CHANGING CONTOURS OF SOCIAL GEOGRAPHY IN KASHMIR: FROM "NILAMATA

PURANA" TO "RAJATARANGINI"
Author(s): Suman Jamwal
Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2013, Vol. 74 (2013), pp. 140-147
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44158809

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 CHANGING CONTOURS OF SOCIAL
GEOGRAPHY IN KASHMIR: FROM
NILAMATA PURANA TO RA JA TARA NGINI
Suman Jamwal

The paper is an attempt to explore the changing contours of social

geography of Kashmir by investigating the links between spatial change
and social processes that occurred during the time span covered by the
composition of two texts namely Nilamata Purana and Rajatarangini .
One would begin by inventorising the various social groups and the
spatial context in which they figure in these two texts. It would be
succeeded by the process of juxtaposition of the data ferreted out of
these two texts to work out the changes at two levels: the first one
would relate to the changes in the very nature of their social composition
and the accompanying spatial change, if there was any, in the locality
of the social groups undergoing changes. The second one would relate
to the changes in the locational pattern of different social groups and
its concomitant spatial ramification. Since the factors inducing the
changes in the nature of social characteristics or shift in the locational
pattern are induced by various factors, apart from data relating to the
changing spatial context of tribe and caste, one would also draw upon
the information relating to the other aspects of historical geography.

II

A juxtaposition of the picture of social landscape obtainable in the

Nilamata Purana with the one projected by Rajatarangini point to
several important changes in the social geography of the region.
To begin with, as we move from Nilamata Purana to Rajatarangini
we notice a new spatial configuration in the distributional pattern of
tribes. The most important of them is the change in their region of
habitation. Nilamata Purana 's discourse on the social geography of
the region is dominated by the description of tribes. It refers to tribes
such as the Nagas , Pis hachas, Darvas, Abhisaras, Gandharas, Shakas,
Khasas, Mandavas, Madaras, Yavanas9 etc1. The manner in which the
spatial context of these tribes has been discussed in the Nilamata Purana
tends to give the impression that they existed as the dominant social
category both inside Kashmir as well as in its peripheral zones.2
This preponderance of the tribal community in space seems to be
absent in the narrative of Rajatarangini. Though Rajatarangini also
refers to some of the tribes, the space in which they have been stated

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 Ancient India 141

to be located was decidedly not the same

Talking about the geographical distribu
informs us that in the south and west,
occupied by Khasas. Their settlements ex
verses of the Chronicle, in a wide semi-
south-east to the Vitasta valley in the w
and Lohara were held by Khasa identical
to which most of the petty chiefs in th
and in the neighboring hills belonged.
The Rajatarangini also informs us that
Valley and as far as the Kishanganga we
might have been related to Khasas. The
inhabited by Daradas 5 who are often r
neighbours of Kashmir on the north. Thei
to the north-west to the region of C
intervening regions towards Kashmir.
own time speaks of Mlecchas 6 furth
immediately to the north-east and east
Bhauttas.1 They might have represented
the modern Butt, of Dras, Ladakh an
districts.

These tribes are described as occupyin

with specific location and not inside it
transformation of tribes from the dom
during the Nilamata Purana to their mar
what came to be defined as Kashmir by

Ill

Apart from the changing spatial context, there are several indicators in
Rajatarangini which points to the changing profile of tribes living within
the region of Kashmir by the period of Rajatarangini .
Rajatarangini throws many indicators which shows that several of
the tribes moved from tribal to peasant society. A strong evidence of
the process of peasantisation of those who have been referred to as
tribes in Nilamata Purana comes from the list of nomenclature of places
obtainable in Rajatarangini. For example Rajatarangini refers to
Bhuttpura village,8 Bhutesvara shrine,9 Daraddesh,10 Darpitapur,11
Khasakas,12 Khasata,13 and Pishachakpur village.14 The prefix of these
settlements of differential nature are indicative of their association with
Bhauttas , Daradas, Khasas, Paishach etc., who seem to have been
transformed into a settled peasantised life.

