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WOMEN LABOUR IN MEDIEVAL AASHAM: SLAVERY AND PRODUCTION SYSTEM

Author(s): M. Parwez
Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2013, Vol. 74 (2013), pp. 328-334
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44158832

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WOMEN LABOUR IN MEDIEVAL
A ASH AM: SLAVERY AND PRODUCTION
SYSTEM
M. Parwez

One of the prominent state formations in the eastern frontiers of the


Mughal empire was the Ahorņ state, ruled by the Ahoms. They were a
branch of the Shan/Tai race and were occupying the northern and
eastern hill tracts of upper Burma and western Yunnan,1 where they
formed a group of states called Mļing-mau or Pong. In 1228 AD, the
Ahom pressed by thç Burmese in the Maulung district of upper Irawadi
crossed the Patkai range and entered into the eastern part of the
Brahmaputra Valley under the leadership of Sukapha.2 Initially, they
established themselves in the south-eastern corner of the Brahmaputra
Valley after subjugating the Moran and Borah 'i tribes and they finally
got assimilated within the Ahom system.3
Prior to 1 228 in the Brahmaputra Valley there were other established
slate formations on the ruin of the ancient kingdom of Kamrupa. A
number of tribal and non-tribal polities had emerged. Thç state of
Karnrupa existed between the rivers Barnadi and Karotoya , in the east
there were two dominant states like Chutiya and Cachari and in the
west there were a number of feudal chieftains called Bhuyan.4 The
political history of the Ahoms was, therefore, largely struggle for the
mastery between the new entrants the Ahoms and these states. The
subsequent power struggle led to rise of the Ahoms, at the cost of
existing states.5 Along the political extension the Ahoms kings also
adopted a policy of systematic settling of Ahom families in the newly
conquered territories to strengthen their position. However, the main
foundation on which the establishment of state, its function and
domination rested on Ahoms' intervention in the production process,
through which it strengthened state structure.6 Since, 1206, the Ahom
state was involved in large number of major conflicts with Bengal
sultans and the Mughal rulers, which finally culminated in the battle
of Itakhuli in 1682. Besides, they had constai t warfare with other
chieftains of the region. The paper seeks to understand the role of slave
labour , particularly women slaves in the production system in the Ahpm
State.

The Ahoms introduced wet rice economy by reclaiming land. They


cleared the forests and levelled the surface, using better iron implements
and had employed the technique of water control on the slopes, which
proved crucial for the wet rice cultivation7 . This had started a

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Medieval India 329

flourishing agrarian economy and had s


embankment, which necessitated compuls
organised under Paik system and the paik
community wet rice land free of tax.8
The agriculture was the primary sector p
the king was the owner of the land wh
nobility and paiks in lieu of their service
types of land firstly, household and orc
used for cultivation of ahu , mustard etc. a
The third category was very important a
granted it to paik whereas the first tw
private possession with some clannish r
categories of land were available in abun
sell, gift or mortgage the land.10
In Assam two major varieties of rice a
where sali was more productive and req
transplantation, The Ahoms were able to ra
required amount of rain water.1 1 The
barriers required huge manpower and t
enļisted thç whole adult male population
into khel where each member of the kh
was further divided into got consisting
was expected to render one man year of
one paik rendered the service of the stat
the land thus, ensuring continuous suppl
of a paik.i? Thus, the medieval Assames
sufficient having artisans and craftsmen
for carrying out non-agricultural produc
Although, we do not get any direct
Chroniclers about women participatio
process, but plausible inferences can be dra
state had to fight innumerable wars wit
or Mughals. They were also in constan
chieftains. During the war all, the mem
to render service to the state and in suc
were closely involved in the agricultura
wet rice cultivation was very labour inte
is also true in case of feudal north India1
note the observation of Amalendu Guha,
"In general, caste rules were less rigorous, less specialized, less elaborate
and less inhibiting in the region than elsewhere. For example, there wa$
no taboo against Brahmin women's participation in the sowing and
harvesting operations in rice-field or in weaving".14

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330 IHC: Proceedings, 74th Session, 20Ì3

As the Brahmin women were participating in the agricultural works,


the women of other section of society might be also participating in
such works.

