HISTORY
specific r e l a t i o n s h i p of d o m i n a t o r to
The Subaltern in South Asian History
and Society
Report of
(By a Special
IN N o v e m b e r 1982, the A u s t r a l i a n
N a t i o n a l U n i v e r s i t y hosted a conference
in Canberra on the s u b a l t e r n in South
A s i a n H i s t o r y and Society. It was
organised b y R a n a j i t Guha, w h o is a
Senior Research F e l l o w there. Readers
of this journal may be familiar with
the first volume of "Subaltern Studies:
W r i t i n g s i n South A s i a n H i s t o r y and
Society" ( O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, N e w
D e l h i , 1982), w h i c h is edited b y Rana-
j i t Guha. V o l u m e T w o is expected any
time now. T h e conference was held to
discuss the essays which will form the
basis for V o l u m e T h r e e in this series.
A b o u t sixty A s i a n specialists from
various A u s t r a l i a n universities as w e l l
as scholars f r o m I n d i a , B r i t a i n and the
U n i t e d States attended the conference.
The f o l l o w i n g papers were presented
at the conference:
David Hurdiman: Adivasi Assertion
i n South Gujarat: The Devi M o v e
m e n t of 1922-23.
Dipesh C h a k r a v a r t v : Trade Unioas
is a Semi- fendal C u l t u r e : The Para-
dox of jute Workers' Organisation,
1920-50.'
David A r n o l d : Peasant Reactions
to the Madras Famine of 1876-78.
Shahid A m i n ; Gandhi as Ma-
hatma: Gorakhpur District, Eastern
UP. 1921-22.
Partha Chatterjee: Gandhism and
the Political Appropriation of the
Peasantry.
Bruce Kapierer: Colonial Orders,
Class Struggle and C u l t u r a l and Re-
ligious T r a n s f o r m a t i o n in Sri Lanka.
Cyan Paucley: Religion and "Rebel-
lion in N i n e t e e n t h - C e n t u r y Mubarak-
pur.
Imran Ali: Malign Growth: The
Impact of A g r i c u l t u r a l Colonisation
on Economy and Society in the
Punjab.
Sumit Saikar: From Swadeshi to
N o n - c o - o p e r a t i o n ; Subaltern Groups
and the Politics of Nationalism in
Bengal.
Bernard C o h n ; Discourse as Co-
ercion : Nineteenth-century British
'Scholarship and I n d i a n Society.
Subaltern Studies as a project aims
to, put the 'subaltern' — that is, sub-
ordinate classes — at the centre of the
stage of h i s t o r i c a l enquiry. The p r o j e c t
has arisen f r o m a belief that previous
w r i t i n g s on South A s i a n H i s t o r y and
Society have tended to be elitist in
nature; the people are seen either as
passive and malleable objects of elite
initiative and manipulation, or as an
unpredictable p r i m o r d i a l force which
a Conference
Correspondent)
occasionally releases itself in i l l - d i r e c t e d
and f u t i l e acts of violence.
The first major question to arise in
the conference concerned the meaning
and usefulness of the t e r m 'subaltern'
S N M u k h e r j e e wanted to k n o w w h y it
was to be p r e f e r r e d to class categories,
such as ' w o r k i n g class', ' r i c h , m i d d l e
and poor peasants' and so on. This
question was dealt w i t h in Sumit
Sarkar's paper, in w h i c h he began w i t h
a b r i e f discussion of the use of the
Gramscian concept of 'the subaltern
classes' i n w r i t i n g on m o d e r n Indian
history. He felt that the t e r m h a d the
advantage of not h a v i n g w i t h i n it the
assumption that there is a developed
class consciousness amongst the sub-
ordinate classes of South Asia. In
a special m o r n i n g session devoted to
a discussion of subaltern movements in
Asia as a whole, a tendency was obser-
ved for speakers to m e r e l y substitute
the w o r d subaltern* for terms such as
'peasantry', 'masses' and so on. This
was o f t e n done in a rather u n c r i t i c a l
manner. Partha Chatterjee p o i n t e d out
that the concept should not be used
in this way, for it was meant to make
us r e t h i n k our approach to the study
of the subordinate classes. The concept
is a dialectical one w h i c h imolies a
relationship of domination. Subaltern
Studies seeks to analyse the i n t e r p l a y
of this r e l a t i o n s h i p in a manner w h i c h
puts the subaltern classes at the
centre of the stage. There was t h e n
some debate about whether or not this
was an essentially populist exercise- In
reply to this, it was argued that popu-
lism treats the people as an u n d i f f e r e n -
tiated mass, whereas the subaltern
studies project sought to disaggregate
this mass and b r i n g out all the com-
plexities of relationships w h i c h existed
among the people. In this respect it
was not at all a populist exercise.
