SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE LOSS OF LEARNING AND ITS RETRIEVAL IN THE WAKE OF

TWELVE YEARS DROUGHT

Author(s): S.C. Mishra
Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2013, Vol. 74 (2013), pp. 154-161
Published by: Indian History Congress

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 SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE LOSS OF
LEARNING AND ITS RETRIEVAL IN THE
WAKE OF TWELVE YEARS DROUGHT
S.C. Mishra

Due to the vagaries of nature and unpredictability of the quantum of

rainfall, the lands in India have been described as deva matrika , i.e.
the regions that are moistened by rain and adeva matrika , i.e. the lands
that are not getting rainfall at all. The erratic rainfalls have led to
innumerable droughts and famines, especially during the Modern1 and
Medieval times. Compared to these periods of Indian history, droughts
and famines in ancient India have not been studied adequately from
different perspectives.2
The focus of the present paper is to reflect on some aspects of
reminiscences of the horrors of droughts and famines that lasted for 12
years, as described in the Buddhist jatakas, Khuddaka nikaya , the jain
Agamas , Divyavadana and the Mahabharata. It also seeks to determine
the time of its occurrence in history and finally to find out the essence
and nature of the kind of the resultant loss and lessons learnt which
find resonance in various sources.

The seven stories from the Buddhist jatakas unfold the picture of
drought and famines. In order of sequence, the accounts of Sakurta
jataka (no. 36), Vedabba jataka (no.48), Maccha jataka (no.75), Amba
jataka (no. 1 24), Kuru dhamma jataka (no.276), Nalinika jataka (no.526)
and finally Vessantara jataka (no. 547) shed light on the condition of
drought. According to the Sakurta jataka , the land of Kosala is described
to be suffering from drought a* the time of the Buddha.3 The Vedabbha
jataka speaks of rains of precie is things like gold, silver, pearl, cat's
eye, ruby and diamond from the sky in figurative manner.4 The Machha
jataka , on the other hand, gives a graphic description of a drought in
Kosala and Sravasti region, in which no rain fell and the crops withered,
everywhere the ponds, lakes and reservoirs dried up. But thanks to
Buddha's commands clouds deluged Kosala with torrential rains which
filled all the ponds and wells.5 The Amba jataka mentions the occurrence
of a great drought in the Himalayas and everywhere the water had
dried up and distress fell on all beasts.6 The jataka - Kurudhamma
describes the city of Dantapur as capital, which was under the rule of
the king of Kalinga. It has undergone the fate of a severe drought and
famines. There was fear of hunger, pestilence and famines. When the
king of Kalinga followed the precepts, then in all the realm of Kalinga

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 Ancient India 155

rain fell and these fears were removed.

was king of Indapattana city in the Kur
accounts of the Nalinika jataka there w
Kashi for 3 years due to Indra 's jealousy w
was scorched up, crafts suffered and peopl
decried the king for the failure of rain,
to the king to send his daughter Nalinika
took place throughout the kingdom of
gives an account of drought in the king
great famine. Men resorted to robbery. Th
help. But despite the king following aus
was suggested that if Sanjay was approa
where there was a glorious elephant, all
follow.9

It follows from the analysis of the ja

droughts affected the areas described as
country, Dantapur in Kalinga and the regio
lasted for 3 years. By and large the jatak
Buddha and might have been written bef
occurrence of drought in a wide area of
state of Uttar Pradesh and ancient Kalin
Another source known as Khuddaka pa
containing the jewel discourse (chapter 5
Vaishali10 gives a vivid description of th
residents,1 1 a place where there were 77
great city and its men suffered from
consequences. In the miseries that ensu
bodies were thrown outside. This led to t
into the city. Many more people died a
Ahivataka roja interpreted variously cho
also suffered from Nasika vata , i.e. dif
epidemic that followed first the flies d
mice and the last of all the human beings
(1,253) refers to another version of the
the famine, people went to the ruler and s
the city. This had never happened befo
dynasties. It is stated that with the Bud
downpour of rain took place. This cleans
corpses were swept into the Ganges.
It would appear from the above that
description of droughts in different parts
the occurrence of twelve years terrible fam

