o

Beyond Wari Walls

Regional Perspectives on Middle Horizon Peru

Just i n Jen n in gs , E d ito r

University of New Mexico Press

Albuquerque
 2010 by the University of New Mexico Press
All rights reserved. Published 2010
Printed in the United States of America
15 14 13 12 11 10 123456

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Beyond Wari walls : regional perspectives on Middle Horizon Peru / Justin Jennings, editor.
p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN 978-0-8263-4867-8 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Huari Indians—Politics and government. 2. Huari Indians—Material culture. 3. Huari
Indians—Antiquities. 4. Culture diffusion—Peru—History. I. Jennings, Justin.
F3430.1.H83B49 2010
985’.01—dc22
2010025871
 s
Contents

Figures vii

Ta b l e s ix

Chapter 1
Beyond Wari Walls 1
Just i n Jen n i n gs

Ch a p t e r 2
The Nature of Wari Presence in the Mid–Moquegua Valley:
Investigating Contact at Cerro Trapiche 19
Ulr i k e M at t h i es G r een a n d Pau l S . G o ldst ei n

Ch a p t e r 3
Becoming Wari: Globalization and the Role of the Wari State
in the Cotahuasi Valley of Southern Peru 37
Just i n Jen n i n gs

Ch a p t e r 4
Wari in the Majes-Camaná Valley: A Different Kind of Horizon 57
B ru c e O w en

Ch a p t e r 5
Local Settlement Continuity and Wari Impact in Middle Horizon Cusco 79
Vér o n i q u e B élis le a n d R . A l a n C ov ey
 Ch a p t e r 6
Nasca and Wari: Local Opportunism and Colonial Ties during the Middle Horizon 96
Ch r i st i na A . C o n lee

Ch a p t e r 7
The Wari Footprint on the Central Coast: A View from Cajamarquilla and Pachacamac 113
R a fa el Segu r a L l a n os a n d Izum i Sh i m a da

Ch a p t e r 8
What Role Did Wari Play in the Lima Political Economy?: The Peruvian Central Coast
at the Beginning of the Middle Horizon 136
G i a n c a r l o M a r co n e F.

Ch a p t e r 9
The Wari State, Its Use of Ancestors, Rural Hinterland, and Agricultural Infrastructure 155
Fr a n k Med d en s a n d Ni c h o l a s B r a n c h

Ch a p t e r 10
Piecing Together the Middle: The Middle Horizon in the Norte Chico 171
K i t Nel so n , Nat h a n Cr a i g , a n d M a n u el P er a les

Ch a p t e r 11
Contextualizing the Wari-Huamachuco Relationship 188
Th er es a L a n ge To p i c a n d Jo h n R . To p i c

Ch a p t e r 12
Moche and Wari during the Middle Horizon on the North Coast of Peru 213
Claude Chapdelaine

Ch a p t e r 13
Agency, Identity, and Control: Understanding Wari Space and Power 233
Wi lli a m H . Is b ell