The different estates (mels) were granted to ladies of royal house


hold obviously, for management and to derive income out of it. The
raidangia mel granted to chief queen, parvada mel to second queen,
purani mel & na - mel to other consorts15. Similarly, estates were granted
to daughters, nieces, daughter in law queen mother, king's nurse and
even to step mother. It certainly indicate if not completely, to great
extent some say in the management of granted estates by the women.
Weaving of cloth was generally done in all households by women
irrespective of their caste status".16 Evidence of weaving also comes
from Buranji, " one of the principal duty of the Parvatia Phukan was to
supply spun threads and weaving materials to the queen". 17Raw cotton,
muga and silk thread formed important items of export to Bengal18 and
women must have contributed greatly in production process.19
There was absence of market network in Ahom state as most of
the produce were consumed locally. Talish has also observed presence
of a small daily bazaar on a narrow street in the capital city of Garhgaon
and only sellers who sat there were betal leaf sellers.20 Although, Talish
did not notice women seller in hat , Amalendu Guha mentions, "women
vendors, amongst others, brought head loads of various provisions for
sale to Nazirahat located outside the city gates", which ample prove
their activities so far economic activities were concerned.21

Slavery and Economic Production


The Buranjis frequently mention slavery though in different context.
Largely, it mentions about appointment of son of female slave as chief
official of the state. In the reign of Sukhampha ( Khora Raja) 1 552-
1603, among the chief officers of the state was Shukhamsheng- a son
of a female slave.22 When Shukhrungpha ( Rudra Singha) ascended the
throne in 1696 and shifted his capital to Chermun ( Rangpur) among
the chief officials , there were three persons born of slave mother namely
Thaomung Katak, Lashaikhampeng Chaophrang and Kalangshu
Phukan.23 Buranji , further informs that there were seven families
descended from a female slave, who were called Duaras. Phrangpim
family also descended from female slave. The family separated into
two branch and one of these was named as Lukkhakhum and the King
had assigned this family to the Buragohain as hatimuria. The name of
the man was Kapshan and his mother born from a female slave.24
In resolution of conflict or in form of dowry female slaves were
given. During conflict with Kachari Raja in 1489, he was offered twelve

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Medieval India 3 3 1

female slave along with other gifts25 .In form


given, in 1608 Koch king was offered 20 fam
instance 10 female slaves and two male slaves were given to
bride.26During the festivities to mark the coronation of the king Pramatta
Singha, he was offered ą pair of male and female slave alongwith other
objects27. Prisoner of wars were converted to slaves and at times many
persons voluntarily become slave of great person in lieu of food i.e
conditional bondage. 28ln the reign of Pratap Singha, Nawab Abdul
Islam presented twelve women slaves alongwith other article to the
king.29 Shihabuddin Talish observed that after occupation of Aasham
by Mir Jumla many slaves were freed who were basically war prisoners,
''within a very short time, those Muslims and non Muslims who having
been separated from their homeland, community and family, were
confined to the chain of degradation and had never seen the true image
of their liberty in the mirror of their thought, escaped from bondage of
slavery gracefully and happily as if a bird escaped from the cage".30
He also was a witness of excavation of such graves in Garhgaon which
were excavated in presence of Mir Jumla, He writes, " the noble and
high ranking officers prepare funeral vaults for their dead and also put
some utensils made of gold and silver, carpets dress materials and
eatable items necessary for a period of several years inside it. They
also put wives and servants of a dead person inside the crypt after
having killed them".31
Women were also involved in economic production system and
services in form of slaves. The institution of slavery was extensively
prevailing in the Ahom state. E. Gait says, " the owning of slaves,
however, was by no means confined to the nobles, and all persons of
respectable positions had one or more of them, by whom all drudgery
of the household and the labour of the fields were performed... They
were bought and sold openly, the price ranging from about twenty rupees
for an adult male of a good caste to three rupees for a low caste girl.32
Gait further observed that the officials cultivated their land largely
with slave labour and these persons were on their masters' disposal
and they were not rendering mandatory labour service to the state.33
The adult females usually sell themselves for clearing debt or to
relieve the parents from debt. Similarly, a slave marrying a non slave
the non slave also become slave and property of the owner.34 Moreover,
children of slave or children of a slave woman born from freeman also
becpme slave.35 Large scale slaves were involved in agricultural and
other works including domestic works. The banditeti (in male and
female domestic slaves were at the lowest end of the social ladder.36
The slaves including women slaves could be bought, sold and even
exported though it was considered bad.37 The status of girl orphan was

