ECONOMIC CONTOURS OF HERO'S DEN: UNTALKED DYNAMICS OF GOGAMEDI SHRINE

IN MEDIEVAL RAJASTHAN
Author(s): Sarita Sarsar
Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2013, Vol. 74 (2013), pp. 323-327
Published by: Indian History Congress

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 ECONOMIC CONTOURS OF HERO'S DEN:
UNTALKED DYNAMICS OF GOGAMEDI
SHRINE IN MEDIEVAL RAJASTHAN
Sarita Sarsar

Gogaji, the name which is extensively chanted and venerated fa r and wi

both within and outside Rajasthan speaks of a profile whose memo
overshoots his historic life span. Goga, Gugga, Goga Pir, Gugga Bir, som
of the popular epithets that this figure has assumed in common ling
franca is outgrowth of evolving cultic paradigm. The life of Gogaji,
medieval century folk deity of Rajasthan, saw many transitions especiall
from historical figure to folk hero arid finally into a folk deity, which ha
histories ready for contemplation. This medieval hero who eventual
was defied also was the focus of a flourishing cult. The folk c
progressively situated itself at the final resting place of Gogaji, at
GogainedL A cult evolving itself into a shrine is not new in history, but
what calls for a close study at Gogamedi is the continuously spreadi
economic profile of the site. My paper seeks to reach an understanding o
this very temple economy enshrined at hero's den, especially since m
of the scholarly endeavours have only restricted themselves to the study
of multiple characters of Gogtf's identity. As is apparent from recorded
references dating back to 17th century, Gogamedi is the site of annual f
organised in the memory of Goga in the month of Bhadon i.e. August an
true to the spirit of Goga's cult people from different communities frequ
the temple complex. The way state through this Devasthan (temple
authority has successfully tabbed this cross communal, cross region
following for economic benefits requires close scrutiny, especially si
the site does not concern any main stream of faith but folk religion wh
has always been downplayed by the political echelons.
Historically speaking Gogaji was born in Chauhan Rajput clan to
Bachhal (mother) and Jeevar (father), a fact corroborated by Bànkid
Asiyas and Barhat Asa's account1. He stood as the champion of dow
trodden masses, who perceived him as the preserver of pastoral weal
and protector of cattle-herds- hal balaadi Goga rakhwalar. This als
resulted in clashes with his cousins Arjan and Sarjan, an aspect which has
been documented in 1 7th century bardic accounts namely Goga Chh
and Gogaji ri Nishani 3. His extensive popularity is visible at Gogame

Gogamedi: Structural Facets

Gogamedi situated in the Nauhar tehsil of Hanumangarh district õ
Rajasthan, is a village assemblage, named after Gogaji himself. It is

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324 I HC : Proceedings, 74th Session, 2013

believed to be the place where Gogaji breathed his last and therefore a
Samadhi in his name is constructed over here. Unlike a Hindu worship
place, Gogamedi from outside resembles a Muslim structure with a central
Gumbad or dome and minarets decorating its four corners. It is white in
color. It is believed that in the beginning there may have been a small
worship place but sometimes around the sixteenth century a converted
Chauhan follower of Gogaji may have raised a very much Muslim- like
structure. It is a well-established fact that a major chunk of the followers
of dogaji are Muslims. A group of Chauhans called Gogawats were avid
followers of Gogaji, and they over passage of time converted to Islam4.
Also the major priestly class at the Gogamedi temple belongs to the Islamic
faith. The medi was earlier surrounded by a huge forested land, of which
only patches are left now, as the land has been brought under cultivation.
This forest land is called Ļbani ', ' auyan ' and ť jodh ' of Gogaji5.

Priestdom at Gogamedi
Gogamedi temple houses two bodies of priestly class i.e. the Muslim
Chahal Pujaris and the Hindu Pujaris. Historically speaking the presence
of the Chahal Pujaris is well documented- Chahal shri Gogaji ri medi re
pujaris sadamat su6 i.e. People from Chahal community have been the
priests at the Gogamedi temple of Gogaji from a long time. When we look
at the vamshawalis or the genealogy of the Chauhans, especially the one
that ruled the Dadrewa region it becomes clear, that the Chahals or Chayals
or Chahils are a sub- branch or clan of the Chauhans. Many of them
converted to Islam over passage of time7. It is their descendants who are
present in the Gogamedi temple as priests. Though the exact date of their
taking over the priesthood is not clear, it may have been after the temple
was given the shape of a Muslim Tomb. The presence of priestly class of
two faiths i.e. Islam and Hinduism, at the site lends it a unique character.
This however, is not the one off feature of uniqueness, as even the annual
fair furthers this specialty.

