Pagmamaman:

A World Culture Experience and Dumagat Lifestyle

Gladys P. Nalangan
College of International Relations

Abstract

This study makes a review of other countries that practice betel nut chewing. It also intends to know
the betel nut chewing or pagmamaman practice of the Dumagats, specially the reasons for its
continuity, and its effects. The study uses Ethnography and Oral History.

Maman is a betel nut quid chewed by the Dumagats and made of Areca nut, Betel leaf, lime
and tobacco. It is used in courtship, wedding and death ceremonies. It is a popular theme in Dumagat
folklores and songs. Pagmamaman initiates and maintains friendship. Maman cures the Dumagats’
illnesses. It is a substitute for food, stimulates sexual drive, and helps the Dumagats momentarily
achieve a general physical well-being. Pagmamaman prevails in the Dumagat community because
parents do not stop their children from chewing the maman and there is no regulation against its use.
More importantly, letting go of the maman will make Dumagats lose their identity. The effects of
maman are dizziness; intoxication; numbness of the gums; discoloration of the lips, gums, and teeth;
stuttering; excessive salivation; and frequent spitting. When deprived of the maman, the Dumagats
become irritated, suffer headache, and are unable to concentrate and work.

Pagmamaman saves lives. It is a source of income and a social equalizer. It remains a

Dumagat lifestyle as long as informal sanctions against it will be mitigated.

Introduction

Betel nut chewing is a cultural practice of an estimated 10 to 25 percent of the world’s

population (Van McCrary, 1998). It is the practice of masticating betel quid made from Areca nut,
Betel leaf, and lime plus other additives (i.e., tobacco, cardamom, etc.).

Most of the betel nut chewers are located in the Southeast Asia, South Asia, East Asia, Oceania
and the Pacific Islands. In the Philippines, betel chewing is still popular in Northern Luzon especially
in the Cordillera Administrative Region, and in some areas of the provinces and cities in Visayas and
Mindanao. In these areas, betel nut chewing is mostly practiced by the elderly and the indigenous
peoples like the Dumagat of Matawe, Dingalan, and Aurora.

This study provides insights on the Dumagat’s social practice of betel-nut chewing or
pagmamaman. Pagmamaman is a part of Dumagat culture that had been passed on from generation to
generation. The Dumagats chew maman (betel nut quid) everyday indicating its major role in the daily
lives of this indigenous community. According to the Dumagats, one sure way for them to be
identified as Dumagats is their pagmamaman. It is used to “demonstrate their close affinity or sense of
belonging to the group” (Ngales, et al., 2009). Pagmamaman is also important for the Dumagat’s
survival, maintenance of physical health and well-being, livelihood, propagation of tradition and social
functions.
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Objectives of the Study

This study has the following objectives:

1. To find out the world cultures which practice betel nut chewing, in terms of

a. prevalence of use
b. reasons for use

2. To describe the Dumagats’ practice of pagmamaman or betel nut chewing in terms of

a. maman ingredients, mode of acquisition, and process;
b. reasons for its continued practice; and
c. its effects

Significance of the Study

This study recognizes that the Dumagats’ pagmamaman is an integral part of their way of life.
According to the report of the Office of Southern Cultural Communities (OSCC) regarding the
Dumagats, “Chewing of betel nut or nganga is still common among the older generation. They chew
nganga out of habit….” (OSCC, 1993). Pagmamaman is an essential Dumagat lifestyle that has been
passed on from generation to generation contributing to the preservation of their culture.

The study acknowledges that the Dumagats continue to be part of the Philippine society and
cannot be ignored. From this research, there will be additional record or information of the Dumagats’
continued existence. Further, there will be more knowledge of how the Dumagats live their everyday
lives of which pagmamaman is a significant part. Understanding the Dumagat culture which, for
example, is manifested through pagmamaman helps prejudices not to arise. Prejudice against one
group leads to its marginalization. Thus, knowledge and understanding of a specific aspect of the
Dumagat culture, i.e. pagmamaman prevents prejudices and the Dumagats’ marginalization.

This study highlights pagmamaman, a specific aspect of the Dumagat’s culture that has the
potential to contribute to the development of the community and the country as well.

The information and knowledge that the study gains are relevant to researchers and advocates
who are engaged in the protection of the rights and promotion of the welfare of sectors of the
Philippine society who are marginalized especially the indigenous peoples. They can use the study for
them to come up with appropriate interventions to further the cause of these sectors.

The members of the academe will also benefit from the study as they can refer to the study’s
results as a basis for curriculum development, i.e. integrate the information on betel nut chewing
cultures and concept of social responsibility in specific subjects like Anthropology, World Civilization
or Philippine Culture. Policy makers, i.e., the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), the
local government units (LGUs), and other government agencies concerned can avail of an information
material that can help them formulate timely and suitable policies, programs, and projects specifically
for the Dumagats as well as other indigenous communities.

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Scope and Limitation of the Study

The study focuses on the Dumagats of Barangay Matawe, Dingalan, Aurora Province which is
approximately 183 kms northeast of Metro Manila. This is the pilot community identified by Project
DEEP. Information on non-Dumagat betel nut chewing practice in the Philippines and other parts of
the world is sourced from secondary data.

Methodology

Data and Methods

The study uses the qualitative approach with Ethnography and Oral History as its research methods. In
Ethnography, collection of primary data is done using Structured & Unstructured Interviews with key
informants, Focus Group Discussion (FGD), and Informal Conversation such as small talk.

A total of four field visits to the Dumagat community ensued on the following periods: (a)
November 2009, (b) April 2010, (c) May 2010 and (d) June 2010. The initial primary data collection,
using structured and unstructured interviews with key informants, was undertaken during the First
Meeting with the Dumagat leaders held in November 2009 to identify issues and concerns about
pagmamaman. Reflections on the initial discussions were done to enable the Researcher to come up
with the FGD questionnaire to flesh out pagmamaman issues and concerns.

Interviews, FGD and conversations were realized during the four-day immersion and
engagement of Project DEEP researchers in the Dumagat community on April 2010. During this
second Dumagat encounter, the researchers stayed in the two areas where the Dumagats live; two days
in their settlement area by the beach and two days in the mountain area where the Dumagats originally
reside. The first FGD was conducted in the mountain area, with ten Dumagat community leaders
chosen as participants for their knowledge of the group. There was an interactive and free flowing
discussion of pagmamaman using the FGD questionnaire (Annex 1).

Reflection on the FGD responses became the basis for the initial findings, presented to the
Dumagats for validation during the third two-day interaction with the Dumagat community (May
2010). The preliminary findings were presented to technical experts for evaluation and determination
of data and methodological gaps (May 2010).

The fourth Dumagat two-day encounter, set on June 2010, attempted to address the research
gaps arising from the suggestions of the peer reviewers. A second FGD was held in a more structured
setting wherein the Dumagats were divided into three groups of more or less ten participants, pre-
selected according to their knowledge and experience of the research topic.

The moderators and facilitators were given one hour for each group to discuss, ask questions,
and gather information that they may have missed in the previous research activities.