Contribu tor s 255

Inde x 259

vi
 Ch a p t er 8
o
What Role Did Wari Play in the Lima Political Economy?
The Peruvian Central Coast at the Beginning of the Middle Horizon
Giancarlo M arcone F.
A
rchaeological research has increasingly
disputed the centralized character of the spread
of Wari in the Andes. Field data continue to
challenge style-based chronologies, showing that strong
local developments, traditionally thought to belong to
the Early Intermediate Period, are at least partially con-
temporaneous with the pan-Andean expansion of Wari
traits. Recently, the coexistence of strong local societies
with the pan-Andean distribution of Wari or Wari-like
objects has been explained using models that focus on
prestige exchange networks. According to these mod-
els, international prestige or prestige exchange networks
explain the presence of Wari or Wari-emulated objects in
each area. These explanations are at least partially replac-
ing the traditional vision of Wari’s sphere of influence in
some regions. Whereas Wari influence in the past was
viewed as a “mosaic” of imperial strategies that ranged
from direct (high cost) to indirect (low cost) (Schreiber
1992), it is now increasingly viewed as the voluntary emu-
lation of Wari features, which occurred as a result of the
self-centered search for prestige by local elites. However,
the utility of these explanations for understanding local
sociopolitical contexts may be limited because of their
focus on prestige accumulation as the central strategy
used by the elites to uphold a privileged position in society.
136
This chapter discusses the available data on socio-
political transformation in the Lima culture from the
end of the Early Intermediate Period to the begin-
ning of the Middle Horizon. Available data support
the idea that a multivalley polity was forming on the
Peruvian Central Coast at this time. The process of
increasing political centralization was initially cen-
tered on agricultural intensification and the expansion
of agricultural land. With this intensification came a
centralized management of production by elites in the
lower Chillón and Rímac valleys, and the emergence of
“rural” and decentralized elites in the Lurín Valley and
the chaupi yunga.1
The inclusion of these rural elites into the Chillón-
Rímac lower valley political formation was sustained by
the management of local (Lima) symbols. Wari-related
foreign materials played a role only at the higher levels of
sociopolitical practices helping to build both the cohe-
sion of several of these lower valley elites and separate
these elites from a second level of more decentralized
rural elites in the Lurín Valley and elsewhere. It is not
until we understand these local transformations—dur-
ing and after the Early Intermediate Period—that we can
recognize what role Wari symbols played in the preexist-
ing Lima political economy.
Explanations of Interactions
with Wari
It is now common in Andean archaeology and else-
where to critique centralized models of interregional
interactions (Cusick 1998; Goldstein 2000; Jennings
2006a, 2006b; Schortman et al. 2001; Stein 2002, 2005).
These critiques are based on the assertion that central-
istic models, like core-periphery or assimilation, are
top-down approaches that focus mainly on processes
related to the core area of the state and give local poli-
ties only the capacity to react to overarching state orders
(Goldstein 2000:336). One problem with such centralis-
tic perspectives is that they assume that any evidence of
contact with an empire (or state) is proof of hierarchical
interregional relations (Jennings 2006a). The process is
understood only in relation to the center, relegating local
trajectories to second place and biasing the interpreta-
tions of these independent trajectories to fit the regional
scenario (Shady 1988).
As an alternative to centralized models,2 several
Andean archaeologists (e.g., Burger and Matos 2002;
Covey 2000; Goldstein 2000; Jennings and Yepez 2001;
Lau 2005) are incorporating explanations that reinter-
pret the emulation models proposed in the 1970s.3 In
these agent-based models, the larger polity’s existence
provides new settings and opportunities for emergent
elites. Elites emulate selected aspects of ritual and ideol-
ogy voluntarily, with little or no intervention from the
other society, in order to meet their own objectives of
power accumulation. The materials and practices that
resemble the empire or state help to legitimate social
leadership and even contribute to the creation of new
elite identities (Schortman et al. 2001; Stein 2002:903).
In these explanations, the need to be a part of the regional
prestige system compels elites to intensify production in
local societies (Burger and Matos 2002; Jennings and
Yepez 2001; Lau 2005).
Without denying the multiple insights gained
from these approaches to ancient societies, these mod-
els can be critiqued for pushing economic factors aside
and assuming that any local change in social leader-
ship and political centralization occurs because of the
quest for elite prestige (Smith 2004:76; Stein 2002:903).
Under these models, elite legitimization rests on the
domination of ritual production, communal ceremo-
nial practices, and positions within hierarchical kin-
ship systems (DeMarrais et al. 1996; Goldstein 2000;
Schortman et al. 2001), and the control over economic
factors like land, production, or labor comes as a deriva-
tive of this new prestige.
There is a growing group of scholars who point out
that the heavy focus on external prestige relations in this
approach needs to be complemented by concern with
internal economic developments. These authors (e.g.
Cobb 1993; Smith 2004; Wells 2006) seek to comple-
ment such perspectives by focusing on the “variability in
the relationship between politics and economics” (Smith
2004:77).
Recent investigations on the nature of Wari influ-
ence in polities outside of Ayacucho are reviving some
of Shady’s (1988) earlier ideas about the existence of a
prestige-goods exchange network during the Middle
Horizon (e.g., Jennings 2006a, 2006b, this volume;
Lau 2005). Proposing a scenario in which several peer
regional polities, or “emporiums,” interacted through
prestige-goods exchange networks (Shady 1988:68),
Shady argued that these networks allowed for the emer-
gence of state-level formations on the Peruvian Central
Coast and elsewhere.
The revived prestige exchange networks models
argue that many of the sociopolitical changes occur-
ring around the end of the Early Intermediate Period
and the beginning of the Middle Horizon were largely
endogenous to each region—a result of the entry of local
elites into a wider, central Andean elite political culture
in which Wari images and canons were cultural capital,
rather than the result of Wari political or economic hege-
mony (see Jennings, this volume; Lau 2005). Jennings
(2006a) concludes that emerging elites appear to have
seized upon the international identity of the Wari state,
less in a desire to associate themselves with a vaguely
understood distant state, and more in a bid to forge a
shared identity with neighbors. Elites monopolized and
restricted access to Wari canons in objects and archi-
tecture and used them as prestige symbols in diacritical
feasting activities and other public displays. Such feast-
ing and public displays finally allowed them to mobilize
labor and consolidate sociopolitical power.
137
 The focus on elites seeking prestige through pres-
tige exchange networks, however, ends up highlighting
international relations at the expense of homogenizing
local responses to fit international models. The resultant
models obscure fundamental local developments. I argue
that this has been the case in the study of the Peruvian
Central Coast between the Early Intermediate Period
and the Middle Horizon. Although the precise nature
of Wari presence on the Central Coast is still controver-
sial, the area is continually presented as part of the Wari
Empire, and local political developments are disregarded
in several syntheses about the Middle Horizon and
Andean archaeology (e.g., Conlee and Ogburn 2004:6;
Isbell 2004:5; Richardson 1994:122; Schreiber 2001:78–
79, 2004:132; Von Hagen and Morris 1998). This chapter
seeks to move away from futile discussion on whether the
area was or was not part of a Wari Empire. It is time to
incorporate the political economy of the Lima culture
into Wari studies in order to gain a better understanding
of the Central Coast during the Middle Horizon.
Wari and Lima Culture Interaction at
the Beginning of the Middle Horizon
The archaeological recognition of the Lima culture began
with the pioneering work of Max Uhle in Pachacamac
(Uhle 1903; see Kaulicke 2001; Shimada 1991). Based on
materials recovered in Pachacamac and later in Cerro
Trinidad, he was able to define the presence of material
remains belonging to a society that he called Proto-Lima
as an antecedent of the Tiwanaku civilization in the
Lima region. Later studies focused primarily on ceramic
style were able to identify two major phases within the
Lima culture (Kroeber 1926; Strong and Corbett 1943;
Willey 1943). The earlier phase was named Playa Grande,
and the later phase was named Maranga, although
other terms like Interlocking and Proto-Lima have been
used for these phases in the Lima style (see Flores 1981;
Kaulicke 2001; Montoya 1995). During the Playa Grande
phase, the Lima culture was centered in the Chillón
and Chancay valleys (Kaulicke 2001), while the Rímac
Valley was the heartland of the Lima culture during the
“Maranga” phase (Kaulicke 2001) (Figure 8.1). Patterson
(1966) refined these initial stylistic observations and
138 G I A N C A R L O M A RC O N E F.
developed a nine-phase stylistic chronology in which
the last three phases (7, 8, and 9) correspond roughly
with what was identified by earlier scholars as Maranga
(Kaulicke 2001; Segura 2004).4
After Wari was identified as the source of Tiwanaku-
like influence on the Central Coast, Patterson (1966)
and Menzel (1964) identified a style called Nievería,
which incorporates local and Wari-related iconographic
features. Nieveria was assigned to the Middle Horizon
Epoch 1B, replacing phase 9 of the Lima style and inau-
gurating the period of Wari influence on the coast. In
Middle Horizon Epoch 2, the Nievería style was in
turn replaced by another locally produced Wari-related
style named Pachacamac (Kaulicke 2001; Menzel 1964).
Although the orderly transition between styles created
the impression that these styles represented different
cultures at different times, this was not the case. Recent
work in the area is proving stratigrafically that Late
Lima (Patterson’s last three phases) and Nievería are at
least partially contemporaneous and correspond with
the beginning of the Middle Horizon Period (Ccencho
2001; Guerrero and Palacios 1994; Kaulicke 2001; Mac
Kay and Santa Cruz 2000; Marcone 2001; Mogrovejo
and Segura 2001; Montoya 1995; Narváez 2006; Segura
2001, 2004; Shady and Narváez 2000).
The presence of Wari-related styles like Nievería
and Pachacamac is clear proof that at least some inter-
action between the Central Coast and the region of
Ayacucho did occur. What is not clear is what this
interaction meant to local sociopolitical transforma-
tion in the region. Lima Tardío and Nievería ceramics
styles are associated with evidence of a major sociopo-
litical transformation in the area. Monumental sites
like Maranga (Canziani 1987; Shady 1982; Shady and
Narváez 2000), Cajamarquilla (Mogrovejo y Segura
2001), Huaca Pucllana (Ccencho 2001; Flores 1981;
Montoya 1995), and Pachacamac (Marcone 2001;
Shimada 1991) grow in expanse and monumental-
ity. There is also an expansion of Lima-style sherds
distributions to the chaupi yunga of the Chillón and
Rímac valleys, as well as in the neighboring valley of
Lurín (Patterson et al. 1982). Numerous archaeologists
interpret these social transformations as evidence for
the emergence of a state-level society (Dillehay 1976,
Figure 8.1 Peruvian Central Coast during the Early Intermediate Period (drawing based on
Agurto Calvo 1984; Narváez 2006; Patterson et al. 1982; and Villacorta et al. 2004).