Fairs and Festivals

A temple can be an embodiment of several rituals which assume both

social as well as economic proportions. At the Gogamedi temple an annual
fair is organised during the month of Bhadon (August- Septembér), wherein
a snake carved on stone, is worshipped by a large number of people.8
Thousands and thousands of people flock this shrine and their number
increases every year.9 The economic variant of the Gogamedi is that it is
the place where one of the largest cattle fair of the Rajasthan is organised.
Traders from Nauhar, Bhadra, Hanumangarh, and Ganganagar assemble
here and considerable amount of trade in camel and cattle take place at

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 Medieval India 325

this fair.10 This cattle fair, which initially

principalities, has now been over taken
similarly the temple structure is now unde
fair of Gogamedi is well recorded and the s
to reconstruct the ritualistic as well as the economic dimensions of the
fair.

References from revenue records namely Sawa Bahi Nauhar and

Bhadra (villages in medieval Bikaner), indicate that, oeople of different
communities visited the temple on several occasions owing to different
reasons. In this respect the following few quotes are worthy of observation.
They speak of people from communities like Teli, Madaari, Choudhary
and many others. Rs.40) Seerni daan darwaaje nay i karaayo te kari chhe
Naath Raj teli 11 i.e. A teli (oilpresser) named Nath Raj donated 40 rupees
when he got a new gate installed at his home. In another similar reference,
Rs 1) Shri Gogeji ri medi chadhaya bheem madaari fagun sud 2,12 i.e. one
rupee was donated by a Madari, (one who shows play acts of the monkeys).
Rs.51) Shri Gogeji ri medi upar chadhaya Chaudhary JagmaP i.e.
Chaudhary Jagmal donated 51 rupees at the medi. The donations by all
such visitors have collectively helped in the economic progress of the
site. However, apart from these visitors even the state was instrumental in
the economic evolution of the site.

Role of State in Maintenance of Rituals and Law Situation

The state revenue records are full of explicit details, of how the prayer
rituals at the Gogamedi temple took place and also speak of the essential
commodities of which the state made donations of money. Rs.321) Shri
Gogeji re medi re mele ri kati vad 14 amawas diya deepawali ri raahani
lori va dhirat ser 4 dhup ser 5 seerni ser 6ÌA i.e. 32 1 rupees were utilized
from the annual donations by the state for purchasing Ghee (4ser), Incense
sticks (5 ser)* Seerni or Prasad (6ser) for prayer and also to pay the ritual
singers for performing on the day of Diwali. Another such reference speaks
of purchase of puja material worth 124 rupees 1 aana i.e., Rs.124 laana.)
Shri Gogeji ri mele ri medi taai tel ser 3, gugal ser 8. 15 It noticeable that
even the devotees made certain donations for the maintenance of the temple.
Rs3) Shri Gogeji konalo falso savrayo tenu GumaniramXb i.e. for repair
work at the main gate of the Gogamedi three rupees were donated by
Gumaniram. Similarly a person from kandai (sweet-meat maker)
community donated 5camels to the shrine, i.e. uth 5 shri Gogaji ri medi
taai bhent kiya ra Makhi Kandoi. 17
The State looked into the maintenance of the law and order in medi
during the fair. The following quotes provide good insights into this role
of the state. Rs.3 11) Aadmi 4 nawa raakhiya bandukchi 4 shri Gogeji ri

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326 IHÇ: Proceedings , 74th Session, 2013
medi meliya ten iwaj miti duja saawan sud 818 i.e. 4 people of general
ranks and 4 guntnen were appointed in the medi in the month of sawan i.er
Spring and for this 3 1 1 rupees were spent. People were also inçriminated
if they engaged in any ills or wrongs at the Medi. In thę following quote
one Gulab Singh was charged with 10 rupęes when he tried to utilize
some duplicate or illegal currency at the medi- Rs. 10) Shri Gogeji ri medi
meliya Gulab Singh khota rupya chalaaya te gunegaari kar liya bandukchi
badhwa sud 8. 19