During the three sets of engagements (April, May, and June 2010), purposively arranged and
impromptu interviews were conducted. Informal conversations occurred every time there is an
opportunity to interact with the Dumagats, whether alone or in groups. These informal conversations
happened during meal times and breaks in between formal research activities, while hiking along
ravines and crossing the river eleven times, and while preparing to take a bath and heeding the call of
nature.
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 Another qualitative approach, the Oral history was also used in the study. This was done by the
tape and video recording of the Dumagat narrators who reminisced and spoke of their first hand
knowledge of pagmamaman. Particular information gathered through this method was how maman
was used in the courtship and marriage practices of the Dumagats.

Results and Discussion

Betel Nut Chewing as a World Culture Experience

Betel nut chewing is the chewing of betel nut quid, betel quid, or betel nut which is made of Areca nut,
Betel leaf and lime. It is a world culture experience since an estimated 10 to 25 percent of the world’s
population chew betel nut. Most of them live in Southeast Asia, South Asia, East Asia, Oceania and
the Pacific Islands (Van McCrary, 1998). In Southeast Asia, some of the countries wherein there is
evidence of betel nut chewing are Cambodia, Indonesia, Myanmar, Malaysia, Thailand, Philippines,
and Vietnam. Other countries where betel nut chewers reside are India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri
Lanka, Bhutan, China, Taiwan, Guam, Saipan, Micronesia, Maldives, and Papua New Guinea (Table
1).

The degree of popularity of betel nut chewing varies in different countries and cultures. In
India, betel nut or paan chewing is very popular as evidenced by the trail of red spittle along the streets
and paan sold in different flavors (Wikipedia, 2010): Paan Masala or supari (menthol or sweet)
(Fowler, 1995) and Paan Masala or gutkha (Tobacco) (Asotra and Sharan, 2008). Similarly, in
Bhutan, doma pani (betel) is very important in society. “It is chewed everywhere, by all sections of
society on all occasions” (http://www.keystobhutan.com/bhutan/bhutan_people_betel.php.

Betel chew is also paan in Cambodia. At present, only the older people keep the paan tradition
since the young people, especially in the urban area, already gave up chewing paan (Vachon and
Naren, 2006).

In Cambodia, only people, fifty years old and above especially the women (Pi Ouen, 2003)
patronize the betel nut. Betel leaves and areca nuts bought from the market are offered in Buddhist
shrines (Wikipedia, 2010). In China, specifically in Hainan, “a wide range of old and young people
seem to consume areca nut daily” with or without the betel leaf
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Areca_nut).

According to the 2002 Statistics published by Taiwan’s National Health Department, 9.1
percent of the population chew betel nut and there were more men chewers than women at 16.8% and
1.2%, respectively (Anderson, 2007). Most of Vietnam society has forgotten the practice of betel nut
chewing except for its presence in rituals and ceremonies and in Tan Hiep Village, Quang Tri
province. In Tap Hiep village, every resident – old and young -- chews betel nut. Seventy percent of
the village’s total population is addicted to the betel quid (Nguyen Phuc, 2010).

The courtesy of offering betel chew to visitors is done in Myanmar, India and Bangladesh.
Kun-ya is betel nut in Myanmar where home owners offer it to visitors, at least until the 1960s
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paan). Indian guests are offered paan to show the host’s hospitality
especially during social occasions (Asotra and Sharan, 2008). Past Indian royalty gave paan as gift to

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the people in the kingdom to welcome and honor visiting dignitaries. Similarly, Bangladesh families
offer paan to guests.

Two countries where betel chew is used in wedding ceremonies are Vietnam and Bangladesh.
The betel starts a marriage in Vietnam. Talks between the bride and the groom’s parents are initiated
with the chewing of betel. Among the things the groom offers to the bride’s parent is a betel chew.
Like the inseparable areca nut and betel leaf in a betel chew, the bride and groom are also inseparable
(Wikipedia, 2010). According to popular legend, Hung King (2879-258 AD) ordered that the betel
chew be used in wedding ceremonies (Nguyen Phuc, 2010).

The saying “the betel begins the conversation” illustrates the role of betel nut chewing in
Vietnamese society. Chewing betel nut is an “ice breaker” especially during awkward situations.
While in Guam, pugua (betel) chewing is a social pastime and a “means to extend friendship”
(Wikipedia, 2010). Moreover, in Saipan, people exchange betel nuts to initiate a conversation.
(http://www.ivanhenares.com/2006/11/chewing-betel-nut-in-saipan.html.
Betel chew is a source of livelihood in India, Pakistan, Taiwan, Guam and Papua New Guinea.
In Meghalaya state of North-East India which is a matrilineal society, the areca nut and betel-quid
business is managed and controlled by women. Young women shell the areca nut and prepare the betel
quid (Asotra and Sharan, 2008). Pakistanis can buy paan from street vendors. Memon traders who
came from India and settled in Pakistan to run the paan business. Memon households as well as the
Muhajir consume numerous paan in a day. Pakistan grows piper betel but imports the paan especially
from India (Wikipedia, 2010).

In Taiwan, there is a proliferation of betel nut booths (60,000 now, down from 100,000) the
vendors of which are young women commonly called “betel-nut beauties”. They wear heavy make-up,
high heeled shoes, and skimpy clothing (sometimes only a transparent shirt and thongs) while they
prepare and sell the areca nut and betel leaf (Wang, 2006). The booth is made of glass, “elevated one
meter above the street that measures less than 3 meters by 2 meters”, and has “large picture windows
that comprise two or more of the walls”. The interior is brightly painted and can be seen from the
street. These scantily clad women go out of the booth and bring the betel nut purchase of the mostly
male customer to the latter’s vehicle (Wikipedia, 2010). A large number of customers buy 20 to 40
areca nuts daily. During summer when the nuts are in season, a bag of 20-30 nuts costs about NT$50
while during the off-season, about eight nuts can be bought with the same amount (Wang, 2006).

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 Table 1. Betel nut chewing in South Asia, Southeast Asia, East Asia, Oceania and the Pacific Islands
Country Name Users/Usage Uses
Bangladesh (a) Paan extremely popular offered to guests and visiting relatives;
used in festivals and wedding ceremonies
Bhutan (b) Doma Pani (Doma, Pani, and Tsune) all classes in to increase resistance against cold and to
society keep awake
Cambodia (a, o) Paan older people Mark of beauty, source of livelihood
China (Hainan) Binlang old and young source of livelihood; areca nuts sold by
(c) old women in the neighborhood; removes
intestinal parasites
China (a) Binlang old and young removes tapeworms and other intestinal
parasites; relieves toothache
Guam (a, d) Pugua or Mama’on social pastime, extend friendship, source
of livelihood
India Paan Paan masala or supari Gutkha very popular offered to visitors, show hospitality; cures
halitosis, for good digestion, aphrodisiac;
removes tapeworms and other intestinal
parasites; source of livelihood
India (Meghalaya Paan very popular betel business managed and controlled by
state) women
Indonesia (f) Pinang very popular truck drivers chew betel nut to keep
awake; antibiotic and decongestant, to
cure indigestion and constipation, to
relieve cough and asthma; aid in
lactation, relieves toothache
Malaysia (e) Pinang relieves headache, arthritis, and joint pain
Maldives (a) Bileiy (foah, bileh) extremely popular for social interaction and used during
state ceremonies
Micronesia buw (areca nut), gabuy (betel leaf), widely used relaxation; initiate a conversation
(Yapese) (g) waeqch (lime)

Country Name Users/Usage Uses

Myanmar (a) Kun-ya (areca nut, slaked lime, cutch, popular to old and offered to visitors in a kun-it
and aniseed or cardamon, cloves, young
tobacco)
Pakistan (a) Paan extremely popular occasional delicacy; source of livelihood,
sold by street vendors
Papua New “buai” (green areca nut) ‘kambang” to reduce stress, heighten awareness &
Guinea (h) (lime powder) and “daka” (mustard) suppress hunger, source of livelihood.