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332 IHÇ : Proceedings , 74th Session, 2013

not good as an early 19th century evidence suggest. British official


Broadie reported from Nowgong to Jenkins that:-
"

one day brought before me, where a girl bein


sold by her father 's clan, and there seems to b
clan had right to sell or give in marriage any
father was a member of it, left without parents or

The debt slavery was wide spread and person


servitude to overcome debt. It was estimated in 1830 after annexation
by the British that the slaves numbered around 27000 out of a population
of 350000 in lower Assam. 39On British occupation thousands of slaves
were freed and of estimated population of about 27 1 944 of the Kamrup
in 1830s about six percent were slaves and three percent were in
bondage taking it nine percent, thus the servile population constituted
a large proportion of the population.40
The British officials accounts of early 19th century also testified
that for working on the large farm the assistance gained from slaves. It
observed that, "all the domestics are slaves, and they are pretty
numerous, every man of rank having several. The slaves are procured
from among the necessitous, who mortgage themselves, in the same
manner as in the eastern divisions of Raggapur. Some are exported.
About a hundred of pure caste are annually sold to Bengal. They are
mostly children: girls are chiefly bought ..., and cost from tweleve to
fifteen rupees. A Koch boy costs twenty five rupees, a Kolita fifty.
Slaves of impure tribes are sold to the Garos, and many are said to be
sent to Nora, from whence they are probably exported to Ava."41
Slavery was all pervasive in medieval Assamese society and formed
backbone for production whether agricultural or domestic production
works. The women were mainly involved in these works. The women
largely involved in the domestic work, therefore, they were frequently
given in form of dowry. Female child and women were also mortgaged
and converted into slave to overcome debt problem. However, the slaves
had right to marry and children. At times, they can marry free man and
the children born also become slave. The production system of
medieval Aasham largely dependent of slave labour including female
slaves and almost all the domestic work including spinning and weaving
work managed by the women labour.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Edward Gait, A History of Assam, Guwahati, 1997, p. 66


2. Ibid pp. 71-73.
3. Ibid,, pp. 73-74.

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Medieval India 333

4. Ibid., pp.73-74.
5. Amalendu Guha, "Medieval North-East Iridia : Polity, Society and Economy 1200-
1750AD", Occasional paper 19, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta,
1978, pp. 2-4.
6. Sajal Nag. "The Socio-economic Base of Medieval Assam in thé Light of the Asiatic
Mode of Production". NEH (J Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 1-1 ,
Shillong. 1998, pp. 32-38.
7. Tejimala Gurung, ibid., pp. 50-5 1 .
8. Ibid, pp. 5 6-5 8.
9. Edward Gait, op. cit., pp.209, 270.
10. Ibid., p. 209.
11. Amalendu Guha, "The Medieval Economy of Assam", in Cambridge Economic
History of India, vol. L 1200-1750, (ed.) Tapan Roychaudhury and Irfan Habib,
Delhi,' 1984, pp.480-8ļ2.
12. Sajal Nag, Roots of Ethnic Conflict : Nationality Question in North-East India ,
Delhi. 1990, pp. 19-20.
13. R.S. Sharma Indian Feudalism, Macmillian, Delhi, 1980. See also his answer to
Harbans Mukhia's objection to Indian feudalism. The women were supposed to be
the first agriculturist. In India, the first agricultural community settled at Mehergarh
(Baluchistan), the women were the first agriculturist Op cit. Irfan Habib,
Technology, pp. 1 -5 ).