The flourishing trade in cattle at the Gogamedi fair is also recorded in

the state archival records. These examples are indicative of the fact that
both the state and thp traders gained financially from it. 42 Rs. 15 P) Shri
Gogeji re melę ri jgaat ra jama kharch talto bhadwo sud 8 haste C hau han
Veer Singh20 i.e. 42 rupees and 15 paisa were taken from Veer Singh of
Chauhan community ąs tax during the cattle fair. In another reference
4911 rupees were collected as jagat tax from Thakur Jagmal and Seth
Danmal, who had visited cattle fair of Goagmedi from a very far off place
i.e, Rs49dl) Shri Gogeji ri medi me baldho utha va ghodi ro bharta mele
me Thakur Jagraj va Sęth Danmal silepaus aaya , te babat ra jamar1. The
Municipal council was the chief revenue collector on the behalf of the
state and its superior power was apparent during the annual cattle fair of
(jogamedi too. Following is one such reference. Rs20009 ) Shri Gogaji ri
medi me baldho uthha va ghodi ro mele me bgladh biksi tori jgaat sadamat
mujab su lesi membraan council miti ashaadsud 13 22 i.e. in the Gogamedi
cattle fair the jnunicipal Council of the state, as its due right collected
some 20009 rupees on the 1 3th date of the month of Ashad .
The above references are indicative of the fact that Gogaji and his
following with the passage of time assumed shape of a cult and
consequently it can be stated that, the memory of Gogaji outlived him.
The temple complex of Gogamedi stands out as a live example of folk
religion evolving into a cult which percolated to a level of pushing state
oriented mobilization. State supported by the ever expanding multitude of
visitors emerged as the chief beneficiary of the temple especially as far as
donation is concerned. Revenue driven motives of the state were always
hidden under the garb of maintenance activities, law and order regulations.
However, thęse above stated attempts of the State to improvise upon its
authority did lead to evolution of the temple site into an economic hub.
Extensive money changed hands during the cattle fair and this along with
the rampantly increasing donations further expanded the financial base of
the state. The level to which this monetization helped the temple priests is
questionable, especially if we go by the present court case involving the
revenue sharing between the Chahal and Brahaman priests. Maharaja
Ganga Singh in 20th century realized the economic worth of the temple
and introduced the Brahmin priests at the temple so as to attract the

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 Medieval India 327

followers. This action did increase the visi

the pockets of the state, but eventually a
amongst the priests, who are representativ
and Islam. The expanding economic pr
crucial initially but in long run, it also b
war amongst the priests in particular and
thus has paid a heavy price for its increa
can be concluded that states engageme
expand the economic profile of the site
process of inter- faith mixing for which

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 . Bankidas Asiya, Bankidas ri Khyat , p. 1 42, Rajasthan Oriental Research Institut

Kavi Barhat Asa, Ath Gogapedi , Manuscript, Jodhpur records, granthaak 5, bast
Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner (RSAB).
2. R.C. Temple, The Legends of Panjab, vol. I, Rupa Publication.
3. Gogaji ki nishani, manuscript, krmaak 19, Anoop Sanskrit library (Bikan
Chhand , manuscript, kramak 13769, 1704 V.S. /1647 A.D., Prachya Vidya Pratis
Bikaner. (author unknown).
4. Govind Aggarwal, "Lok Devta Chauhan Vir Gogaji", Marubharfi , year 32, Ju
p. 18.
5. Surya Shankar Parik, "Gogamedi Ek Ithihaasik Vivechan", Marubharti , 1978, p. 19. A
shop owner, Radhe Shyam Rajput at Gogamedi also talked of the existence of this extensive
forest.

6. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. /, 1822 V.S./ 1765A.D. , RSAB, p. 42.
7. Kavi Jaan, Kayam Khan Raso , p. 48.
8. K.K. Shehgal, Rajasthan District Gazetteer- Gan gana gar, Mahavir Printing Press, Jaipur,
1972, p. 98.
9. Ibid., p. 1 58. The number of people, both devotes and traders have increased many folds
in the recent times and this was corroborated by even the priests at the Gogamedi temple.
Zakir Hussain, a chahal priest at the temple stated that more than one lakh people come
to the medi in the month of Bhadon or Bhadrapad.
1 0. K. K. Shehgal, Rajasthan District Gazetteer- Ganganagar, Mahavir Printing Press, Jaipur,
1972, p. 167.
U. Sawa Bahi Bhadra (Bikaner), Bahi No. 1, 1875 V.S. / 1818 A.D , B, RSAB, p. 286.
12. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 10t 1870 VS. / 1813A.D., B, RSAB, p.87.
13. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 9/2 , 1865 V.S. / 1808 A.D., AB, RSAB, p.201.
14. Sawa Bahi Bhadara (Bikaner), Bahi No. 2, 1875 V.S./ 1828 A.D., B, RSAB, p. 66.
15. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 9/2 , 1865 V.S./ 1808 A.D., A, RSAB, p. 237.
16. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 2, 1825/ 1768, RSAB, p.5B.
17. Sawa Bahi Bhadra (Bikaner), Bahi No. 2 , 1875 V.S. /1828 A.D., RSAB, p. 45 B.
18. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 1, 1822/ 1765, RSAB, p. 125 B.
19. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 12, 1872/ 1815, RSAB, p. U 5 B.
20. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 9/1 , 1862 V.S./ 1805 A.D., RSAB, p. 107 A.
-21. Sawa Bahi Nauhar (Bikaner), Bahi No. 15 , 1878 V.S ./ 1821 A.D., RSAB, p.312B.
22. Kagad Bahi (Bikaner), Bahi No. 81, 1 835 V.S /1 778 A.D., RSAB, p. 25A.

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