Philippines (a,i, nganga (bunga, ikmo/buyo, apog, older people, Ips offered to visitors
j) tabako)
Saipan (k) Papulu extremely popular initiates conversation
Sri lanka (l) Bulath extremely popular
Taiwan (a, m) Binlang mostly men Chewed like a gum; source of livelihood,
sold by betel nut beauties
Thailand (a) Mahk (bai plu leaf, lime paste and 50 yrs old and offered in Buddhist shrines; relieves
areca nut above toothache
Vietnam (a) Trau used during rituals starts a conversation and marriage
and ceremonies
Vietnam (Tan Trau young and old, 70% Used in wedding ceremonies
Hiep Village) (n) of population

SOURCES: a. Wikipedia, b. http://www.keystobhutan.com/bhutan/bhutan_people_betel.php, c. Anderson, 2007, d. http:// ns.

gov.gu/pugua.html, e. Asotra K. and Sharan, R. , 2008, f. Fowler, 1995, g. http://www.travelmart.net/yap/culture.html, h.
http://www.wikihow.com/Chew-Betel-Nut-in-Papua-New-Guinea, i. Magno R.M., 1998, j. Ongpin-Valdes, C.,2004, k.
http://www.travelmart.net/yap/culture.html, l. http://www.infolanka.com/org/srilanka/cult/30.htm, m. Wang, 2006, n. Nguyen Phuc, 2010,
o.Vachon and Naren, 2004.

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In Hainan, China, one can buy areca nuts from old women selling around the neighborhood or
from stores selling beverages, alcoholic drinks and cigarettes
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Areca_nut). Betel nuts in Guam are commercially distributed
through extended families or sold in neighboring stores (Staples and Bevacqua, 2006). In Papua
New Guinea, the betel chew can be bought for about one Kina (30 cents)
(http://www.wikihow.com/Chew-Betel-Nut-in-Papua-New-Guinea).

Betel nut is used as medicine. In China and India, powdered areca nut removes
tapeworms and other intestinal parasites. Indian paan users use it to cure halitosis (bad breath),
for good digestion, and as an aphrodisiac (Wikipedia, 2010).

In Thailand, Indonesia, and China, the betel nut relieves toothache (Asotra and Sharan,
2008). Indonesians swallow the juice of the masticated betel chew as an antibiotic and
decongestant, to cure indigestion and constipation, to relieve cough and asthma (Asotra and
Sharan, 2008), and to aid in lactation. Indonesian women take a bath in water soaked with sirih
(betel) leaves after giving birth (Wikipedia, 2010). “Malaysians use the betel leaf to relieve
headache, arthritis, and joint pain” (Asotra and Sharan, 2008).

In Indonesia, truck drivers chew betel nut to keep themselves awake during long drives
(Fowler, 1995). Not only is betel nut chewing a tradition of the Yapese in Micronesia but also it
is an obsession. The Yapese chews betel nut to “relax and enjoy a moment of quietness”.
(http://www.ivanhenares.com/2006/11/chewing-betel-nut-in-saipan.html).

Before the 1950s, Cambodian married women believed themselves beautiful when they
had black teeth because of betel. They experienced criticism and were considered sick if they
had white teeth (Vachon and Naren, 2004).

Betel Nut Chewing in the Philippines

In the Philippines, nganga or betel nut chewing is practiced in the Philippines (Table 2) but not
as prevalent as before. Nganga chewers live in cities like Baguio and Davao, in municipalities
like Bontoc and La Trinidad, and in provinces like Nueva Viscaya and Mindoro. Nganga
chewing is very much practiced by indigenous groups like the Cordilleran, the Kalanguya,
Mangyan, T’boli, Yakan, Manobo, and the Dumagat.

Betel nut is present in arranging a Manobo marriage. Families of the bride and groom
each choose a spokesperson. The woman’s family does the asking (ginsa) by having their
representative offer a betel chew to the groom’s representative which the latter respectfully
refuses “until negotiations for the kagun (bridewealth) begin” (De Leon, 2010).

Among the Cordillera people, chewing nganga or moma is practiced to initiate friendship
among two strangers while they prepare together and share their moma made of bua (areca nut),
gawed leaf (betel leaf), and apog (lime) (Dao-ines, 2009). Similarly, when one of the Alangan
Mangyans of Mindoro exchanges nganga ingredients with another, it is a sign of social
acceptance (Global Pinoy, 2010).

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 The Cordillerans chew moma because it makes the teeth strong and leads to good oral
hygiene (Caluza, 2007).

Ongpin-Valdes (2004) states that the Igorots chew betel because it “staves off hunger and
tiredness as they work long hours in their rice fields”. The Alangan Mangyans chew nganga to
assuage hunger especially when “they could not afford to buy food regularly”. They also used
the chewed nganga to remove leeches that attach to their bodies (Burgos and Virola, 2008).

For the T’boli, Yakan, Mandaya and Tiruray, chewing betel nut and the ensuing
discoloration of their teeth is never a problem since “they believe that stained teeth are a mark of
beauty” (Magno, 2003).

Table 2 . Betel Chew in the Philippines

Indigenous People
Tagalog
Alangan Mangyans (a)
Ratagnon (b)
Cordillera (c)
Kalanguya (d)
Manobo (e)
T’boli, Yakan, Mandaya
and Tiruray (f)
Sibonga, Cebu (g)
Bonga Mayor, Bulacan (h)
Bontoc, Mt. Province (i)
Lagawe, Ifugao (j)
Tublay, Benguet (k)
Name Importance/Regulation
Nganga  
nganga Assuages hunger; removes leeches; exchange of nganga is a
sign of social acceptance
nganga  
Moma Makes the teeth strong; leads to good oral hygiene; initiates
friendship
nganga Peace offering in times of conflict or offered in rituals
  Offered during marriage negotiations
  Stained teeth are a mark of beauty
Bonga The town was named after bonga (areca nut)
Bonga The town was named after areca nut; has carved stone houses
styled like the areca palm
Moma Penalized moma chewers who spit anywhere and confiscated
betel nuts sold in the market
Moma Penalized moma chewers
Moma Penalty for spitting in public: fine of P2,500.00 or
imprisonment of not more than six months

Davao City (l)   Penalty for spitting in public: fine of P100, P200, and P300 and
imprisonment
SOURCES: a. Burgos and Virola, 2008, b. Global Pinoy, 2010, c. Caluza, 2007; Dao-ines 2009, d. Balangcod and Balangcod, 2008, e. De Leon,
2010, f. Magno, 2003, g. Gerodias, 2006, h. Valdes, 2004, i. PIA, 2006, j. Codamon, 2007, k. Carino, 2008, l. Apoyon, 2009.