1979; Earle 1972; Kaulicke 2001; MacNeish et al. 1975;
Patterson et al. 1982; Shady 1982, 1988).
Models of a Lima State: Local Developments
versus External Stimuli
Despite agreement on the formation of a state-level soci-
ety in the area, characterizations of the development
of the Lima polity have been formulated between two
opposite extremes. First, some archaeologists argue that
the development of a Central Coast state occurred dur-
ing the Middle Horizon because of interactions with
Wari. These authors stress the role of external ties, with
either elite status increasingly tied to (1) participation
in exchange networks of ideologically charged prestige
items (MacNeish et al. 1975; Shady 1982, 1988); (2) emula-
tion of Wari elites; or (3) “clientage” relationships with
the Wari Empire (Isla and Guerrero 1987; Kaulicke 2001;
Menzel 1964). These explanations have a marked empha-
sis on the study of elite behavior, focusing especially on
the study of ceramics styles present in public buildings,
offerings, and burials.
The other extreme in the explanations of Lima state
development suggests that its development occurred
during the Early Intermediate Period and was based on
local processes of economic centralization. In these later
models, Wari presence in the area was more linked to the
demise of the Lima state than with its rise (Stumer 1954,
1956). In contrast to prestige models that are supported
largely by those who study elite ceramics, researchers in

