforementioned sources. The present study is
limited to Laccadive and Aminidivi groups of Islands only, Minicoy being ethnically and
culturally unique from other islands.
Chapterization
There are four chapters in this dissertation including Introduction and

Conclusion.
Introductory chapter introduces the theme of research, set the context of study,
attempts a literature review and explicate the research objectives along with sources
and methodology.
24
The second chapter deals with the various debates and discussions with related
to the codification of matrilineal system in Lakshadweep and its analysis. Based on the
understanding of debates, the transformed tradition of matrilineal system had been
traced which is further substantiated by literary and secondary sources. The various
socio-economic reasons for the change of matrilineal system including judicial
intervention, growth of education and employment, and land reforms and settlements
are also taken up for discussion in this chapter.
The third chapter discusses the religious understanding of the debates on

matrilineal system. It provides an understanding about the link between tradition, Islam
and reform. It throws light upon the debates and reasoning between traditionalists and
reformists islanders in relation to the compliance of matrilineal tradition within the
larger arena of Islamic ideals.
Conclusion chapter summarizes the findings of the study.
25

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Chapter 1

Lakshadweep1 is a cluster of inhabited and uninhabited islands situated on the

The question of impartibility of tharavad is rather confounding.9 Though

The general features of matrilineal system in Lakshadweep are under

of the Minangkabau and its Persistence throughout History: A Structural Perspective,”

Debates on Lakshadweep matriliny is of recent origin when compared to the

1.1 Theory of Origin

Matrilineal system of living is still prevalent in many part of the world,

1.2 Matrilineal Societies and its Transformation

To put it simply, in matrilineal communities, descent is traced through the

In the case of matrilineal Muslims of Kerala, Nayar type of tharavad residence

1.2.2 Property and Inheritance

The ancestral and self-acquired properties are called Ka nongtymmen and Ka

At the same time, self-acquired property of men could be given to whosoever

1.2.3 Disintegration, Debate and Continuity

The collapse of matrilineal system and transformation towards patrilineal

According to Murdock, increased authority of men with patrilocal residence

Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala, Malabar c.1850-1940, (New Delhi: Orient Longman,

In the Khasi society, changes in the land relations, colonial administration,

Nayar community is a widely studied matrilineal society and its abolition

Among Islamic matrilineal communities, the question of ‘correct textual Islam’

As it is understood, Lakshadweep Muslims were by and large immune to the

The process of modernization and religious reformation seems to be the prime

2.0 Objective of the Study

3.0 Sources and Methodology

The methodology of ethnographic fieldwork was adopted which includes

There are four chapters in this dissertation including Introduction and

The third chapter discusses the religious understanding of the debates on

Conclusion chapter summarizes the findings of the study.

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