Pagmamaman as Practiced by the Dumagats

Pagmamaman is the Dumagat’s practice of chewing maman (nganga in Tagalog), a betel nut
quid made of bunga (Areca nut), lamika or litlit or ikmo or buyo (Betel leaf), apog (lime) and
mascada or tabako (tobacco). The Dumagat practices the pagmamaman in two ways. One way
is to put each ingredient separately inside the mouth and chew them one after the other (bunga
first, lamika next, followed by the maskada and last the apog). The other way is to wrap the
bunga, maskada and apog with the lamika and put the package inside the mouth and chew them
altogether. The maman is a concoction of ¼ bunga seed, one whole lamika leaf (if average size,
if bigger ½ will do), and a pinch of maskada and apog each. The Dumagats attest that there is no
difference in taste and effect between the two ways of chewing maman.

According to the Dumagats, the maman is bitter and spicy. The bitter taste comes from
the lamika (Wikipedia, 2010). Mr. Ambida, one of the LPU faculty researchers who chewed
maman, confirmed that fact.

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 Since the Dumagats cannot go about their everyday business without chewing maman,
they bring the it with them everywhere they go. They can be seen wearing bags where they put
their supply of maman. For the Dumagat women, they have a small purse, a handbag or ladies
bag or pouch, just like the ones used by the Tagalog women. For the men, they use belt bags or
plastic bags. Ka Romy, the president of the MAEDUP (Magkaeisin I Dumagat de Matawe e
LPU) 1, one of the tribal leaders who is very keen on protecting their rights and preserving their
culture, puts his maman ingredients in a traditional container, the “Inok” that is made from
anahaw leaves.

Pagmamaman is done any time of the day by women and men, adult and young
Dumagats, among themselves and even in the presence of the Tagalog 2. One Dumagat said that
it does not even take a minute after the spittle is spat that the next mix of maman is chewed.
They start the habit even at seven years old. During the Focus Group Discussion (FGD), the
Dumagats introduced an eight year old Dumagat boy who already started to chew the maman.

Table 3 shows the ingredients and procedures of making maman. Maman is a concoction
of the following ingredients: bunga, litlit, apog and tabako. The first ingredient, bunga is the
fruit of the betel nut palm or areca catechu palm (Staples and Bevacqua, 2006). The fruit which
is commonly known as the areca nut is egg-shaped, more or less four inches in height and two
inches in width, and has a thin husk not unlike a small coconut which enclosed the seed. The
husk is used as a toothbrush by the Dumagats. When the areca nut is unripe it is green and when
ripe it may be yellow, orange, red or brown. The Dumagats said that the bunga falls off from the
branch when it is ready to be planted. The seed is light brown and looks like and smaller than a
walnut.

The areca palm which can grow up to 25 meters high (BPI, n.d.) can be found anywhere
in the Dumagat area in between or among different vegetation like groups of coconut trees. The
Dumagats chew ripe or unripe bunga. The trunk of the areca palm which was planted beside a
coconut tree was half the diameter of the coconut trunk.

Lamika (Dumagat) or Ikmo/Buyo/Litlit (Tagalog) is betel leaf, a vine classified as Piper

betle (Pinoy Herbs, 2009). It is the second ingredient. Litlit is green, heart-shaped, shiny, 15 cm
long (Shipard, n.d.) and has more or less seven ribs. The Dumagats have easy access to litlit
leaves since the vine is wild and grows abundantly in the mountains. They also cultivate the litlit
in the backyard and after a month of planting, litlit is already knee high and can be harvested.

A third ingredient of maman is apog which is made from seashells like suso. The
Dumagat make their own apog by roasting the seashells (after making a meal of the flesh) until
they turn into powder. They are abundant and can be found in the ocean, on the seashore and
along riverbeds.

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 Table 3. Ingredients of Maman and Ways Acquired/Made
Ingredients DUMAGAT TAGALOG Parts Description Ways Acquired
ARECA NUT Bunga Bunga seed light brown, like a wild, grown
(Areca Catechu palm) a small walnut
BETEL LEAF Lamika Ikmo, buyo, leaf green, heart- wild, grown
(Piper betle) b litlit shaped, shiny, 15
cm long, more or
less seven ribs (c)
LIME Apog Apog seashells Dirty white from riverbeds
powder and beaches,
roasted until
powdered
TOBACCO Tabako Mascada leaves several leaves Bought
rolled in a compact
way
SOURCES: a. Staples and Bevaqua, 2006, b. Pinoy Herbs, 2009, c. Shipard, n.d.

Maman would not be thoroughly enjoyed without this fourth ingredient which is the
tobacco leaves or mascada. Among the four ingredients of maman, only the mascada is bought
by the Dumagats. They buy one stick of mascada at eight or nine pesos. One stick comprises
several tobacco leaves rolled in a compact way. This can be bought from the sari-sari stores of
the Tagalog.

Reasons for Pagmamaman

The Dumagat’s reasons for pagmamaman are discussed in the study using the following
categories: Cultural, Social, Economic, Physical and Physiological (Table 4). Cultural reason is
subdivided into Source of Identity and Tradition which includes courtship, wedding ceremony,
ritual associated with death, myth and song. Social reason includes friendship or camaraderie
and identification. Economic reason means livelihood. Physical reason encompasses safety or
security in terms of physical health. Physiological reason includes survival (from hunger and
cold), stimulation of sexual drive and achievement of general well-being.

Cultural Reasons

When the Dumagats were asked what is the best way for them to be known as a Dumagat they
said their practice of chewing maman. (Maman is Kabuluwen while it is omman in Kailugan.
Kabuluwen and Kailugan are the two main languages of the Dumagats). Pagmamaman, an
activity common and shared by the Dumagats, is a source of their identity as a community. It is
used to “demonstrate their close affinity or sense of belonging to the group” (Ngales, et al.,
2009). In one of the narrations generated by the study, one of the leaders expressed his concern
about the possibility that a part of the Dumagat identity will be lost if pagmamaman is regulated.