W H AT RO L E DI D WA R I PL AY I N T H E L I M A P O L I T IC A L E C O N OM Y? 139
the area who focus on the study of settlement patterns
or households tend to deny the influence of Wari and
propose a gradual process of economic differentiation
that culminates in the formation of a Lima state. Under
these models, elite status is linked to agricultural inten-
sification and surplus mobilization, perhaps through
their control of (1) prime land and canals (Dillehay
1979; Earle 1972; Patterson et al. 1982); (2) the flow of
agricultural goods inside a vertical exchange system
(Dillehay 1979:25); or (3) kin-based labor mobilization
organized by hereditary community leaders (Patterson
et al. 1982:64).
In another possible scenario usually overlooked on
the Central Coast, elites would dominate ritual prac-
tices in relation to local traditions of style and material
culture instead of external or foreign objects. According
to this perspective, elites based their power on and con-
veyed support using local symbols as a source of prestige.
Local objects were therefore prestigious enough to earn
support from the general population. Vaughn (2004) has
made a similar point in relation to the distribution of
prestige symbols by Cahuachi in the Nazca region, where
local elites strengthened their positions by distributing
ceramics on the village level.
Lima Culture Transformations from
the Early Intermediate Period to the
Middle Horizon
The archaeological remains of the Central Coast are
under constant threat from the urban expansion of mod-
ern Lima. One of the consequences of this urban pressure
is that archaeological research is focused on monumental
buildings, burials, and more “valuable” sites that are in
danger of damage by the encroaching city. In an effort
to rescue these more valuable sites, less visible contexts
like domestic and productive sites are being systemati-
cally destroyed. There are therefore only a handful of
studies outside of elite contexts that give archaeological
evidence of the sociopolitical and economic transforma-
tions of Lima culture between the Early Intermediate
and the Middle Horizon. These studies are, in general,
incomplete or poorly published. However it is possible
to reconstruct a tentative picture of Lima’s sociopolitical
140 G I A N C A R L O M A RC O N E F.
organization during the time of such transformations,
which can help us to understand the role that Wari
played in Central Coast political economy.
Settlement patterns
Population rose significantly in the Chillón, Rímac,
and Lurín valleys during the Early Intermediate Period
(Agurto Calvo 1984; Earle 1972; Silva 1992, 1996; Stumer
1954). This population increase ended at the beginning
of the Middle Horizon, and the decrease of the popula-
tion in the area is reflected in the complete abandonment
of Lima sites and the lack of archaeological structures
associable with the second period of the Middle Horizon
(Segura and Shimada, this volume; Silva 1992:399–400;
Stumer 1954).
Stumer (1954) and Silva (1992, 1996) proposed that
the population change between the Early Intermediate
Period and the Middle Horizon was linked to increased
centralization in the Rímac and Chillón valleys during
the Early Intermediate Period (Stumer 1954:144). This
process of increasing centralization culminated with
the spread of the Lima culture to the adjoining Lurín
Valley (Stumer 1954:144). Stumer also suggested that the
area experienced a general increase in the construction
of public buildings at this time. A two-tiered settlement
hierarchy developed with sites containing a combination
of public buildings and residential areas in the first tier
(Agurto Calvo 1984:87; Silva 1992:399). These first-tier
sites, located exclusively in the lower Chillón and Rímac
valleys, were surrounded by second-tier sites that only
had a residential component (Silva 1996).5
The idea of first-tier sites centralizing populations
as early as the middle phases of the Early Intermediate
Period on the Central Coast has long been discussed
(Kaulicke 2001; Shady 1988; Silva 1992; Stumer 1954).
There is limited to no evidence, however, for a clear
center or capital of the Lima culture during the Early
Intermediate Period. For example, in the Chillón Valley,
Silva was unable to identify one site as the center or “cap-
ital,” but instead suggested that Cerro Culebras, Playa
Grande, and Copacabana worked together as a sort
of nuclei for the early and middle periods of the Early
Intermediate Period in the valley (Silva 1996:147). In the
Rímac Valley, Stumer proposes that sites like Maranga,
Cajamarquilla, Huaca Juliana, and Vista Alegre were at
the top of the settlement hierarchy (Stumer 1954:132).
The proposed coexistence of these sites led Kaulicke
(2001:325) to discuss briefly the possibility that each site
represented the head of a city-state. Agurto Calvo (1984)
has a different interpretation. He considers Maranga the
initial center or “capital” for Lima in the Rímac Valley,
which was then replaced by Cajamarquilla at the begin-
ning of the Middle Horizon (Agurto Calvo 1984:78).
In the chaupi yunga, a different pattern was regis-
tered. Settlements in the area were dispersed and com-
posed almost exclusively of residential units (Agurto
Calvo 1984; Guerrero and Palacios 1994; Silva 1996).
In the Lurín Valley, Earle (1972) and Patterson and
colleagues (1982) distinguished a change in the domes-
tic settlement pattern at the beginning of the Early
Intermediate Period, when sites were moved up to the
tops of hills as a strategy to make more agricultural land
available on the valley floor (Earle 1972). After maximum
agricultural land potential was reached in the middle of
the Early Intermediate Period, settlements became more
agglutinated, and elite compounds appeared in these vil-
lages (Earle 1972:475) that by the Middle Horizon were
integrated into the Lima state (Earle 1972).
The political situation began to change toward the
end of the Early Intermediate Period as power shifted to
the south. Several public buildings in the lower Chillón
Valley fell into disuse. The abandonment of public build-
ings in the lower valley does not extend to the residential
units, which continued to be used (Paredes 1992; Silva
1996; Silva et al. 1988). Meanwhile in the Rímac Valley,
sites like Maranga and Cajamarquilla grew in extension
and monumentality, and Cajamarquilla even acquired
characteristics that have been identified as evidence of
urbanism (Kaulicke 2001; Segura and Shimada, this
volume). In the Lurín Valley, the construction of public
buildings seems to begin at the end of the Lima sequence.
This pattern is in agreement with the formation of a mul-
tivalley polity (centered in the Rímac Valley) that would
go on to include the Lurín Valley by the end of Lima’s
cultural sequence (Earle 1972; Kaulicke 2001).
Simultaneous with the expansion of Lima public
architecture in the Lurín Valley at the end of the Early
W H AT RO L E DI D WA R I PL AY I N T H E L I M A P O L I T IC A L E C O N OM Y?
Intermediate Period, the extension of Lima culture traits
into the highlands suggests Lima population movements
up the valley (Dillehay 1979:26; Silva 1996). Agurto
Calvo, for example, made reference to Lima ceramics
found as high as San Pedro de Casta in the middle-upper
region of the Rímac Valley (Agurto Calvo 1984:91). The
sporadic presences of Lima ceramics in the middle and
upper parts of the valleys—traditionally associated with
highland sociopolitical formations—suggests that the
chaupi yunga (or upper low valley) sites were under the
political control of the people down the valley by the end
of the Lima sequence (Earle 1972; Patterson et al 1982;
Silva 1992:401).