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 142 I HC: Proceedings, 74th Session, 2013
The process of the peasantisation of tribes can also be illustrated
by the emergence of Damaras as an important landed class. Looking
at the geographical distribution of Damaras in the entire valley of
Kashmir, this is beyond doubt that they came from different tribal
background.15 A point in case also would be Lavanyas, Ekangas and
Tantrins. 16 Rajatarangini refers to Damaras as Lavanyas, 17 which has
been referred to as a tribe living on the mountain north of Kashmir.
The process of peasantisation of Lavanyas seems to completed by the
time of Harsha as in the first three books of Rajatarangini the term
Lavanya has not been applied to any Damara. The term occurs for the
first time in the fourth book and not very frequently up to the sixth
book. Thus the paucity of the term Damaras in the earlier book and its
very frequent use in the latter section as powerful landed magnates is
also indicative of the time of their transformation from tribe to be part
of settled peasant communities.
Apart from these, Rajatarangini also refers to the existence of
certain castes whose tribal antecedent is proved beyond doubt, thereby
indicating the process of integration of tribes into the broad brahmanical
social order. For example, a verse from the Rajatarangini points out
that the term Nishada , who had been an aboriginal tribe, included also
the boatmen of the valley.18 The Dombas, Kiratas etc., also seem to
have undergone a similar process. The Dombas have been frequently
mentioned in Rajatarangini as a caste of menials. In one verse of the
Rajatarangini they are described as huntsmen,19 which is a clear
indication of their tribal antecedent. However, several members of the
same community seem to have become part of caste society. There are
verses in Rajatarangini which show that the Dombas also earned their
bread as hunters, fishermen, buffoons, quacks, etc., and their daughters
as singers and dancers operated very much within the brahmanical social
order.20

IV

Another indication of change in the social profile of the region comes

in the form of the references to settlements of various types which in
turn not only indicate integration of larger space into the agrarian system
but also the geographical spread of the process of peasantisation.
Though the Nilamata Purana also refers to settlements, yet the richness
in the varieties and the frequency of their occurrence is decidedly
lacking in comparison to Rajatarangini . In the historical narrative of
Rajatarangini, apart from the references to the existence of settlements
in larger part of the region, we also find continuous references to the
establishment of new settlements. To cite a few examples, we have

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 Ancient India 143

Hushkapura, Jushkapura, Kanishka

Abhimanyupura,23 Abhimanyupura
Avantipura town.25 Rajatarangini refer
settlements by the existing authority
which was reclaimed by constructin
Diddapura,28 Hiranyapura,29 Hiranyots
Khol agrahara , Khagika agrahara , H
Samajasa,32 agrahara of Levar, agrahar
Amareshvara agrahara™ and Shankarp
The other development which must h
of a variety of settlements by the
Rajatarangini is the change which was made by Suyya in the
irrigational devices in the region. Kalhana's detailed description clearly
indicates that Suyya's regulation of the river Vitasta was accompanied
by systematic arrangements for the construction of irrigation channels.
For these the water of various hill-streams was utilized as well as that
of the main-river. The size and distribution of the water-course for
each village was fixed on a permanent basis. He is thus said "... to
have embellished all regions with an abundance of irrigated fields which
were distinguished for excellent produce."36 The increase in produce
consequent on these measures and the reclamation of new lands from
the river and marshes is said to have lowered the average price of a
Khari of rice from two hundred to thirty-six Dinnaras .37
The richness of varieties of settlements, their increased frequency
of references and their wider spatial distribution are also indicators of
the changing social profile of the region. It shows the emergence of
larger peasant communities in the region, thereby also implying that
the areas which were occupied by the tribes during the period of the
Nilamata Pur ana had undergone the process of peasantisation.

The process of peasantisation and the concomitant development in the

agrarian space also led to the emergence of state and centers of authority
in the region. This is attested by the fact that while Nilamata Purana
refers to them in an incidental manner, they figure quite frequently
and prominently throughout Rajatarangini. The Rajatarangini also
provides sevrai instances of tribal groups transforming themselves
into the stage of what has been described as state society.38

The pc^int of the transformation of tribes into state society can easily
be illustrated by the references to Daradas and the changing context
of their references. In Rajatarangini , Daradas are mentioned, along
with Bhauttas and Mlecchas , as impure people during the reign of

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 144 ItìC: Proceedings, 74th Session, 2013