“Sa Maynila po ay sandaling tumulong ako sa mga misyunaryo na nagtuturo ng mabuting balita na
tinatawag nila. Doon kasi sa Maynila hindi ka nga naman pwedeng dumura kahit nga saan dahil sa
nakakahiya kasi yun ay simento o may mga pintura yung ano nila. Sabi ng pastor na kasama ko doon,
“Pwede ka lang magmama dito sa Matawe pero doon sa Maynila, sa bahay ko, huwag ka magmamama.
Dahil baka dumura ka sa ano, hindi maganda”. Sabi ko, “Pastor, kung ito ay aalisin ko, mahihiwalay kita.
Talagang hindi ako papayag. Pero, pagbibigyan kita. Hindi ako magdudura sa bahay mo pero bigyan mo
ako ng pamasahe papuntang Luneta para makapagmama ako roon. Dahil yung kultura namin gusto ko
imintina. Na kung baga ito yung isang alaala na ayaw kong iwanan”. Tuwing ikatlong araw sabi ko,

10
 “Pastor, bigyan mo ako ng pamasahe. “Saan ka pupunta? “Pupunta ako ng Luneta, magmamama ako.”
Pagdating ko ng Luneta, doon ako sa tabing dagat, maghapon ako mama ng mama.”

Translation: One time, I was in Manila helping missionaries who were teaching the Good News. In Manila,
you cannot just spit anywhere. The pastor whom I was with told me, “You can only chew betel nut here in
Matawe but not in Manila. In my house, don’t chew betel nut because you might spit there and it’s not good.
I said, Pastor, If I’m going to remove this, we’re going to part ways. I’m not going to agree to that. But I will
go along with your request. I am not going to spit in your house but give me a fare to go to Luneta so that I
can chew betel nut there. I want to preserve our culture. This is one memory that I don’t want to forget. Every
third day, I said, “Pastor, give me money for fare. Where are you going? I’m going to Luneta, I will chew
betel nut. When I arrived in Luneta, at the seaside, I chewed betel nut all day.

Like the leader in this narration, the Dumagats would not want to give up pagmamaman
since it is part of their culture and a source of their identity as a group. Tradition is another
reason for pagmamaman to continue in the Dumagat community. Pagmamaman is an important
part of courtship, wedding and death ceremonies. In her article entitled “Hidden in the Heart”,
Magno (2003) relates the importance of betel nut in courtship which is “initiated with a betel
exchange, and a formal offer of marriage is not valid if unaccompanied by a tray with a box or
basket of betel ingredients”.

In the Dumagat community, if a man likes a woman, he will give her one lamika leaf that
has a design, and bunga that is delicately sliced and has a striking mark. These are placed in an
attractive container. During pamamanhikan, the man will offer one bilao of maman to the
woman’s parents and all the relatives of the woman will partake of the maman. The suitor is
kneeling while he offers the bilao of maman to the parents. If the parents accept the offering and
chew the maman, the parents like the man for their daughter. If the parents do not allow the man
to take their hands and show his respect, and turn away the maman being offered the parents
dislike the man.

Ka Basyon, one of the Dumagat leaders, relates her own experience when her husband asked
her parents’ permission to marry her.

“Yung si Rene, yung asawa ko ay bago yun kami nagsama ay nakaluhod yung isang tuhod nya at naka-abot
ng mama doon sa nanay ko. Sabi ko po roon sa nanay ko, dapat hindi ko na yun sasabihin, sabi ko, Nanay,
abutin mo na at nangangawit na si Rene. Sabi nya, walang hiya kang bata ka. Naaawa po ako roon sa
katipan ko at naka-abot na at nangangawit na yung kamay. Sabi ko, Nanay, abutin mo na. Imbes magalit sa
akin ang nanay ko ay napa-iyak pa. Sabi niya, ano ka bang klaseng bata ka, imbes na hindi mo ipa-abot sa
akin, ipina-aabot mo naman na.”

Translation: Before we lived together, Rene, my husband knelt down on one knee and in his hand was a betel
chew that he offered to my mother. I told my mother, I was not supposed to say it, I said, Mother, accept it,
Rene is getting cramps. She said, you ill-disciplined child. I was already feeling sorry for my fiancé. His arm
was getting tired upraised while offering the betel chew. I said, Mother, Accept it. Instead of getting angry,
my mother wept. She said, what’s wrong with you, you should not have let me accept it.

When a Dumagat man wants to court a Dumagat woman, and the woman does not like him,
he can persuade her to change her mind because of the maman. The man prepares a maman and
asks a Dumagat child to give it to the woman. The giving of the maman is a sign that the man is
in love with the woman. This is akin to the non-Dumagat’s giving of flowers, chocolates, and
other gifts (i.e., jewelry, house and lot, etc.) to their loved ones.

Constantino (2003), in his study of the Dumagats of Quezon and Rizal, states that there are
many ways that a Dumagat man can do to obtain the woman he loves. He can send the woman a

11
nganga. If the woman will accept the nganga, it means that she also likes the man. If she does
not accept the nganga, then the woman does not like the man. For the Casiguran Dumagat,
pagmamaman is part of a courtship process. When a Dumagat man sees a girl that he likes, he
approaches and be friends her by offering to chew betel nut with her. He then goes to her house
and courts her. Later on, he will have his relatives arrange the marriage (Simon, 1989).

A Dumagat man who wants to marry a Dumagat woman gives the maman as a gift to the
woman’s parents. Even if the woman’s parents do not agree to the marriage they have to accept
the maman and allow the couple to marry. In the actual wedding ceremony, the maman is an
important feature. The parents of the bride and groom make just one nganga. Then all people in
the wedding party hold a sharp and pointed object, i.e. sharpened bamboo, and point that object
to the bride and groom. This signifies that the people give their blessings to the couple. The
pointed object wherein the people hold means that they are pointing to God.

In a study made by Lumdang and Villar (1998), the Dumagat’s wedding ceremony which is
officiated by a Kaksolan or Kaksaan (elder) takes place in the bride’s home. There is a salago
knot on the waist of the bride and the groom. The groom is given a bolo with nganga on its tip.
The groom bites half of the nganga and “gives the other half to the bride. They chew and spit
their saliva, then, they are pronounced as husband and wife”.

Pagmamaman is not only part of the Dumagat’s life during happy times like courtship
and weddings but also during sad times like death in the family. The relatives of the dead person
prepare maman for the people who attend the wake. The adults put a sign of the cross on the
foreheads of the children so the latter will not have a memory of the dead. During the pasiyam,
the family of the dead person prepares one bilao of maman. If there are leftovers, these would be
placed on the grave of the dead person together with pieces of black cloth. A member of the
family of the dead will say, “Katapusan na ng pagdadalaw” (the time for visiting is over).

A cultural practice finds its way into the lives of present generations because it is passed on
and even immortalized through artistic expressions like myths and songs. Such is the case of the
Dumagats’ pagmamaman. One legend of the origin of the maman and the importance of
pagmamaman that the Dumagats proudly relate is the story of Mog-got. Mog-got was the first
Dumagat who was imbued with courage, strength, and wit. These characteristics enabled him to
slay giants. A young male Dumagat whose passion is to propagate the culture of his ancestors
vividly recalls the myth of Mog-got and importance of pagmamaman which is retold below.

One day a kapre told Mog-got that he (the kapre) will eat him the following day. The hero that he was, Mog-
got was only slightly disturbed, nevertheless, he thought of ways so that he cannot be eaten by the kapre.
While pondering on what to do Mog-got slept on a balete tree. Later he was awakened by a tiyanak who told
him to go down and get three kinds. Mog-got did what he was told, came upon a bunga tree, and chewed its
fruit. The fruit tasted mapakla. Farther, he found the lamika, and even farther, a very white clam shell which
he made into apog. Mog-got put all the three kinds (bunga, lamika and apog) into his mouth and chewed.