Within the three valleys, it is difficult to identify
domestic or public sites that date to the second phase of
the Middle Horizon (Agurto Calvo 1984:105; Patterson
et al. 1982; Silva 1992; Stumer 1954:142). In terms of resi-
dential architecture, Stumer argues that either we lack
the necessary diagnostic elements to identify changes, or
that there were no residential structures in the Middle
Horizon (Stumer 1954:136). Since Segura and Shimada
(this volume) have similar problems identifying a Middle
Horizon occupation after the fall of Lima society in
highly public sites like Cajamarquilla and Pachacamac,
the second phase of the Middle Horizon on the Central
Coast remains poorly understood.
Household Social Differentiation
Little research has been carried out at the site level
regarding household differentiation as a way to under-
stand social and political differences, with the notable
exception of Cerro Culebras in the lower Chillón
Valley where domestic structures have received more
attention than at any other Lima site (Paredes 1992;
Silva et al. 1988). At Cerro Culebras, Silva and col-
leagues identified two different sectors of households,
one in the northern part of the site constructed primar-
ily from canes, and a southern part, constructed using
small stones and adobitos (little mud bricks) (Silva et
al. 1988:27–29). There are no ascertainable differences
in the ceramic assemblages of these different house-
hold constructions, which leads researchers to believe
that such differences are more related to economic
141
specialization than just wealth or status differences
between households (Silva et al. 1988).
Silva and his colleagues (1988) carried out excava-
tions in each of these sectors and found that stone resi-
dences were associated with abundant shellfish remains.
They proposed that the people who lived in these resi-
dences were specialized fishermen with selective predi-
lection for species like Mesodesma donacium, Perumytilus
purpuratus, and Semimytilus algosu (Silva et al. 1988:33).
In the residences made of canes, they found evidence of
hearths, deposits of “ollas,” manos, batanes, cottonseeds,
and other remains that they associate with agricultural
activities (Silva et al. 1988:30–31). They conclude that the
differences between the houses can be explained in terms
of economic specialization that first occurred around the
middle of the Lima sequence. This specialization was the
major impetus for the later development of power dif-
ferentials in the area.
Through intersite comparison with other low valley
sites, Silva and his colleagues show both that cane houses
are more common in the valley and that stone residences
are only present in sites with public buildings. Based on
this distribution they conclude that being a fisherman
constituted a specialized activity with more prestige in
Lima society (Silva 1992:401; Silva et al. 1988:31). The idea
is provocative but needs to be investigated in more depth.
One potential issue with their data, for example, is that
varying quantities of shellfish could correspond to dif-
ferences in diet rather than occupation since no fishing
tools were reported, only increased quantities of shells.
Guerrero and Palacios (1994) briefly studied several
village-level (El Vallecito, Huampani, and Huachipa)
sites in the chaupi yunga of the Rímac Valley. They found
that residential units were generally similar in shape,
organization, and building materials to those described
by Silva (1996) in the Chillón Valley. They note a change
in these villages in phases 5–6 in Patterson’s sequence as
the agricultural frontier was expanded to the quebrada of
Huachipa and more storage deposits were constructed for
agricultural products (Guerrero and Palacios 1994:302).
Guerrero and Palacios (1994:280) did not find major
interhousehold variability between sites throughout the
Early Intermediate Period in terms of architecture or
associated objects. The only exception was Sector C of
142 G I A N C A R L O M A RC O N E F.
the site El Vallecito, where they found rooms that were
bigger and with “better” architectural details than those
found at the other sites (Guerrero and Palacios 1994:280).
This sector included a rectangular building that the
authors think could have served public functions. It is
in this sector, as well as from burials at other sites, that
they identified forms, wares, and decorations that they
interpret as antecedent of the Nievería style (Guerrero
and Palacios 1994:306–308). The presence of Nievería-
like ceramics in such contexts led the authors to propose
that the development of Nievería began as a means to
appropriate ritual practices in order to control expand-
ing agricultural production, as shown in the increasing
existence of several types of storage facilities at these sites
(Guerrero and Palacios 1994:299–300, 306).
Agriculture Intensification
Agurto Calvo (1984) and Shady (1982) proposed that
elites controlled water and irrigation channels in the
lower valleys. For example, in the Rímac Valley they
proposed that each major canal was under the control of
a major site: the Río Magdalena canal was controlled by
Huaca Huantilla, the Río Huatica canal by Limatambo,
and the Río Surco canal, which irrigates the modern-day
neighborhoods of Miraflores, Surco, and Chorrillos, by
Huaca Pucllana (Agurto Calvo 1984:84–85; Shady 1982).
These authors see the relation between public sites and
major canals as evidence of a centralized and almost
bureaucratic management of water resources (Shady
1982). In contrast, each village elite in the chaupi yunga
controlled and managed his own canals and ditches
in a decentralized way until the area was incorporated
into the overarching Lima order at the beginning of the
Middle Horizon (Earle 1972:496; Silva 1996).
Craft Production
As in many cultures during the Early Intermediate, there
was also an increase in craft specialization during the
Lima culture (DeLeonardis and Lau 2004). For example,
there is evidence that points to an increased specializa-
tion in the production of textiles, in particular those
produced in the tapestry technique (Agurto Calvo 1984;
Mogrovejo 1995). The designs in these textiles are based
on local iconographic traditions similar to the ones man-
ifested on ceramics and in frisos that cover public archi-
tecture (Agurto Calvo 1984). These fine textiles have
been recovered in association with public buildings and
burials (Mogrovejo 1995). But so far there is no evidence
of how or where this textile production was organized.
Other evidence for increasing specialization comes
from the standardization of wares during Late Lima
phases. First, as Segura (2004) points out, Patterson
defined eight wares for the whole Lima sequence. Two
of them are constant and present in all the phases of the
sequence, but these two wares only become predominant
in the later part of the sequence (after phase 7, but this
could be biased by how Patterson’s samples were taken)
(Patterson 1966; Segura 2004). Second, Earle’s studies
of plainwares based on sites in the middle Lurín Valley
show a high variability both within and between sites for
most of the Early Intermediate sequence. This situation
changed drastically toward the end of the sequence when
a tendency toward the unification in plainwares began
(Dunn 1979:27; Earle 1972:469–470). Signs of standard-
ization may reflect centralized management by the polity
by the end of the sequence (Earle 1972:476).
Interregional Exchange
The people of the Central Coast likely participated in
long-distance exchange networks at least from the first
millennium BC onward (Browman 1975:325; MacNeish
et al. 1975). By the time of Wari contact, Dillehay (1976)