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156 IHC: Proceedings, 74th Session, 2013
after 160 years of Mahavira's death (about 367), during Chandragupta's
reign. It is confirmed by the jain accounts. At the time of the 12 years
famine Sthulabhadras is stated to be the leader of the monks. A meeting
was convened in Pataliputra where the compilation of jain canon was
done which is known as the Pataliputra version of jain traditions.13
Such an attempt at the compilation of the lost Angas was made under
the Kalinga king of the Mahameghavahana family, Kharavela. The
Hathigumpha cave inscription of Kharavela speaks about the
undertaking of the compilation (Upadayati) of the Angas as described
in line 16 as the crowning act of glory of Kharavela. This was
accomplished in the thirteenth year of his reign. It is said that the learned
Jains from all over India were assembled in a conference
( Samgharaganan ) on the Kumari hills. They put together onc
the sacred texts of Jainism. It is further.stated that no agreement
be reached as to the final restoration of the texts. The jain tr
says that 64 letters make up the jain sacred literature. The men
( Choyathi ) 64 in the inscription is a very difficult term and a my
expression. According to J.L. Jaini's views based on the accou
Gommata sara , "the knowledge of Sruti, Sruti-jnana may be of
which are contained in the Angas (limbs or sacred books of the
and of things outside the Angas". There are 64 simple letters
alphabets. Of these 33 are consonants, 27 vowels and 4 auxiliary
help in the formation of compound letters). According to K.P. J
and R.D. Banerjee,14 Jains had an alphabet of 64 letters, sever
which were not actual letters, but symbols. One school of the
maintains that only eleven Angas were recovered after the loss
reads, ' Anga satika turiyam ' instead of 'Anga satikam turiya
may get the meaning that the recompiled Angas were in two g
Satika = Saptika group of seven texts and Turiya = Turiya, a gr
four texts. In any case, the Jain tradition about the loss and the re
of the texts stands confirmed from the inscription. We find a
instance of the faithfulness of the Jain tradition. The monks honoured
at the Kumari hills in the thirteenth year were Shwetambaras as they
were given pieces of China cloth, China vatani and white robes (Vasa
sitaní) by Kharavela in his religious enterprise. He was emulating
Chandragupta and Ashoka.
Of late a scholar has tried to suggest the occurrence of some
(Harappan letters) symbols on the Sohgaura copper plate inscription
found from Gorakhpur/ Mahasthan fragmentary stone inscription found
from Bogara district written as an order to the state officials to remain
in readiness to meet the eventuality of drought or famine by keeping
their treasury and granaries full of money and grains. The symbols
suggested by the scholar are said to be mixed up in the epigraph.15 It is

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 Ancient India 1 57

interesting to note that both the inscription

and /or pre-Mauryan times. It is further
order of the high state officials of Sravas
camp as recorded in Sohagaura copper p
distribution of goods from the store houses
and Bhadra, in case of distress.16 It is fur
the name of one of the keepers of the sto
name of one of the three kinds of famines,
and Shalaka vriti described in the twelve
the Mendhakavadanam chapter of the Di
all the legends of the text are not merely
be embedded in the facts of the times to
That is why perhaps, Andy Rotman tr
anthropological than psychological works.
the Divyavadana is not regulated by "C
Without stories, the sculptures and paint
often undecipherable.20 Therefore the Bu
have a performative value, that both telling
can be a transformative experience: quest
telling and listening of stories within soc
The text of Divyavadana is replete wi
legends drawing a graphic picture of the gra
drought and famines lasting for 12 years. J
we pick up the essence of the legend o
Mendhakavadanam, Dasamam,23 Kotikarnavadanam,24 Danadhikara
Mahayana Sutra 25 as encapsulated in Divyavadana . The first of the
above legends, i.e. Kanakavarnavadanam unfolds the picture of a severe
drought which lasted for 12 years when the King Kanakavarna was
ruling in the capital township of Kanakavati, which was very extensive
covering an area of 12 yojanas in length and 8 yojanas in breadth,
consisting of 60000 Karvatas with large and opulent population. On
account of the 12 years drought, the whole country i.e. whole of India
suffered heavy loss in terms of men and matters, so much so that except
one Manika of food nothing remained. As a remedial measure, census
of the whole nation was undertaken and creation of one Kosthagara in
each place was ordered for the fair and equal distribution of food and
grains.
The second legend, Mendkavadanam speaks about the prophesy
of 12 years drought by the Soòth-sayers of the times, when Brahmdutta
was ruling over prosperous Varanasi. The story of the legend speaks
high of the generosity of the Grihapati , who opened his Kosthagara
and treasury for the needy people. The legend speaks of the severe