When the kapre came the following day to eat Mog-got, he told Mog-got he will no longer eat him
because he was already spicy. Mog-got tasted spicy because of the bunga, lamika and apog that he chewed
altogether.

12
 Bunga, lamika and apog are the ingredients of maman. (The tabako as an additional
ingredient of the maman came later on. Another myth states that Mog-got planted the tabako and
put it as the fourth ingredient of maman). Mog-got was the first who chewed a maman and
because of pagmamaman his life was saved.

The pagmamaman’s presence in the Dumagat society is very much felt because of the
children singing songs about the maman. Among the many songs about maman that the children
sing, the song quoted below is one of the most popular. This was amiably sung by Imelda, one of
the Dumagat women who gave her full cooperation to the study.

“Ako si Ikmo, pamangkin ni Apog,

Apo ni Mascada, Insu ni Tabako.
Pag itong apat nagsama-sama
Labi ng matanda’y laging namumula.”

Translation: I am Ikmo, nephew of Apog,

Grandson of Mascada, brother of Tabako. Put all four together
Lips of the elderly are always red

This song lists the ingredients of maman and illustrates the effect of mixing the
ingredients which always reddens the lips of the older people.

Social Reasons

Pagmamaman is practiced by the Dumagats because of social reasons. It is used to initiate,

maintain, and propagate friendship and camaraderie. The Dumagat offers maman as a sign of
friendship. According to Magno (1998), “acceptance or rejection of a betel offer is a sign of
acceptance or rejection of friendship.” The maman brings the Dumagats together and closer to
each other as they share each other’s stash. Even the picking of the bunga is a group activity.

As a way to identify themselves, the Dumagat elders use the maman. In the mountains, if
there is a large boulder of rock along the way, the elders will chew maman and spit on the rock.
When other Dumagats pass the same way, they will know whose spit was on the rock. The
spitting is done in such as way that a certain mark, design or symbol is discernible on the rock.
This mark, design or symbol is associated with a certain Dumagat. This is just like a person’s
signature or Zorro’s letter Z.

Economic Reasons

Pagmamaman is not a wide scale source of livelihood for the Dumagats. Since most of the
ingredients of maman (bunga, lamika, maskada and apog) can be sourced from the immediate
environment, only a few enterprising Dumagats are engaged in selling them. The buyers of
maman ingredients are those Dumagat individuals who do not have bunga and lamika planted in
their backyards and those who no longer go to the mountains (for bunga and lamika) and beaches
and riverbeds (for seashells to make apog) to gather the ingredients.

One Dumagat sells three (3) betel leaves (lamika) for one peso. Bunga (areca nut) is sold
at two (2) pieces also for one (1) peso. As mentioned earlier, one (1) stick of mascada is sold at
eight (8) to nine (9) pesos, but it is only sold by the Tagalogs. The Dumagats realize that they

13
can make money out of pagmamaman. This can be done, especially if and when they can
cultivate tobacco on their own. In that event, they will no longer rely on the Tagalogs for their
supply of mascada. In one Dumagat community in Dinapigue, Isabela, one (1) tobacco leaf sells
for P18.00 while bunga is priced at one peso per piece.

Physical Reasons

Maman is important to the Dumagat as it is used to secure good physical health. The maman and
its individual ingredients, i.e., lamika, are used as remedy for natural illnesses as well as illnesses
caused by spirits.

Examples of natural illnesses that can be cured by maman are headache, stomachache,
aches due to presence of lumps on the body, heatstroke and toothache. The healer chews maman
and spits and spreads it on the afflicted area, i.e., stomach or head or the lump on the body. This
healing process is called buga which guarantees the immediate healing of the sick person.

According to Apolonia T. Ascarraga, oldest Dumagat in Nakar, Quezon,

“Hindi nagkakasakit ng malubha kaming mga katutubong Dumagat, at pag may nagkakasakit ay buga ng
nganga at dasal o ngayangay ang iginagamot ng matatandang katutubong Dumagat”.

Translation: The Dumagat does not become seriously ill. When somebody is ill, the elder Dumagats do the
“buga ng nganga”, say prayers or chants to cure the person.

Buga can also be done without spitting the maman on the sick person. In one of her trips to
the abode of the Dumagats in the mountains of Matawe, Dr. Marilyn Ngales felt dizzy, nauseous
and had difficulty breathing after being exposed to the intense heat of the sun. She was brought
to a shaded area and one of the Dumagat women she was with who happens to be a healer
offered to cure her by buga. The healer chewed maman and blew her breath on top of Dr.
Ngales’ head while touching her hair. The buga, rest and the continuous fanning by the
Dumagats and her colleagues revived Dr. Ngales.

The maman strengthens the teeth of the chewer. “In the Philippines, they are … believed
to strengthen the teeth and gums” (Wikipedia, 2010). The Dumagats confirm that no Dumagat
who chews the maman had ever been to a dentist because nobody had a toothache or tooth decay.
The tooth falls off naturally without having cavities. One Dumagat even relates that his
grandmother died without any tooth being pulled out. Only the younger ones who have not
experienced pagmamaman have their tooth pulled out by the dentist. Similarly, the Dumagat is
not worried about being shunned because of bad breath. The maman is able to remove bad breath
because of the anti-bacterial properties of the lamika (Acharya, 2009). Lamika has an essential
oil that “contains a phenol called chavicol which has powerful antiseptic properties”
(http://www.asianonlinerecipes.com/herbs-health/betel-leaves.php).

A Dumagat woman, after giving birth, bathes her newborn with nganga (OSCC, 1993).
The betel leaf in the betel nut chew has antiseptic properties (Nature as Medicine, 2009). Even
the individual ingredient taken separately can be used for healing. The lamika, for instance, on its

14
own can cure fever. The Dumagats heat the lamika over fire and applies it on the person’s
fevered skin.

Aside from natural illness, the Dumagats, specifically the healers, use maman to cure a
Dumagat whose illness is brought on by bad spirits. The Dumagat who is ill is said to be
“nalilikot ng mga hindi nakikita” or the person is being fooled around with by the spirits. The
healer chews maman and “magbubuga” or spits maman on the victim’s body part (i.e., head, if
it’s a headache) which is in pain. This is done in the morning and afternoon. In addition, the
maman, together with food, is offered to appease the spirits who caused the person’s sickness. In
a few days the person is said to have been healed. According to Magno (1998), “betel-chew is
believed to be a favorite food of the gods and spirits”.

Constantino (2003), in his study of the Dumagat in Quezon and Rizal, stated the following:

“Pag nagtagal at lumubha ang sakit ng isang Dumagat, sasabihin nilang naupot ang mey sakit, gustong
sabihin nililikot o nilalaro o pinaparusahan sya ng ispiritu. Ang gamot sa taong naupot ay buga. Ang
pambuga sa taong naupot o nililikot ng ispiritu ay karaniwa’y nganga …”

Translation: When the Dumagat’s ailment lingers and worsens, they will say that the sick person is “naupot”,
meaning “nililikot” or being played with or punished by a spirit. The cure for a person who is “naupot” is
“buga” wherein betel quid is usually used.