suggests that there existed significant exchange, not
of prestige goods, but of agricultural and staple goods
between Lima coastal elites and the neighboring popu-
lations from the highlands, in particular the Mantaro
Valley (Browman 1975; MacNeish et al. 1975). Guerrero
and Palacios (1994:299) found evidence that corroborated
this suggestion when they discovered that the only evi-
dence of exotic ceramics in the upper Rímac Valley is
from the Mantaro area.
Yet, the strongest evidence for Central Coast partic-
ipation in a pan-Andean exchange network comes from
Nievería-style ceramics. Nievería-style ceramics have a
wide distribution in the Andes. They appear in regions
W H AT RO L E DI D WA R I PL AY I N T H E L I M A P O L I T IC A L E C O N OM Y?
like the North Coast (Castillo 2007), central highlands
(Lau 2005), and Huari (Knobloch 1991), and there is even
a loose reference to Nievería ceramics in Manta, Ecuador
(Jijón y Camaaño 1949, quoted in Agurto Calvo 1984:87).
The presence of Nievería style in the core of Wari in pre-
imperial epochs (Knobloch 1991) lends support to the
idea that Nievería style represents the adoption of an
international canon, more than a political or economic
imposition by Wari (Jennings, this volume). Knobloch
suggests: “The early Epoch 1A presence of a few Nievería
style shards at Huari with Chakipampa and Ocros
refuse followed by the later Epoch 1B presence of fancy
Chakipampa animal icons on Nievería pottery indicates
a rather long and rather peaceful coexistence between the
two areas” (1991:2, my emphasis).
The distribution of imported ceramics in Lima soci-
ety was restricted. Foreign or exotic vessels are reported
in burials and public sites, but not in domestic buildings.
The available surveys do not report evidence of exotics
outside the highest level of public buildings. For exam-
ple, there are no exotic ceramics reported for the chaupi
yunga. Such patterns suggest a restricted and central-
ized control over long-distance exchange practices by the
Lima elite living in the lower valley.
If the existence of long-distance exchange networks
has a long trajectory, then the participation of Lima elites
in this exchange cannot be considered an explanation for
political changes that occurred. In general, long-distance
exchanges are a common and constant feature in Andean
prehistory, not anomalies or unusual characteristics of
the Middle Horizon. The explicative power of prestige
networks as the primary vectors of political change on
the Central Coast needs to be reevaluated.
Lima Elite Practices at the Little
Mud-Brick Compound of Pachacamac
The previous reconstruction provides evidence of a
scenario in which economic intensification and politi-
cal centralization were at work before any contact with
Wari. By the end of the Early Intermediate Period and
beginning of the Middle Horizon, elites in the lower val-
leys had established themselves on the basis of control
over agriculture and not through their privileged access
143
to exchange networks of exotics goods. These elites likely
controlled or influenced a group of decentralized elites
in the Lurín Valley. This control was not linked with a
distribution of imported Wari ceramics or emulations,
but is marked instead with an increased distribution of
local Lima ceramics.
In the beginning of the Middle Horizon, Wari-
related symbols, especially the Nievería style, were asso-
ciated with the highest level of public Lima life. The
most common locations for this style of ceramics are in
public contexts, offerings, and burials (Kaulicke 2001).
These restricted distributions support the idea that the
style was used to further sustain a restricted identity.
Meanwhile, the Late Lima style appears in all contexts
and sites, including in the newly integrated areas (the
chaupi yunga and the neighboring Lurín Valley) where
Nievería ceramics are not found. The lone exception to
this trend occurs in the Rímac Valley, where Guerrero
and Palacios (1994) report evidence that the area close to
Cajamarquilla, near the geographical start of the chaupi
yunga in the Rímac Valley, could be the location where
the Nievería style began to be produced.
One of the highly public contexts where Nievería
ceramics are found corresponds to feasting activities.
Segura (2001) reported activities of ceremonial drinking
in one of the political centers of the area—Cajamarquilla.
Cajamarquilla is located at the end of the lower section
of the Rímac Valley. The site was considered the urban-
administrative center for Middle Horizon in the Central
Coast (Segura 2001; Segura and Shimada, this volume).
At this site, Segura identified evidence of feasting events
where Lima- and a “small” amount of Nievería-style ves-
sels were used to consume chicha (Segura 2001, 2004:101).
Segura (2001; Mogrovejo and Segura 2001) identified
several contexts where pots in Lima and Nievería styles
were intentionally broken, deposited, and sealed in pits
after use. These findings prove that the two styles are
contemporaneous and show how Nievería ceramics are
associated with feasting activities among Cajamarquilla
elites. Evidence of similar feasting has been reported for
other Lima monumental sites in the Rímac Valley—sites
like Maranga and Huaca Pucllana (Flores 1981:68–69;
Segura 2004)—which seem to have been elite events.
Recent excavations of a portion of a Lima building at
144
Pachacamac known as the Little Mud-Brick Compound,
however, revealed evidence of a different feasting pat-
tern that encouraged commoner support by providing
abundant amounts of commonly consumed foods (e.g.,
LeCount 2001:935).
The Little Mud-Brick Compound
The Little Mud-Brick Compound is a Lima building
located at the periphery of the Pachacamac Sanctuary
(Figure 8.2; see Segura and Shimada, this volume). The
building was initially excavated in the 1960s by Arturo
Jimenez Borja and Alberto Bueno. The results of this
work were only partially discussed by the excavators
(Bueno 1982), and the ceramic assemblage from the site
was reexamined by Lavallée (1966) who determined that
the material was closely linked to Maranga ceramics
from the Rímac Valley.
In 2000 we excavated another portion of the com-
pound. The goals of our excavations were limited to the
preservation of the site and the habilitation of new areas to
attract visitors. The excavation was designed as an exten-
sion of the earlier work carried out by Jimenez Borja and
Bueno. The project opened a broad area, approximately
18 m by 34 m (Figure 8.3). The excavation of this build-
ing revealed three successive major architectural phases.
Each phase represents a reconstruction of the previous
structure—re-using the mud bricks or adobitos from the
older dismantled building and respecting the same gen-
eral architectural layout. The sequence is clear—the walls
of the previous building were dismantled, the remaining
architecture was covered by a layer of sand, and on top
of this layer a new floor was built with reused materials
for the walls. Each of these phases presents evidence of
constant repair, such as floor patch ups and wall fixings,
suggesting an intensive use of the compound (Figure
8.4). The ceramics associated with each of these three
major architectural phases are similar and correspond
to Lima Tardío or Maranga. Based on the ceramic asso-
ciation, the reuse of building materials, and the relative
continuity in the architectural layout, I believe that the
Little Mud-Brick Compound at Pachacamac was con-
structed and remodeled in a relatively short amount of
time (Marcone 2001).
Figure 8.2 Aerial photo (SAN 1945) showing the location of the Little Mud-Brick Compound
in the Pachacamac Sanctuary.