Dipesh C h a k r a b a r t y c o m m e n t e d that
the concept of subalternaity d i d not
seek to be all-embracing. Other con-
cepts — such as e x p l o i t a t i o n — have
to be used. A l s o , it is no substitute for
class analysis. But the concept is
needed to describe a master/servant re-
lationship in w h i c h there is an interplay
of power and a definite consciousness
of subalterneity, The relationship is not
thus a general r i c h / p o o r one, but the
dominated. Ranjit Guha went on a
argue that the subaltern classes were
never entirety dominated; Cramsei has
stated that the p o w e r of the stale does
not quite reach the people in its enti-
rety, and that there was an element
of a u t o n o m y i n subaltern action,
Sumit Sarkar also argued in his
paper that the essays in "Subaltern
Studies", Volume One, tended to con-
centrate on moments of conflict be-
tween elite and subaltern classes "to
the relative exclusion of m u c h longer
time-spans of s u b o r d i n a t i o n or colla-
b o r a t i o n - a trend, it m a y be argued,
w h i c h really goes against Gramsci's o w n
emphasis on the c o n t r o l exercised over
such strata by more or less hegemonic
d o m i n a n t classes". This c r i t i c i s m was
accepted as h a v i n g value. In defence,
it was argued t h a t the emphasis on
conflict was necessary i n i t i a l l y , f o r the
tendency in the past has been to over-
emphasise the passivity of the I n d i a n
masses. Ranajit Guha stated that sub-
altern consciousness consisted of an
i n t e r p l a y between resistance and colla-
b o r a t i o n . In V o l u m e One the emphasis
was on resistance, and the element of
c o l l a b o r a t i o n was neglected. This was
something w h i c h needed to be correc-
ted. In fact, most of the papers at the
conference proved to have already anti-
cipated this c r i t i q u e . Somewhat i r o n i -
cally, Sumit Sarkar's o w n paper con-
centrated largely on moments of con-
flict, and in this it was something of
an exception,
Christine D o b b i n also raised a ques-
t i o n about the subject matter of the
papers, n o t h i n g that there was a ten-
dency to concentrate on a single event.
These events — be they uprisings,
popular movements or disasters —
occurred when the elites were forced
to m o d i f y their actions as a result or
subaltern initiatives. The papers had
not thus escaped f r o m elitist: history.
She argued that the real subject of
subaltern studies should be w r i t i n g s
about everyday l i f e , rather t h a n overt
protest and action. It was argued against
this that the s t u d y of subaltern cons-
ciousness had, of necessity, to be under-
taken t h r o u g h the w r i t i n g s of the
elites, as the subaltern classes have left
almost n o w r i t t e n records of their own.
It is during m o m e n t s of crisis that the
elites are f o r c e d to take notice of the
l o w e r classes, and thus the documenta-
t i o n is at its richest d u r i n g such periods.