Physiological Reasons

Maman is important to the Dumagats because it helps them satisfy their natural bodily functions
like need for food, sex, protection from cold, and need to experience general well-being. For
them, maman is a substitute for food when they do not have money to buy it. A Dumagat can
survive without food for two days as long as there is maman that one can chew.

Some male Dumagats attest that pagmamaman stimulates their sexual drive. In her article
entitled “Betel Culture”, Rosa Maria Magno (1998) states that chewing betel eases “hunger
pangs” and is “believed to arouse sexual passion”. Dumagats can also endure the cold weather
especially in the mountains because of the maman even if they are drenched in the rain for the
whole day. The reason is that maman creates a “warm sensation in the body” (ADF, 2006).

Pagmamaman generates a sense of well-being. The Dumagats also chew maman to relax
and ease their boredom. Davis (2009), in his article entitled “Benefits of Betel Nut”, states that
“people chew betel nuts for the sake of reducing stress, feelings of well-being….”

Table 4 . Reasons for Pagmamaman

Category Reason

15
 Cultural Source of Identity
Tradition (Courtship, Wedding Ceremony, Death Ritual, Myth, and Song)
Social Friendship/Camaraderie, Identification
Economic Livelihood
Physical Cures Illness Security in physical health
  Natural illness -- headache, stomache ache, lumps, heatstroke, toothache, fever, digestion, parasite,
  sore throat, antiseptic, sore eyes, malaria, dysentry
Illness caused by spirits
Psychological Survival (Hunger and Cold), Sex and Well-being

Reasons for Continued Practice of Pagmamaman

Pagmamaman’s prevalence in the Dumagat society can be attributed to four reasons. First, the
Dumagat parents admit that they cannot and do not stop their children from chewing maman.
Their children want to experience pagmamaman, too, just like what their parents are doing. On
their own and among their friends, these Dumagat children experiment and try to find out why
their parents chew maman. The second reason for the continued practice of pagmamaman is the
availability of the maman ingredients. The bunga and lamika can be planted and cultivated in a
short time even in the backyard. They also grow even unattended in the mountains. The sea
shells that are made into apog (just the simple process of roasting the shells) are abundant in
riverbanks and along the Matawe beach which is just in front of the Dumagat settlement. The
mascada is sold at an affordable price. Third, there is no local law or ordinance regulating the
use of maman that prevents the Dumagats from pagmamaman that can result in the non-practice
of the habit. In the province of Aurora, especially in the Dumagat settlement, the Dumagats are
free to chew maman anytime and anywhere they want. And fourth, the Dumagats’ refuse to let
go of it. When the Dumagats were asked for their reaction in the event that pagmamaman is
regulated or even prohibited, some of the male Dumagats half-seriously said they would rather
be imprisoned than stop chewing maman.

For the Dumagats, giving up pagmamaman is like losing a long held tradition. One of the
leaders explained why he refuses to give up chewing maman:

“Dahil yung kultura namin gusto ko imintina. Na kung baga ito yung isang alaala na ayaw kong iwanan”.

Translation: I want to preserve our culture. This is one memory that I don’t want to forget.

Effects of Pagmamaman

Depending on the users, maman brings about dizziness, intoxication, thickening or numbness of
the gums, addiction, or difficulty in oral reading. There are three sure things that maman users
experience: discoloration of the gums, teeth and lips, excessive salivation, and spitting.

First time users may experience dizziness or intoxication especially when the saliva is
swallowed. Despite the intoxication, giddiness, or numbing of gums, the first time maman user is
not threatened by the experience, instead relishes and repeats it. The Dumagats said that the
person tries the maman again because it is addictive.

16
 If they are deprived of maman for a long time, they become irritated. They suffer headache
resulting in not being able to concentrate and work. In a fact sheet produced by the Australian
Drug Foundation (ADF), it states that:

“People who chew large amounts of areca nut and betel quid on a regular basis may become dependent on it
and when they stop using it they may experience withdrawal symptoms. The withdrawal symptoms are
generally mild and include: mood swings, feeling uneasy, anxious, irritable, paranoid, poor concentration,
lack of energy, fidgety, sleep disturbance and increased appetite” (ADF, 2006)

One Dumagat parent stated that the children who chew maman have difficulty in oral
reading and they stutter when they do. Some Dumagat parents tell their children not to chew
maman because “bibigat ang dila niyo kung kayo babasa” (Translation: your tongue will get
heavy when you read).

A very telling effect of prolonged and continuous use of maman is the discoloration of the
Dumagat’s gums, teeth and lips. Even Mog-got is described as having “agiw” because of the
maman. To quote again the popular Dumagat song:
“Ako si Ikmo, pamangkin ni Apog,
Apo ni Mascada, Insu ni Tabako.
Pag itong apat nagsama-sama
Labi ng matanda’y laging namumula.”

Translation: I am Ikmo, nephew of Apog,

Grandson of Mascada, brother of Tabako.
Put all four together
Lips of the elderly are always red

The song tells of the effect of pagmamaman wherein the lips of old people who use
maman become red. The perennial user of maman experiences the changing of the colors of the
gums, teeth and lips into bright orange-red color. This color is produced by the bunga (David-
Gallardo, 2009).

The person who chews maman inordinately salivates. Areca nut has the alkaloid
arecoline that “stimulates the parasympathetic nervous system, resulting in a contraction of the
pupils and an increased secretion of tears and saliva” (Fowler, 2005). As a consequence of
excessive salivation from maman chewing, users spit a lot. The Dumagat spit everywhere even
right at the place where they are seated or standing.

More alarming than all of the negative effects of betel-nut chewing on health is
contracting diseases like cancer, upper respiratory tract infection (URTI), peptic ulcer disease
(PUD) and diabetes.

According to the Philippine Cancer Society (PCS) betel-nut chewing is one of the main
causes of mouth cancer (another one is cigarette smoking) in the Philippines (Jimenez, 2004).
Dr. Jenee Bautista, President of the Philippine Dental Association Baguio Chapter, warns that
betel nut “is carcinogenic and it does not make the teeth stronger” and that cases of oral cancer
caused by betel nut chewing are on the rise in the Philippines wherein Northern Luzon and
Mindanao have the most number of cases (Caluza, 2007).

17
 Chewing nganga can also cause are upper respiratory tract infection (URTI), peptic ulcer
disease (PUD) and diabetes. During a medical mission for the Dumagats of Angat Watershed,
Bulacan conducted by the Foundation of Our Lady of Peace Mission, Inc. (FOLPMI), it
observed that the Dumagats’ “habit of nganga or betel nut chewing is also very common which
could partly explain the URTI transmission and predisposition for PUD.