14. Amalendu Guha, "The Medieval Economy of Assam", The Cambridge Economy
History of India, Vol.1, C. 1200-C1 750, op. cit.
15. A.C Sarma, Tai System of Government , B.R.Pub. Delhi, 1986, pp. 13 1-32.
16. Amalendu Guha, Medieval and Early Colonial Assam Society Polity Economy,
K.P. Bagchi, Calcutta. 1991, p.82.
Ajanta Cave frescos (Cave no.l) depicts a woman with roller board used for the
separation of seeds. During medieval period spinning was usually done by the
women cf. Irfan Habib, Technology, op. cit., pp. 36-40.
Also see Ishrat Alam ," Textile technology in Ancient and Medieval India", in
Anirudha Ray ed. Technology in Ancient and Medieval India.
17. Harakanta, Asom Buranji, p 1 27 cited inA.C. Sarma, Tai Ahom System of
Government, B.R. Pub., Delhi, 1986, pp. 159-60.
18. Amalendu Guha, Ibid., pp.2 1-22, Guha Cited Talish.
19. It is interesting to nòte S Etidle provide details of women involvement in
agricultural wçrk, fishing, spinning and weaving process among the Kacharis a
tribe always remained in conflict with Ahoms. Though Endle's account is of late
19u' century but reflected the women's participation in economic activités. See S.
Endle, The Kacharies, Cosmo, Delhi, first pub 1911, rep. 1975.
20. Tallish, op. cit., M. A. Library Collection A.M.U., folio 38 (b).
21. Amalendu Guha, Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. J op. cit., p. 489, He
has cited Katha - Guru Charita.

It is possible Talish did not see them as sellers as their activities were restricted
due to fear of Ahoms, who were ruthless in billing their enemies. Cf. Manucci
Stor io-do-Mo gor, op. cit.

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334 I HC : Proceedings , 74 th Session , 2075
22. Ahom Bunerji From the Earliest time to the end of Ahom Rule, tr. G.C. Barua,
Spectrum Guwahati, Rep. 1985, pp.30.
23. Ibid., pp.3 1-32.
24. Ibid., pp. 34-36.
25. Ibid., p.53.
26. Ibid., pp.92-93,97,1 13.
27. Tungkhungia Buranji 1 68 1 -/ 826 AD complied edited and translated by
S.K.Bhuyan, Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies (DSAS),
Guwahati, 1990, pp. 47-48.
28. Ibid.

29. Ibid., p. 68.


30. Shihabuddin Talish, Tarikh-i Asaham Guwahati, 2009, p. 44. Also see Persi
MSS "Fathiya Ibriyya" M.A. Library, AMU, Aligarh.
31. Shihabuddin Talish, Fathiya Ibriya, University Collectiön no. 98 Maulana A
Library, AMU, folio 38(b).
32. E. Gait, A History of Assamt 1963, cited in A.C. Sarma, Tai Ahom Syste
Government, B.R.Pub., Delhi, 1986, p. 62.
33. E. Gait, A History of Assam 7,h edition, Lawyer's book, Guwahati 1997, p.2
34. A.C. Sarma, Ibid., p. 62. Also see, Robinson, Descriptive Account of Assam, 1
35. A.C. Sarma, Ibid.

36. Amalendu Guha, Medieval and Early Colonial Assam, op.cit., p.47.
Presence of slavery particular women slaves also inferred from Bunerji, which
mentions several sons of slave women rose to high offices of the state cf. Ahom
Bunerji From the Earliest time to the end of Ahom Rule, tr. G.C. Barua, Spectrum
Guwahati, Rep. 1985, pp.28, 30, 32, 33, 50 etc.
37. ¡bid., p.53.
38. Ibid ., pp. 50-51, Guha cited Brodie to Jenkins 15 No. 1835.
39. A.C. Sharma, Ibid.
40. Guha, op. cit.
41. Francis Hartiilton(Buchanan), An Account of Assam, DHAS, Guwahati, (first
compiled in 1807-1814) third reprint 1987 ed S.K. Bhuyan, p,66.

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