Figure 8.3 The

Little Mud-Brick
Compound.
Figure 8.4 Schematic profile of the Little Mud-Brick Compound.
The Little Mud-Brick Compound and the Lima
Occupation of Pachacamac
As a working hypothesis, I proposed elsewhere (Marcone
2001) that the structures (like the Little Mud-Brick
Compound) located on the western periphery of
Pachacamac were built during the Late Lima phases and
represent a growth in the extension and importance of
that site. I believe the construction of these peripheral
structures likely correlates with the construction and
remodeling of Pachacamac’s Old Temple, another pub-
lic building reported by Strong and Corbett (1943) under
the Temple of the Sun and the Urpiwachac Temple ten-
tatively dated to the Late Lima period (Paredes 1991).
These contexts do not represent the oldest Lima
cultural traits identified at the site, but correspond to a
significant change in Pachacamac’s layout and organiza-
tion, possibly as a result of the consolidation of a mul-
tivalley Lima polity at the transition between the Late
Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon.
Feasting Activities at the Little Mud-Brick
Compound
An understanding of some of the activities carried out
at Pachacamac can be gleaned from our excavations at
the Little Mud-Brick Compound. Despite the limited
scope of our work, we were able to identify the presence
of a ramp in the second architectural phase (a typically
Andean feature of public/administrative architecture).
This ramp is associated with a lateral room that was
almost completely covered by an intensely used hearth
146
and a bigger open space that was only partially excavated
(Figure 8.5). The ceramics recovered from the hearth,
and in the building in general, contain a relatively high
percentage of plates and cooking pots and a smaller per-
centage of jars, bottles, cántaros, and other functional
drinking categories (Figure 8.6).
The distribution of functional ceramic categories
(Table 8.1), the evidence of intensive cooking activi-
ties, and the amount of ceramic sherds (in contrast to
intentionally broken complete vessels) recovered from
the hearth can be used as evidence that activities held
at the compound were different than those described by
Segura (2001) at Cajamarquilla.6 Another important dif-
ference between the two feasting patterns is the almost
complete absence of Nievería or other Wari-style ceram-
ics in the Little Mud-Brick Compound (we found just
one Nievería-style sherd, and Lavallée’s [1966] ceramics
analysis does not report any at all).
Several archaeologists recognize that a society may
use a variety of feasting activities (e.g., Dietler 2001;
Hayden 2001; LeCount 2001). LeCount (2001) for
example, distinguishes two broad feasting patterns.
According to her, diacritical feastings were limited to
those who “command social and economic attention”
(LeCount 2001:935) and reflect the strategies used by
powerful and wealthy individuals to naturalize social
status differences (LeCount 2001:935, following Dietler
1996). In contrast she also identifies a broad category
of inclusionary feasting used to support a wide range
of activities like patron-client relations and tribute col-
lection. In inclusionary feastings, the intention is not
 Figure 8.5 Hearth adjacent to
ramp built during the second
architectural phase of the Little
Mud-Brick Compound.

Figure 8.6 Sample

of plates and dish
sherds recovered
from the Little Mud-
Brick Compound.