The Dumagats are aware that medical authorities warn against the health risk of maman
chewing. According to them doctors are indeed concerned about the chemicals from the
maskada that may reach their lungs. In addition, some of the Dumagats no longer make the apog
in the traditional way of roasting the seashells but some of them avail of chemically treated apog.
For them, as long as the ingredients, i.e. maskada and apog, are produced naturally the maman
would be safe to use.

Table 5 summarizes findings of the study.

Table 5. Salient Findings on Pagmamaman

Research Objective Findings
Cultures Practicing Betel Bhutan, Cambodia, Indonesia, Myanmar,
Nut Chewing Malaysia, Thailand, Philippines, Vietnam,
India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka,
China, Taiwan, Guam, Saipan,
Micronesia, and Papua New Guinea
Pagmamaman *Chewing of maman -- bunga, lamika,
apog & mascada
*Chewed one after the other or all
together
*Placed in bags, plastic, or inok
Ingredients Bunga, Lamika, Apog and Mascada
Found in the wild, mountains, rivers,
  beaches
Reasons for Use CULTURAL - Source of Identity and
Tradition (Courtship, Wedding
Ceremony, Death Ritual, Myth, and Song)
SOCIAL (Friendship/Camaraderie,
Identification)
ECONOMIC - Livelihood
Reasons for Continued Use Parents do not stop their children
Maman and ingredients readily available
Effects Dizziness, intoxication,
thickening/numbness of gums
Addiction
Difficulty in reading
Philippines -- Cebu (Sibonga),
Bulacan (Bonga Mayor), Baguio Dity,
Davao City, Ifugao (Lagawe),
Benguet (Tublay) Mt. Province
(Bontoc, La Trinidad), Nueva
Viscaya, Mindoro -- (Cordillerans,
Mangyan, T'boli, Tiruray, Yakan,
Mandaya, Manobo)
*Done any time of the day and night
*Done by female and male, young
and adult, elders and non-elders
*Started as young as seven years old
Cultivated
Bought
PHYSICAL - Security in physical
health (Natural illness -- headache,
stomache ache, lumps, heatstroke,
toothache, fever, digestion, parasite,
sore throat, antiseptic, sore eyes,
malaria, dysentry-- & Illness caused
by spirits)
PHYSIOLOGICAL - Survival
(Hunger and Cold), Sex and Well-
being
No regulation that stops them from
chewing maman
Adults do not want to let go of it
Red lips, mouth, teeth and gums
Excessive salivation
Spitting

Conclusions

18
 The countries where betel nut chewing prevails are all non-western countries. In these
betel nut chewing countries, old cultural practices and traditions such as betel nut chewing
practice are still highly regarded. Moreover, in some of these countries, betel nut chewing is
entrenched in their societies because it is an important part of their economies. Selling betel
gives them a lot of income. However, in these countries where betel nut is a source of income,
women are empowered as well as exploited. In one country, women are empowered because
they control the betel nut trade. In another country, women are exploited because to attract betel
nut users who are mostly male, they have to wear clothes that expose a lot of skin for all people
to see along the streets.

In Philippine society, in general, the use of nganga is at a decline especially in the urban
areas. Nganga is now only chewed by some indigenous communities, patronized by the elderly,
and is confined to particular areas in few cities, municipalities and provinces. In the urban areas
it is no longer socially acceptable to sport a discolored, particularly red, lips, gums and teeth.
Moreover, modern urban planning concerned with sanitation and cleanliness is not compatible
with blotches of red spit littering streets and other public places.

Nganga chewing in the Dumagat community and in the Philippines is not a borrowed
culture. Maman figures in the oldest oral history of the Dumagats and their elders attest that
chewing maman had been practiced since before they were born. Numerous data point to the
Philippines as being the place where the betel ingredients originate.

Pagmamaman saves the lives of the Dumagats. Chewing maman makes the Dumagats
survive hunger, cold, and sickness. Even the myth of Mog-got emphasizes that the maman saves
lives as the giant spared the life of Mog-got because he chewed the maman.

Pagmamaman is a social equalizer. In the Dumagat community, everybody chews

maman. Young, old, women, men, elders, and leaders are all the same and equal when it comes
to maman -- everybody spits red. Referring again to the myth of Mog-got, even a legendary hero
like him needs the maman.

Pagmamaman will remain as a Dumagat social practice. It is a tradition that the

Dumagats inherited from their elders and would like to keep and pass on to the younger
generation.

The Dumagats can get the bunga and lamika in the mountains or grow them in the
backyard. For the apog, shells abound in the riverbed and the seashore. Mascada is available
from the stores of the Tagalogs. Since there is adequate supply of maman ingredients, the
Dumagats can still afford to maintain this habit.

There is no serious move to stop the Dumagats from chewing maman. The local
government unit in Matawe has not made any move to restrict the maman chewing habits of the
Dumagat. There is no compelling reason for the Dumagats to stop their tradition of
pagmamaman. In addition, the Dumagats live in a settlement area where in the immediate
vicinity of their homes there is still minimal interaction with non-Dumagats who may complain

19
about red teeth, lips and gums and spitting everywhere. The trappings of “modern” lifestyle have
not yet intruded in the usual daily life of the Dumagats.

The Dumagats assert that pagmamaman identifies them as belonging to one indigenous
community. They would not want to let go of the maman as a social practice because it would
mean letting go also of their source of identity.

Pagmamaman may be a steady source of income. At present, some Dumagats who have
access to them are already selling the bunga and lamika to their fellow Dumagats.

Recommendations

The Dumagats can cultivate the maman ingredients, i.e. areca catechu and betel vine, and not
rely only on those that grow in the wild in the mountains. They can plant the areca catechu and
betel vine in their backyards since they grow easily and in a short time. They may even cultivate
the tobacco when they have money to buy the seeds so that they will not be dependent on the
Tagalogs for their supply. They can also make sure that the rivers and beaches where sea shells
can be found are still able to produce such natural resource.

The newly organized MAEDUP may include in their activities a program wherein
pagmamanan is taught to children. Through this program, young children, especially those who
are discouraged by their teachers to chew maman, will still be aware that pagmamaman exists
and will still be passed on to the next generation. In this program, the children will not only be
taught how to chew maman but they will also be taught how to cultivate the ingredients, its
effects on health, and proper hygiene (i.e. not to spit indiscriminately).

Research on the effects of maman may be undertaken. The Dumagats are aware of the
warnings about the health risk related to maman chewing. Despite these warnings, no Dumagat
has complained that they experienced the harmful health effects of maman. To verify these,
there is need to conduct a research on health effects of pagmamaman on the Dumagats. Another
research can focus on how maman can be used as an instrument of unity and peace can also be
done. The Dumagats use maman to initiate and maintain friendship. Maman can be further used
so that peace and unity will be achieved. A third study may consist of the compilation of the oral
tradition of the Dumagats that has maman as theme or topic. Poetry, myths and songs can be
compiled and turned into written form so that the knowledge of the practice of pagmamaman
will be preserved and passed on to generations.

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24
1
MAEDUP is the non-government organization established by the Dumagats of Matawe to act as a liaison between the LPU and the Dumagats for the
Project DEEP.

2
Tagalog is how the Dumagats call the non-Dumagats.