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Foreign Policy of Pakistan

The Quaid's vision


Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah had envisioned the newly independent Muslim
state's foreign policy to be one of " peace with all, and enmity with none".

Especially in the context of India - Pakistan relations, the Quaid had expressed the
hope that both countries would adhere to the principles of equity, and justice, and
build peaceful and cooperative relations to the mutual benefit of their peoples.

The Quaid's foreign policy vision thus stipulated Pakistan's steadfast adherence to the
purposes and the principles of the UN Charter.

Based on these principles, " preservation of sovereign independence and territorial


integrity, socio-economic development, maintanance of Islamic identity while
progressing as a modern and forward looking democratic nation, pursuing in the
solidarity with the international community, the cause of global peace and security",
and making Pakistan a strong factor of regional and global stability.

He visualized a Pakistan that would be stable pollitically and strong economically


where its people could live their lives and raise their children in dignity, free from the
fear of violence, oppression and injustice, and where they and their future
generations could also live free from hunger, disease and illiteracy.

Geopolitics
Geography is an important determinant of a country's foreign policy having a direct
influence on its personality as a state and also its role and behaviour as a member of
the international community.

For any country, it is also important who its neighbour are, their size and power, has a
direct bearing on vital issues of its security and economic growth.

In our case, our geopolitics thus placed on Pakistan the onerous responsibility of
careful conduct of its relations not only with its immediate neighbours but also with
the rest of the world, especially the major powers.

Pakistan's external relations since the very beginning of our independence have been
marked by four major constant:

i.Security and survival as an independent state.


ii.Our troubled relationship with India which in fact the centre-point of our foreign
policy.

iii.Excessive reliance on the West, especially the US for our economic, political and
military survival.

iv.Total solidarity (a union) with the Muslim world, and unflinching (not backing
out) support to Muslim cause.

Pakistan foreign policy has remained marked by a complex process in circumtances of


the troubled history of the region in which it is located, its own geostrategic
importance, its security compulsions. We could not change our geography, nor escape
from its social, cultural, political, economic and strategic influence.

The internationally recognised principles of inter-state relations are unchanged as


geography. These include non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and
respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignity of all nations.

Historical Perspectives
When we became independent in 1947, we were not just divided from India, the
whole world itself was divided in two rival and mutually hostile blocs.

Presenting our foreign policy with a difficult choice either allign with Western
Democracy or accept the monolithic Communist system.

We were also confronted with the geopolitical environment that made Pakistan's
relations with India the "centre point" of our foreign policy.

This has been a troubled relationship, marked by, "conflict and confrontation" ever
since our independence.

At the core of all their problems is the Kashmir issue, which has kept the relations
between the two countries, perpetuating (continues) mutual tension and animosity
(hostility). They have fought wars and gained nothing in the process.

In the early 50's, with growing concern about India, we entered into a "mutual
defence agreement" with the USA (1954) and by 1955 we had joined two major
Western alliances, SEATO and CENTO in the hope that they will provide strength for
survival.

Our experience, however, did not match our expectations. When it came to defending
ourselves against India in 1965 and then again in 1971, we were left all alone.
In the mid 1970s, we were again disappointed when the US and other western
countries ignored over India's nuclear ambitions. After its peaceful explosion which
the West described as "Smiling Buddha".

In 1979, US suspended its aid to Pakistan in response to the construction of nuclear


facility.

But after the Soviet Union invasion in Afghanistan in late 1979. Pakistan became a key
ally of the US and also the front-line state in the last and decisive battle of Cold War.

Once the war was over, Soviets pulled out, the US just walked away, leaving
Afghanistan and its people at the mercy of their fate.

Pakistan was also left with a painful legacy in terms of a massive refugee and a culture
of drugs and guns, commonly known as the "Kalashnikov culture" which almost torn
apart our social and political fabric.

India also started bringing us under greater inspection and pressure for our legitimate
nuclear programme.

The 1985 Pressler Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 which banned
economic and military assistance to countries engaged in nuclear weapon
programmes was used to impose economic sanctions against Pakistan.

The sanctions were waived (ignored) selectively whenever the US needed us badly for
its own regional and global interest.

In 1998, after nuclear tests first by India and then by Pakistan, the US engaged both
countries in a "strategic dialogue".

After eight rounds of talks with both countries, in February 1999, a clear parity
(condition of being equal) was established between two countries.

Like India, we accepted no obligation (responsibility) under the global non-


proliferation regime that could circumvent (an obstacle) the quality and futue of our
strategic programme.

With this we were able to develop an implicit strategic linkage between Pakistan and
India promising them equality of treatment in terms of any future concessions,
including access to technology.

That linkage is no longer there now. Pkaistan has been categorically de-hyphenated
(separate) from India.
During his visit to Islamabad in 2006, President Bush left us in no doubt that "India
and Pakistan were two different countries with different needs and different histories
and could not be compared to each other".

He was blunt enough to tell us that Pakistan should not expect a cillian nulear
agreement like the one he had signed with India.

Post 9/11 Era


In the event of 9/11, Gen. Musharraf received a clarion (loud and clear) call from
Washington. "You're either with us or against us".

US Secretary Colin Powell telephoned him late in evening on September 12, asking for
Pakistan's full support and cooperation in fighting terrorism.

In Gen. Musharraf's own words, "the 9/11 came as a thunderbolt presenting acute
(serious) challenges as well as opportunities.

Pakistan's post 9/11 alliance with the US was the beginning of

Domestic Perspective

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