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158 ÍHC: Proceedings , 74th Session, 2013
drought and enumerates three kinds of the famines -Chanchu,
Shwetasthiand Shalakhavritti. The Chanchu is described as the starting
point when men in anticipation of coming of a death creature sow the
seeds. They will make the body of the seed from this binding the
outcome of the produce together, which is called Chanchu. When men
boil the bones of skeletons and drink its broth, it is called Shwetasthi
famine. When people take out the pods of grains from the holes, the
broth prepared out of them by boiling is known as Shalakavritti famine.
The king Brahmadutta made an announcement that those who had
provisions for 12 years, should stay back, but those who do not have
should leave and come only when the famine is over. The definition of
the three kinds of famine also occurs in another account entitled,
Mendhakavadanam Das m am. 2(3

The third legend Kotikarnavadanam speaks of Kotikarna's visit to

Ayasanagar which was under the grip of serious drought for 12 years
and the place of his visit is described as Pretanagar. The sufferers of
the pangs of the famine deemed it as the result of their past actions. A
case in point may be cited as the repentance of a butcher of sheep and
others. Another account comes from the capital of Utpalavatti in
Uttarapatha. Here a lady giving birth to a male child in hunger wanted
to eat the flesh of her own newly born child which is stated to have
been saved by lady Rupavati by cutting her two breasts and offering
them as food. In addition to the above, there are other accounts which
speak about the famines of miscellaneous types at different points to
time. Thus we see that various legends confirm the occurrence of 12
years drought. In this regard when we turn to the accounts of the
Mahabharata's twelve years drought, we find interesting revelations
of the loss of the Vedas and Vedic learning and subsequent attempts to
revive afresh the forgotten knowledge due to the twelve years drought.
Mandhata, the son of Yuvnasva is given the credit of managing the
rainfall himself for the upliftment and betterment of agriculture during
twelve years drought.27 The same epic speaks of a severe drought of
twelve years in the Himalayas.28 It is stated that during the twelve years
drought, all the sages (of Sarasvata muni tirtha ) in Kurukshetra started
running here and there in all directions in search of subsistence, being
afflicted by hunger.29 During this twelve years displacement of 60000
disciples who had taken instructions in the studies of Veda had forgotten
the Vedas completely. On suggestions 60000 of them took their lessons
from Sarasvata muni. The whole account of the loss of the Vedas and
its rejuvenation is brought out on enquiry of Janamejaya from
Vaisampayana.30 The Tirtha Yatra section of Aranyakaparva attests to
the loss and forgetfulness of the Vedas at the Sarasvata tirtha near
Tungakaranya in the Sapta Godavari tirtha. The credit is given to the

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 Ancient India 159

son of Angirasa, who under the cover

Vedas, which he had practiced previously.
of drought is stated to have taken pla
years age, when the longevity of the p
of all descriptions are destroyed due to
ponds, seas stand exhausted. Similarly,
up.33 At the termination of the age (
mendicants, all will be in vain.34 The e
of skeletons.35 At the turn of the end of
all the directions will be afflicted by erra
and the crops will not grow at this
expressed in the Mahabharata which m
twelve years drought and the beginn
between the advent of the Buddha and Mahavira on the one hand and
the reign of Chandragupta Maurya on the other. It is stated that
Bhadrabahu, the leader of the Jain Samghas knew 14.Purvagamas,36
which are not known now. The known portions of the Jain canon may
quite possibly belong to Mahavira and his disciples to the period after
two centuries of Mahavira's nirvana , when the council of the Jainas
was held at Pataliputra. In the opinion of H. Jacobi, the origin of the
most ancient canon of the Jains may be ascribed to the fourth or the
beginning of the third century B.C.37
If the tentative identification of the Tungakaranya and the Sapta
Godavari tirtha described in the Mahabharata (where the loss of Vedic
learning was regained by the sages), with Amaravati and /or Bhattiprolu
in the Andhra Pradesh is corroborated, this may be indicative of the
experiments in the new learning by devising a new way of writing at
Bhattiprolu. Because no inscription is found with a character of
Bhattiprolu it is held that Bhattiprolu characters made some impact on
the orthography of Tamil - Brahmi script also.38 It may be pointed out
in recapitulation that Pataliputra, Kurukshetra, Amaravati and place of
the first and /or second Buddhist conference might have experimented
and innovated the loss of learning by some innovations of script in
which the various texts were sought to be written.