The event is t a k e n as a starting p o i n t
f r o m w h i c h relationships of d o m i n a t i o n
and s u b o r d i n a t i o n can be analysed. It
is however vital to place the event in
a long term perspective. Shahid A m i n
299
 added that Christine Dobbin appeared commented that it was good to s eby which the British in eighteenth and
to be asking far social history as defined that such studies were now being un- nineteenth century India constructed a
In Trevelyan; thai is, history w i t h the dertaken by historians. Shahid A m i n , whole system of knowledge which
politics left out. They were, however, in his paper on the perception of allowed them to participate in the
examining the relationship between the Gandhi by the peasants of Gorakhpur political system and eventually to define
subordinate and dominant classes, District in 1921-22, made extensive use and control the social and political
which was above all a political relation- of Gandhi-rumours collected from a order of India. Thus, although he was
ship. Politics were thus central to local newspaper, Swadesh. Many of discussing authority, and the way a
their history. these related the misfortunes suffered language of authority was created, he
by those who failed to follow what was was nor here adopting a subaltern per-
The next problem concerned the perceived by the peasants as the spective.
sources used by those w r i t i n g for Gandhian programme. These stories
Subaltern Studies. Some based their The most controversial paper of all
revealed that the widespread popularity
analysis on conventional sources — was that presented by Dinesh Chakra-
of Gandhi in this area was rooted in
such as archival material, collections of varty, and it is w o r t h summarising it
popular Hindu beliefs and practices
documents and newspaper reports — briefly here. It was concerned w i t h the
and in the material culture of the pea-
but used these sources in u n c o n v e n - problem of why the often highly mili-
santry. In the discussion of this paper,
tional ways in order to try to under- tant jute workers of Calcutta failed to
an objection was raised that once a
stand subaltern actions and patterns of develop any lasting trade union orga-
r u m o u r was printed in a newspaper it
thought. The papers presented by David nisations in the period 1920-50. Orga-
ceased to be a rumour, Shahid Amin
A r n o l d , Dipesh Chakrabarty and Sumit nisation tended to be an ad hoc affair
replied that the rumours were sent in
Sarkar fell broadly into this category. appearing during crises, disappear-
to the newspaper by villagers, and that
David A r n o l d used colonial records on ing during lulls. The union leaders were
the newspaper printed them verbatim,
the Madras famine of 1876-78 to exa- invariably from the babu class. The
so that they could be considered re-
mine the response of the peasants w h o , babus felt that such leadership was
presentative of local patterns of
he argued, were not merely helpless inevitable so long as the workers lacked
thought.
victims but actors w i t h their own sense education. This however sidestepped
of justice and expectations of relief There was also some debate about the deeper problem of the culture of
from the upper classes in times of how such sources should be treated. the worker — a culture w h i c h seemed
crisis, Sumit Sarkar stated that he had Shahid A m i n , for instance, was critici- actively to discourage regular union
re-read many of the sources w h i c h he sed for not carrying out a full struc- organisation. Chakravarty argued that
had used in his earlier writings while tural analysis of his collection of this was because unions revolved
preparing his paper. He also, however, Gandhi-rumours. There was a feeling around admired individuals, and that
made use of literary sources, such as that historians needed to take lessons these leaders tended to treat their
Satinath Bhaduri's "Dhorai Gharitma- from studies of linguistics and semio- unions as their own personal zamin-
n;is". In the discussion, Dipesh Chakra- tics. Of the papers presented to this dari. A leader could build a strong
bnvty praised his use of this source, but conference, Dinesh Chakravarty's went position very rapidly, and he could
added that such usage called for some furthest in this direction. equally rapidly decline. Thus, rather
additional tools from linguistic and than there being an absence of trade
Doubts were expressed as to whether union discipline of the western type,
textual criticism. Was the character of
some of the papers fitted into the there was instead an alternative system
Dhorai articulating the actual dis-
category of subaltern studies. Gyan of power and authority. Chakravarty
course of a subaltern or was the novel
Pandey's paper, which dealt w i t h the characterised the bond between the
in fact an elitist depiction of what
history of a small town, was questioned babu-leader and the worker as being
was thought to be subaltern discourse?