Mihirakula39 (A.D. 515 to A.D. 545). These people are mentioned a

residing to the north of Kashmir, and the one who are frequently
attempting to invade Kashmir and/or intrigue with factions in Kashmir.
They are next mentioned during the latter part of the reign of Lalitaditya-
Muktapida, who "did not tolerate the continual wine-drinking of th
Daradas.40 Daradas are next mentioned during the reign of
Shankaravarman (A.D. 883 to A.D. 902).41 Kalhana then goes on to
name several Darada rulers: Acalamangala, during the reign of Ananta
of Kashmir (A.D. 1 028 to A.D. 1063).42 Vidhyadhara Shahi during the
reign of Harsa (1089-1 101 A.D)43 Jagaddala during the reign of Uccala
(A.D. 1101 to A.D. llll),44 Manidhara during the reign of Sussala (A.D.
1112 to A.D. 1 120)45 and Yasodhara during the reign of Jayasimha
(A.D. 1 128 to A.D. 1 149).46 During Kalhana's own time, the Darada
ruler joined forces with an opposition faction and fought against
Jayasimha, only to be defeated.47 Clearly, Kalhana identified people
living in the Karakoram region northwest of Kashmir as Daradas.
Whether they were one distinct ethnic group, or whether the term
broadly signified the unruly wine drinkers living in the mountains
cannot be determined. What, however, comes out clearly is their process
of transformation from a tribe to monarchical state. Not only that,
Rajatarangini also refers to a settlement known as Darpitapura which
has been described as chief town of Daradas. 48 This is a clear indication
of the dispersal of the Daradas into new areas and also becoming a
part of settled urbanized community.
The transition of larger area to state society is also attested by the
emergence of centres of authority. Though it is not possible to enumerate
all the centres of authority or the settlements that emerged after
Nilamata Purana , we may cite some of them which have been referred
to in the Rajatarangini to illustrate the point. We have Khaduvi,49
Holda,50 Karaļa,51 Devasarasa,52 Lohara,53 Samala,54 Uttara,55
Khuyasrama,56 Evanaka,57 Bhangila,58 etc., which figure as
administrative units of various denominations, the most dominant being
the vishaya.
The emergence of these settlements, the nature of which ranges
from rural to urban to one representing the centres of authority is
clear indication of the emergence of peasant society and state formation
in larger areas. What is interesting is the fact that the nomenclature of
several settlements carries the names of the founder who represented
state authority.59
Thus, while the emerging agrarian society created condition for
the emergence of state society, the state society once established, further
accelerated the process of the peasantisation and subsequent social
transformation.

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 Ancient índia 145

There are certain other indications wh

emergence of peasant community and se
The Rajatarangini provides several exam
internal troubles, especially from the p
also speaks about many campaigns, fr
connected with these risings.60 What is
is the amount of topographical details w
areas dominated by peasant community
To substantiate the point we are tr
evidence from the Samayamatrika ,6
between the period of the Nilamata P
text gives an account of the wanderings
Kaňkali through the length and breadth
refers to several settlements and trade routes.62 We are told that the
heroine of the story after affecting some petty thefts in Kashmir
proceeds to Shurapura. There she passes herself off as the wife of a
load-carrier (bharika) engaged on the salt road. She keeps up the
disguise which is evidently intended to help her evade the clutches of
the officials at the frontier watch-station, by taking next morning a
load on her head and starting with it towards the pass (samhata). On
the way she passes along high mountains by precipitous paths, deeply
covered with snow. By nightfall she reaches the Pangaladhaka matha
after having in the meantime assumed the guise of a respectable
housewife and apparently disposed of her load. It being late in the
season, she passes the night there shivering with cold. Thence she finds
her way open to India where a career of successful adventures awaits
her.

Whatever might have been the purpose of the composition of the

text and of the description in it, what comes out clearly is the landscape
of Kashmir which is dominated by the spread of different settlements
in different areas and also the prevalence of trade routes.