NOTESAND REFERENCES

1. Ramesh C. Dutt, Famines and Land Assessment in India , Delhi, re

This study throws light on the gruesome and melancholic tales of recur
- 1770 -1879 and four in 1889, 1892, 1897 and 1900, totalling about t
within a period of 130 years of British rule. Other major works belo
Blair, Indian Famine, their Historical, Financial and other Aspects
Remarks on their Management and some notes on Preventing an
Measures ), reprint Delhi, 1986; B.M. Bhatia, Famines in India ( 1860-1

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 160 IHC : Proceedings, 74th Session, 2013
edition, Delhi, 1967 and A. Loveday, History and Economics and Indian Famines,
app. A. London, G. Bellani Sons Limited.
2. Atreyi Bishwas, Famines in Ancient India {A Study of Agro-Economy from Pre-
Historic to Early Historic Period ), New Delhi, 2000; Moti Chand, "Rationing
and Other Famine Relief Measures in Ancient India" Journal of U.P. Historical
Society , 1945, pp. 1 8-30; L.P. Pandey, "Famines in Ancient India", Journal of Indian
History, Vol.53, pp. 25-32; R.L. Raikes, " Kalibangan : Death from Natural Causes ",
Antiquity , Vol. XLI, pp. 2 86-291, 1968; and C. Ramas wamy, "Monsoon Over Indus
Valley During the Harappan Period", Nature, Vol.217, no.5129, pp.628.
3. The Jataka Stories of the Buddha's Former Births , translated from the Pali by
various hands under the editorship of E.B. Cowell, Vol.1 translated by Robert
Chalmers, Delhi, 1973, p.9l.
4. Ibid., pp. 121-124.
5. Ibid., pp. 183-1 88.
6. Ibid., pp. 273-274.
7. Ibid., Vol.2, pp.25 1-260.
8. Ibid., Vol.5, pp. 100-104.
9. Ibid., Vol.6, p. 252.
10. From Pali Text Society Translation Series , no. 32 the 'minor readings' ( Khuddaka
Patha ), translation from Pali by Bhikkhu Navamoli, London, 1960, pp.4- 10.
11. Ibid., p.175.
12. Ibid., p.177.
13. J.C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canon and Commentaries
(6th century B.C. to 1 7th Cnetury A.D.), Second revised and enlarged edition,
Delhi, 1984.
14. K.P. Jayasval and R.D. Banerjee, "The Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela",
Epigraphia Indica , Vol. XX, p. 77.
15. Sambhunath Mondai, Ancient Indian Coins (Decoding of Their Indus Brahmi
Inscriptions ), Kolkata, 2013, pp. 80-82.
16. For discussions on two Inscriptions, see page nos. 71 and 89 in S C. Mishra,
Evolution of Kautilya's Arthasastra, An Inscriptional Approach , Delhi, 1997.
1 7. E.B. Cowell and R. A. Neil (eds.) The Divyavadana, A Collection of Early Buddhist
Legends , pp. 131-132.
18. Andy Rotman, Thus Have I Seen (visualizing Faith in Early Indian Buddhism ),
OUP, 2009.

19. Ibid., p. 69 cites Jay: 1994.

20. Ibid., p.201.
21. Ibid., Epilogue, p. 202.
22. The Divyavadana , op. cit., XX, pp. 290-298.
23. Ibid., X, pp.131-135.
24. Ibid., I, pp. 1-24.
25. Ibid., XXXII, pp. 471-472.
26. Ibid., p. 131.

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 Ancient India 161

27. Mahabharata (Bhandarkar Research Institut

28. Ibid., 9.47.30.
29. Ibid., 9.50.35, 9.50.40.
30. Ibid., 9.50.2.
31. Ibid., 3.83.41-57.
32. Ibid., 3.186.56; Tasmin yuga sahasrante samprapte chayusah kshayaha
anarvristirmaharaja jayate bahuvarsiki.
33. Ibid., 3.186.59.
34. Ibid., 3.186.33.
35. Edukachihna prthivi; Mahabharata , 3.188.69.
36. J.C. Jain, op.cit., p.33.
37. Ibid., p.41.
38. R. Rajan, "Situating Early Historie Times of Tamil Nadu", Sectional President's
Address, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 68th session, Delhi, 2007,
pp. 1278-1279.

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