on this score. There was some feeling essentially feudal. Even the communist
The papers by Shahid A m i n , David
that subaltern studies should be about leaders of the 1930s and 1940s who
Hardiman and Gyan Pandey sought to
workers and peasants. Gyan Pandey selflessly dedicated their lives to the
escape this difficulty by using more
replied that he was examining a culture service of the w o r k i n g classes conform-
obviously subaltern sources. Gyan
that was shared by different groups, ed to this pattern of leadership. They
Pandey made use of a local history
both elites and subaltern, that he was too continued unconsciously to act the
written in the 1880s in U r d u by a
trying to see how these groups related zamindar. "Their education, their ap-
Muslim of Mubarakpur, in eastern UP*
to this shared culture and how this pearance, the language they spoke, the
This Muslim was, however, a local
culture produced particular patterns of work they did, could all act as indica-
zamindar, so that even this could
dominance and subordination. Partha tors of their authority and superiority
hardly be considered a truly subaltern
Chatterjee was also criticised on this over the coolies".
text, It did, however, give us a very
score for in his paper he merely
different perspective of the history of
examined the political philosophy of The paper stimulated a strong debate.
Mubarakpur to that portrayed in the
Gandhi, and did not show how this Sumit Sarkar argued that there was no
British colonial records. David Hardi-
system of thought related to the sub- necessary contradiction between work-
man, in a study of a tribal movement
altern classes in practice. Chatterjee ing class militancy and lack of stable
in South Gujarat, made use of oral
accepted this point, but argued that he trade union organisation. He felt that
sources collected in interviews in
was merely t r y i n g to lay out the theo- Chakravarty should have accorded the
numerous tribal villages. In the past,
retical conditions which laid the basis workers more autonomy, and noted that
oral sources of this type have been
for Gandhi's popularity amongst the there was a tendency in the paper to
considered the preserve of anthropolo-
subaltern classes. The question as to argue that the workers could be saved
gists, and interestingly enough anthro-
how this operated in practice would only through the internal reform of
pologists who attended the conference
have to be tackled later. Bernard babu culture. Gyan Pandey argued that
such as Roger Keesing and Bruce Kap-
Cohn's paper also stood out in this the industrial situation was not com-
ferer were much to the fore in the dis-
respect. This extremely interesting parable to the zamindari situation. The
cussion of this paper, Peter Reeves
paper was concerned w i t h the process equivalent to the zamindar was surely

300
the factory owner. The trade union
leader was a mediator. Partha Chat-
terjee expanded on this latter point by
asking Chakravarty what, in his view,
would constitute change. Was not the
worker-trade union leader relationship
an essentially new one? The trade
union leader had, in fact, a bourgeois
understanding of his role as a political
representative of the people. Dinesh
Chakravarty replied that although
there were obvious empirical differ-
ences between rural zamindur-doimnated
society and urban industrial society, re-
lationships of power and authority con-
tinued to be similar. He accepted that
his analysis was pessimistic, but in India
there were few grounds for optimism.
It was one thing to believe in the pos-
sibility of a change for the better,
another to argue that it was coming in
the near future. He accepted the possi-
bility of change, but: not the immediate
likelihood, and this essay was an
attempt to understand why this was
so. He felt that Marxists who analysed
all problems in terms of structure and
superstructure tended to be blind to
the critical problem of culture, and he
WEST G E R M A N Y
Assuring the Allies
Ramesh Jaura
THe US vice-president George Bush,
who concluded his twelve-day tour of
seven Western European nations and
the Vatican on February 10, has been
urged to request President Regan to
seek at least a provisional agreement
with the Soviet Union on intermediate-
range nuclear forces (INF), before
December next. The declared objective
of Bush's visit was two-fold: to con-
ceive the people of Europe that US
is negotiating seriously at the INF
talks in Geneva, and to consult the
heads of allied governments, "listen
carefully" to their views and report
these to Reagan in "strictest confi-
dence".