Table 8.1 Comparison of formal categories between Cajamarquilla and the Little Mud-Brick Compound

Plates and open Pot (without neck) Pot and jug (with Bottles (%) others/NI
vessels (%) (%) neck) (%) (%)

R-105 Cajamarquilla 10.91 7.01 68.15 1.91 12.02

Little Mud-Brick 25.10 15.32 19.81 2.90 36.86

Compound Pachacamac
2000

Source: R-105 Cajamarquilla after Segura 2001:Cuadro 15, 69.

to solidify social differences but to promote solidarity
and equality between community members while at the
same time gaining support and corvée labor (LeCount
2001:935–936). This type of feasting has been registered
in the Andes as early as the Late Archaic Period (Vega-
Centeno 2007) and continued into the time of the Inca
Empire (Bray 2003; Moore 1989).
For the Maya area, LeCount (2001:946) associ-
ates restricted drinking events with diacritical feasts
that linked elites to the outside world through foreign
symbols and big parties with more common food and
autochthonous drinking vessels with inclusionary events
that brought the greater community together. Similarly,
Cook and Glowacki (2003) propose—based on analo-
gies with the Inca Empire—that two different feasting
patterns were used at Wari sites. The first was heavily ori-
ented toward elites and linked to higher ratios of drink-
ing vessels, while the other pattern was used to obtain
labor and support from commoners. This second pattern
was associated with a higher ratio of bowls and more
evidence of food consumption (Cook and Glowacki
2003:194–195).
Following these studies, the feasting activities as
reported in the Little Mud-Brick Compound corre-
spond to a locally based pattern of inclusionary feasting.
The high ratio of serving plates and cooking pots and
the local Lima iconography found on the vessels support
this hypothesis. I argue that the events held at the Little
Mud-Brick Compound were related to the consolidation
of the Lurín Valley into an overreaching Lima polity at
the beginning of the Middle Horizon. Cajamarquilla’s
feasting pattern could correspond to what we are calling
here diacritical feasts. These celebrations helped to solid-
ify an elite identity centered in the lower Rímac using
only partially “international” symbols. Elite power over
commoners, however, was solidified through inclusion-
ary feasts like those that took place in the Little Mud-
Brick Compound.
Challenging Assumptions about Pachacamac
Since Menzel’s (1964) stylistic study of the Middle Hori-
zon, scholars have commonly believed that Pachacamac
was co-opted by Wari in the first phases of the Middle
148 G I A N C A R L O M A RC O N E F.
Horizon. Through the initial co-option of the site, Wari
was able to use the its regional religious importance to
impose itself over the region (Menzel 1964; see also
Kaulicke 2001), and, in the second part of the Middle
Horizon, the site became an important node in the
spread of Wari religion throughout Peru. These ideas
have sometimes been taken as a given by archaeolo-
gists working on the Middle Horizon and used to build
pan-Andean scenarios of a strong Wari influence (e.g.,
Glowacki and Malpass 2003; Isbell 2004).
New evidence gathered at Pachacamac (see also
Segura and Shimada, this volume), such as the feasting
data described earlier, forces us to reevaluate the idea of
Pachacamac as a Wari oracle or sanctuary. The first idea
in need of reevaluation is the belief that the Wari pres-
ence on the Central Coast is based on the ideological co-
optation of Pachacamac. In reality, Wari symbols were
more likely to appear in secular sites like Cajamarquilla.
The association of these labor-oriented feasting activities
at Pachacamac with local Lima Tardío/Maranga ceram-
ics, and almost no evidence of Nievería wares, supports a
scenario where the control of the population was based
on local traditions, while foreign emulated features were
used for interelite political activities. Instead of support-
ing the idea that Pachacamac was a religious satellite of
the Wari cult, this evidence suggests that Pachacamac
was a locally orientated site.
Second, it is necessary to reevaluate the idea that
Pachacamac’s political and ideological influence peaked
in the second half of the Middle Horizon (Kaulicke
2001; Menzel 1964). These ideas, which are based on
the distribution of Pachacamac-style vessels (a style of
the second half of the Middle Horizon) in high-status
contexts and burials through the central Andean region
(Kaulicke 2001), contradict the evidence at the site that
shows it first peaked in extension and monumentality
between the end of the Early Intermediate Period and
the beginning of the Middle Horizon. By the second
part of the Middle Horizon, the site had contracted.
Lima buildings fell into disuse, and it becomes difficult
to identify a significant occupation at the site during the
second part of the period (Segura and Shimada, this vol-
ume). The Pachacamac style is so-named because the ear-
liest examples of the style were found at Pachacamac. Yet,
there is no evidence that the Pachacamac style was origi-
nally from the site or even from the Peruvian Central
Coast (Kaulicke 2001).
Finally, the interpretations of Pachacamac as a Wari
oracle or sanctuary are based on projections from eth-
nohistoric accounts of how the site functioned. By pro-
jecting into the past, archaeologists thus assume the site
shared similar functions and importance for both the
Wari and the Incas. Yet at present there is no evidence
from Pachacamac to support the assertion that it func-
tioned in the same manner during earlier periods (also
see Segura and Shimada, this volume).
Discussion
It is not unusual to find a diacritical feasting pattern
that uses nonlocal canons coexisting with the kind of
inclusionary feasting evident at the Little Mud-Brick
Compound in interregional interactions. The under-
standing of these feasting patterns and the emulation of
Wari features need to be situated within the local econ-
omy in order to address the political role this emulation
played in local society. Wari emulation did not play a
role in driving social complexity in the region because
it first occurs only at the end of the development of the
Lima state.
The explanations of sociopolitical changes on the
Central Coast at the beginning of the Middle Horizon
are divided into two polar extremes. I argue that view-
ing internal-economic models and external-prestige
models as antagonistic perspectives only obscures our
understanding of each region. As the Lima case shows,
these social and political transformations were a gradual
process that occurred during the late Early Intermediate
Period and Early Middle Horizon. This process likely
involved (1) economic differentiation (ranging from
craft specialization to staple production to wealth accu-
mulation); (2) elite domination of ritual practice based
in local symbols; and (3) elite emulation of the activities
and stylistic preferences of elites in Ayacucho and other
regions. To prioritize one of these three interconnected
power strategies generates a partial and skewed under-
standing of the political and social transformation that
occurred on the Central Coast.
W H AT RO L E DI D WA R I PL AY I N T H E L I M A P O L I T IC A L E C O N OM Y?
The formation of this multivalley polity was spawned
by the progressive intensification of agriculture and
the expansion of agricultural land. This intensification
allowed for both the centralized management of produc-
tion by the elites of the lower Chillón and Rímac valleys
and the emergence of rural and decentralized elites in the
Lurín Valley (Makowski 2002) and the chaupi yunga. It
was only toward the end of the Lima sequences that elites
in the Lurín Valley were brought into the structure of
the Lima state. The inclusion of these rural elites into an
overarching political system was apparently sustained by
the management of Lima symbols and canons in rituals,
art, and feasts, as well as the wide distribution of finely
decorated Lima ceramics.
Foreign materials, like Wari objects or Wari-related
symbols (either imposed or voluntarily accepted), were
used only at the highest sociopolitical levels of Lima cul-
ture. The Wari-related Nievería style was probably used
to define a new eliteness that originated through elites’
interactions in the Rímac Valley. The Wari-related sym-
bols helped to both build the cohesion of lower Rímac
Valley elites and separate this group from a second level
of rural elites in the neighboring Lurín Valley, who were
using Lima symbols.
The fact that Nievería-style ceramics only appear
in association with the highest level of elites can be
explained either in terms of these elites participating
in interregional networks or as a result of the indirect
imposition of a nascent Wari Empire. These options are
not necessarily antagonistic, and the elite adoption of
the Nievería style does not change our understanding of
the trajectory of this polity on the Central Coast. The
role of Wari in the formation of this polity was limited,
and the rise of a Lima state cannot be explained in terms
of a pan-Andean process. In the end, the focus on pan-
Andean influence obscures a long line of antecedents in
local development evident in this area.
Final Conclusions
There are three broader conclusions that can be drawn
from my discussion of Wari and the development of the
Lima polity. First, the selective emulation of Wari fea-
tures neither implies core control over an interregional
149
network (e.g., Stein 2002:903), nor does it necessarily sug-
gest the absence of such control. Wari materials and emu-
lations will be present in regions where Wari had some
level of direct administration. Other times these emu-
lations reflect the existence of a pan-Andean exchange
network, where relations of dependency between locals
and Wari were the catalyst for social changes at the
local level. At other times one can find these emula-
tions in a relationship—like those between Wari and
polities like Lima, Moche (Chapdelaine, this volume) or
Huamachuco (Topic and Topic, this volume)—where
there is no evidence that Wari enjoyed political, eco-
nomic, or ideological power over local groups. Without
examining how local production was organized, who
controlled exchange, and how feasts were celebrated, we
cannot reconstruct power relations within and between
societies (Stein 2002:903, 2005). We need to compare the
social contexts in which foreign material culture, foreign
knowledge, and foreign symbols were used, as well as
those contexts where they were not used. Such an analy-
sis makes it possible to determine more precisely the rela-
tionship of local groups to broader-scale local processes
and interpolity interactions.
The second conclusion that can be drawn from this
chapter is that there is often an overemphasis on pres-
tige in many of the current explanations that challenge
the centralized character of Wari. The Lima case clearly
shows that if we construct our explanations focusing only
on the basis of elite styles and public contexts, we end up
highlighting the international agency of these elites (in
their quest for prestige) and neglect the economic foun-
dation of their power. If we focus solely on the economic
strategies of these elites, then we tend to overlook the
functions that prestige goods could have played in local
political developments. We need to develop better mod-
els for interregional interaction that incorporate both of
these explanations.
Finally, this chapter shows that we should be cau-
tious in interpreting the Middle Horizon as a unitary
pan-Andean phenomenon. Each case should be exam-
ined independently to avoid forcing our interpretations
to fit our models. Current models that focus on prestige
goods risk overlooking local variations because of the
central position attributed to Wari in these models. The
150 G I A N C A R L O M A RC O N E F.
explanation that Wari created long-distance exchange
networks that spurred regional sociopolitical transfor-
mations continues to place the weight on external factors
in local transformations. In the end, these models may
actually reinforce the idea of the centralized pan-Andean
Wari sphere that they set out to critique.
Acknowledgments
An earlier version of this paper was presented to ful-
fill a partial requirement for the master’s degree at
the University of Pittsburgh. The excavation of the
Little Mud-Brick Compound was carried out as an
“investment” project on behalf of the Pachacamac Site
Museum—Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Peru. I would
like to thank Marc Bermann for his help in the master’s
paper and Rafael Vega-Centeno, Justin Jennings, Alex
Martin, and Mauricio Murillo for their comments at
different stages of the development this chapter. Of
course, all errors or omissions are the responsibility of
the author. Finally I would like to thank Amy for every-
thing, especially her patience.
Endnotes
1. “In Quechua . . . the Peruvian coast was divided into
yunga and chaupi-yunga. The yunga, or coast proper, is an arid
strip along the ocean, rarely extending inland more than 50 km.
Beyond that point, it merges with the chaupi-yunga, a piedmont
zone at the base of the Andes. The chaupi yunga is cut by stream
canyons supporting trees, shrubs and grasses that are rare to absent
in the yunga” (Marcus et al. 1999:6564). Specifically in this paper, I
identify the chaupi yunga as the upper part of the lower valley. This
area is located between the start of the dejection cone of the coastal
river to approximately 1,000 m above sea level. This region is usually
proposed as the area of interaction between coastal and highland
populations, and their cultural characteristics differ from the ones
found in the middle or lower coastal valleys.
2. It is possible to combine these two perspectives in one
explanation. For example, see Covey’s (2000) discussion of Inca
presence in Moquegua.
3. See Flannery (1968), Renfrew (1975), and Helms (1979) for
their original formulations of emulation models of interregional
interactions.
4. For the most recent discussion of the Lima culture’s public
architecture, ceramic styles, and burial patterns, see Kaulicke 2001.
5. Media Luna, Cerro Culebra, Copacabana, La Uva, Huaca
Santa Rosa, Huarangal, Algodonales, Coyalta, Pv46–923, Pv46–
924, and Playa Grande are some of the sites with public architecture
in the lower Chillón Valley. In the Rímac Valley, the best known Anthropological Association 14. American Anthropological
sites with public architecture are Maranga, Cajamarquilla, Huaca Association, Arlington, Virginia.
Juliana, Limatambo, and Vista Alegre. Cook, Anita G., and Mary Glowacki
6. Segura (2001) excavated several contexts in the interior of 2003 Pots, Politics, and Power. In The Archaeology and Politics of Food
the room R-105 in the Julio C. Tello Compound in Cajamarquilla. and Feasting in Early States and Empires, edited by Tamara L.
His analysis is based on the MNI (minimum number of individuals) Bray, pp. 173–202. Kluwer Academic/Plenum, New York.
Covey, R. Alan
number of complete vessel ceramics. Despite the differences in
2000 Inka Administration of the Far South Coast of Peru. Latin
context and assemblages, I believe that comparisons of the different
American Antiquity 11(2):119–138.
percentages of formal categories can be taken as relative indicators
Cusick, James G.
of different activities at these two sites.
1998 Introduction. In Studies in Culture Contact: Interaction, Culture
Change, and Archaeology, edited by James G. Cusick, pp. 1–20.
Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois
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