VI

The picture that emerges out of the preceding discussion is the changing
social profile and the contours of its configuration both within the region
of Kashmir and outside it. Even the spatial configuration of social
groups, especially of tribes, underwent social metamorphosis during
the period falling within the composition of Nilamata Purana and
Rajatarangini.
However, the most important change that we notice from Nilamata
Purana to Rajatarangini is the continuous process of peasantisation
of tribes and the integration of some of them into the broad brahmanical

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 146 IHC: Proceedings, 74th Session, 2013
system. This process of peasantisation seemed to have been largely
induced by the gradual process of the spread of agrarian economy
leading to quantitative proliferation in the settlements of different types
and the emergence of the state. What seemed to have induced the
process further were the measures that were taken by Suyya, in the
field of irrigation which opened up not only new areas for peasant
economy but also new avenues for tribes to locate themselves in new
areas as peasants. It is in this context that we may also locate the
emergence and dominance of a landed aristocracy which played a
crucial role in the society and polity of early medieval Kashmir.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 . For a discussion on this see Suman Jamwal, 'Change and continuity in

and cultural geography of Kashmir from Nilamata Purana to Rajtaran
, Kolkata, 2011, pp. 129- 139.
2. The Nilamata Purana, (Text with English trans by Ved Kumari), Srin
(henceforth referred to as Nilamata ), vv 82-83. For a detailed discussi
places of habitation and their identification in terms of modern plac
Nilamata Purana , A Cultural and Literary study , Srinagar, Vol- I , 1
ed.)., pp. 46-76.
3. M.A. Stein, Kalhana's Rajatarangini , A chronicle of the kings of Ka
(reprint), in three volumes, 1989, i.317, fn. (henceforth referred to as
4. RT, viii. 2917, 3088.
5. Ibid., i. 93.
6. Ibid., i. 312-16.
7. Ibid.

8. Ibid., viii, 2432.

9. Ibid., v. 40.
10. Ibid., 912.
11. Ibid., iv. 183.
12. Ibid. i.317.

13. Ibid., i.342.

14. Ibid., V.469.
15. Ibid., iv.348, v.51-60, 306-08, 326-28, 405-10, 447, vi.354, vii.154, 167, 357-58,
vii. 1254, viii 648, 929, 1124.
16. Ibid., vii. 1171, v.249-50.
17. Ibid., vii. 1171, 1228-1254, viii. 627, 910, 1127.
18. Ibid., v. 101.
19. Ibid., vi, 182.
20. Ibid., iv. 475, fn ; also v. 353 -354, 359, 361-96 vi. 84, 182; vii. 064, 1133, viii. 94.
21. Ibid., i. 168.
22. Ibid., iv. 186.

23. Ibid., i.175.

24. Ibid., V.299.

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 Ancient India 147

24. Ibid., V.299.

25. Ibid., V.44.
26. Ibid., v. 120-21.
27. Ibid., iv.213.
28. Ibid., vi.300.
29. Ibid., i.287.
30. Ibid., i.288.
31. Ibid., iv.506.
32. Ibid., i.340-41.
33. Ibid., i. 87-90.
34. Ibid., vii.185.
35. Ibid., V.156.
36. Ibid., v. 110-112.
37. Ibid., v. 109-112, fn.
38. An example of a tribe transforming itself into state society is the case of the Nagas.
In the Nilamata Purana the Nagas have been referred as tribe. In the Rajatarangini.
however, we are told of one of the groups of the Nagas creating a dynasty known as
Karkotta.

39. Ibid., i, 289, 312-316.

40. Ibid., iv, 169.
41. Ibid., 152-155, 206.
42. Ibid., vii, 167.
43. Ibid., vii, 913.
44. Ibid., viii, 209.
45. Ibid., viii, 614.
46. Ibid., viii, 2454.
47. Ibid., viii, 2764-2873.
48. Ibid., vii, 912, 915, viii, 1153.
49. Ibid., vii. 733.
50. Ibid., vi.1228.
51. Ibid., i. 97.
52. Ibid., viii. 504-662, 685.
53. Ibid., vii. 911, 1360, viii. 437, 729.
54. Ibid., vii. 911, 1360, viii. 437, 729.
55. Ibid., vii. 159, 1022, viii. 591, 1003.
56. Ibid., viii. 2698.
57. Ibid., viii. 2697.
58. Ibid., vii. 2697.
59. See fns, 20-24.

60. Ibid., vii. 967, 1 171.1227; viii. 581-601,621,661.

61. Kshemendra's Samayamatrika (text and Hindi trans, by RS.Tripathi), Varan as i,
1967, see Sarga- II.
62. For a discussion on settlements and trade routes see Suman Jamwal, Agriculture
and Commerce in Early Medieval Kashmir , Jammu, 2002, pp.88- 1 17.

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