Among the government leaders he
talked to were those of West Germany,
the Netherlands, Belgium, Italy and
Great Britain. A l l these five countries
are scheduled to install 572 American
Pershing II and cruise missiles end of
this year, if the Soviet Union does not
agree to dismantle its SS-4, SS-5 and
SS-20 intermediate-range nuclear mis-
siles. Bush also met President Fran-
cois Mitterand who has publicly re-
jected Yuri Andropov's move Decem-
ber 21 last for the inclusion of French
nuclear systems in a possible agree-
ment emerging from INF talks.
argued that there is a great need for position SPD which has put up Hans-
a theory of culture in Marxist w r i t i n g . Jochen Vogel as the party's candidate
In conclusion, we may say that the for chancellorship. True, it was
papers presented at this conference Chancellor Helmut Schmidt of SPD
showed a greater awareness of the need who drew attention as far back as in
to analyse the relationship of collabora- 1977 to a new kind of threat posed by
tion between subaltern and elite classes Soviet intermediate-range, nuclear mis-
as well as that of conflict. Other siles and it was he who co-fathered
elements which came out in the whole the N A T O two-track decision. But
discussion were the need to combat this does not contain the kind of au-
narrow economistic explanations for tomatism as it attributed to it by
subaltern actions, the need to focus chancellor Kohl. Indeed the contro-
strongly on political relationships, the versial decision says that NATO's
relative autonomy which exists between defence ' requirements to counter So-
the thought and actions of elite and viet threat will be judged in the light
subaltern classes, and the need to of the result of INF talks. It was also
understand better the nature of the at the behest of the former West Ger-
tenacious hold of culture w i t h i n the man chancellor and other European
Indian social formation. The study of allies that President Reagan's zero-
subaltern consciousness and culture, it zero option was evolved as the N A T O
was brought out, was central to the position for the INF negotiations. But
whole project. In this, the authors of Schmidt himself has said recently that
these papers accepted the need to it was only intended as an initial
approach popular beliefs and under- stand.
standings through a more sophisticated In any case, the zero-zero option,
analysis of texts. This is, perhaps, one as proposed by the West, is rejected
of the directions in which we may ex- by Moscow. Instead, last December
pect the subaltern studies project to Andropov suggested a solution which
move in the future. would permit him to maintain as
many system as the British and
French together have. But not only
have both France and UK rejected
the Soviet move, the US also holds
the view, after Bush's talks in Europe,
that "independent deterrent systems of
sovereign countries deployed for their
own defence and not for that of
The vice-president's visit to Western
NATO's non-nuclear members", par-
Europe came within days of the fourth
ticularly West Germany, cannot bo
round of INF talks which started Janu-
counted with at Geneva. The balance
ary 27 in Geneva. On the eve of the
claimed by Moscow, it is stated, is
resumption of these negotiations, the
technically flawed and inequitable. By
US chief negotiator Paul H Nitze had
counting these systems, as repeatedly
held talks in Bonn and Brussels' The
pointed out by vice-president Bush
Belgian capital was, in fact, the venue
during his recent Western European
of a high-level meeting from which a
visit, Moscow is in fact attempting to
communique indicating flexibility in
codify a Soviet right to have more
N A T O approach to INF emerged. In
nuclear systems than the US.
Bonn, Nitze had landed nearly a
week after the Soviet foreign minister But while remaining firm in their
Andrei Gromyko concluded his three- adherence to the fundamental objec-
day talks with West German political tive of the zero-zero option, the West
leaders on January 18. German government and its European
Of particular importance - - to both allies would like the US to adopt a
the USSR and US are 108 Pershing II more flexible attitude in order to
missiles to be installed in West come to an agreement with the USSR.
Germany. These are capable of strik- They want the US not to confine it-
ing at the nerve-centre targets in the self to general statements as reflected
Soviet Union in a six-minute flight. in President Reagan's Open Letter to
Given their importance and that ot the people of Europe, which was read
cruise missiles in N A T O and Soviet out by Bush on January 31 at West
strategies, INF have- become a leading Berlin. The European allies in general
issue in the campaign for general and West Germany in particular
elections in West Germany on would like President Reagan to acce-
March 6. lerate the pace of accord at INF talks
The Euromissile issue has also dri- in Geneva. However, indications are
ven a wedge between the centre-right that no concrete moves may be forth-
coalition government in Bonn, led by coming until March 6 parliamentary
Chancellor Helmut Kohl, and the op- poll in West Germany.
301