10 Repertoires and Resources

Accounting for Code-mixing in the Media

Shahrzad Mahootian

Written texts, particularly published ones, are widely perceived to have

legitimacy beyond that of the spoken word in literate societies. One reason
perhaps is that written text generally has more staying power as a concrete
and tangible documentation of thought, intention, information, agreements
and so on than does the spoken word. Furthermore, in many cases written
text assumes a larger, more unified, identifiable audience that is reflective
of those who share some subset of cultural norms and values. With legiti-
macy and cultural norms as a backdrop, the reason for code-switching in
written discourse becomes an interesting subject of inquiry. Why switch
between languages in a medium where one has ample time and resources
to produce a monolingual text per the expected norm? Researchers have
identified this phenomenon in texts ranging from blogs to historical docu-
ments and have proposed various accounts, some of which are presented in
this volume. On the surface, the switches found in written text may look
and read like typical oral code-switches, where two or more languages are
used, at times inter-sententially, at times intra-sententially and occasionally
intra-lexically, with bound and free morphemes of two (or more) languages
collaborating to create a discourse.
Along with the ‘why’ question comes a host of other queries, which can
be separated according to function and form: the ‘where’ and ‘what-for’
questions that delve into the micro- and macro-contextual levels, including
the socio-political interplay and dynamics of the languages and language
communities, valorization of the languages involved, the interlocutors,
domains, etc. And then there are the ‘how’ questions, which are primar-
ily concerned with the mechanisms and principles involved in producing
mixed code text, and the degree of structural similarity between spoken
and written code-switches.
With regard to the structure question, I have previously addressed this
issue and proposed that spoken and written code-switches1 can be accounted
for by the same model(s) (Mahootian 2005). I showed that although the
functions of code-switching may differ across spoken and written con-
texts, the structure is still guided by basic universal linguistic principles,
the most important being the relationship between a syntactic head and its
 Repertoires and Resources 193
complements. This relationship in code-switching contexts is captured by
the Head-Complement Principle, which states that the language of a head
determines the syntactic properties of its complements in code-switching
and monolingual contexts alike (Mahootian 1996, 1999). This model of
code-switching brings with it the very important assumption that multilin-
gualism is a norm. It implies that the human language capacity assumed to
be present in the language acquisition device applies equally across mono-
lingual and multilingual language acquisition contexts.
In this chapter I consider the first question: what is the function of code-
switching in written text? I analyze a range of data taken from popular main-
stream publications in the United States in an attempt to answer the ‘why’
question, with an eye to finding a pattern of use that helps us understand the
interplay between multiple languages in globalized societies. I suggest that an
approach which values language as a resource allows for a thorough articula-
tion of the issues and provides a framework for a comprehensive analysis of
the social and discourse significance of written mixed code.

LANGUAGE, IDENTITY AND CODESWITCHING

Language has been offered as the most important dimension of individual

identity (Clement, 1980), one of the most important symbols of ethnicity
(Giles, Bourhis and Taylor, 1977) and a stronger link to identity than resi-
dence, religion or ancestry (Pool, 1979). Bucholtz and Hall (2005) defi ne
identity as a ‘relational and sociocultural phenomenon that emerges and
circulates in local discourse contexts of interaction rather than as a stable
structure located primarily in the individual psyche or in fi xed social cat-
egories’ (585). The style, register and the language(s) we choose to express
ourselves all contribute to who (we think) we are, how we want others to
see us and how others actually perceive us. In short, language constructs,
indexes and reveals identity. Identity is not a monolithic concept, but a
layered construction. De Fina (2007, 353) observes, ‘People do not possess
one identity related to the social categories to which they belong, but rather
they present and re-present themselves, choosing within an inventory of
more or less compatible identities that intersect and or contrast with each
other in different ways and in accordance with changing social circum-
stances and interlocutors’. Language is one of the means at our disposal
by which to ‘present and re-present’ ourselves. However, it’s not to say
that we are the masters of our identity domains. Parts of our identities are
constructed for us even before we have arrived on the scene. Perceptions
and expectations of what it is to be an X-person of X-heritage, speaking
X-language and how you act and react as an X-er have already preceded
us and it will take quite a bit of undoing before we can be ‘ourselves’–
whatever that means. Blommaert suggests we view identity in terms of
a dynamic ‘identity repertoire’ such that the construction of identities
194 Shahrzad Mahootian
relies on access to ‘specific configuration of semiotic resources’, including
linguistic resources. He proposes that ‘status identities will require status
resources and the kind of resources we identify with mobility, the capac-
ity to perform functions across contexts’ (Blommaert 2005, 207). In order
to ‘enact a status identity’, one needs access to status resources, including
the status-bearing language(s).
For example, in the United States, some varieties of Spanish such as
the Spanish brought in by Mexicans have held a low status, with negative
associations, whereas other varieties such as Castillian Spanish of Spain
are offered in high schools and colleges throughout the country as a foreign
language. In order to take part in the mainstream, Bourhis and Marshall
note that ‘Spanish speakers are caught in a dilemma: To appear to be “good
Americans”, they feel pressured to shift to English as quickly as possible;
but they also recognize that in the long run this shift may be achieved at the
cost of losing their mother tongue and their Hispanic cultural and ethnic
identity’ (Bourhis and Marshall 1999, 250, 251).
The history of (Standard) English as a measure of Americanness is a
long one, stretching back 150-some years. Wiley (2000) provides a com-
prehensive overview of language ideology and policies in the United States,
from colonial times forward. He notes that ‘language and literacy have
always been used as means for social control and that American identity
has become directly associated with monolingual Standard English ‘as a
defi ning characteristic of citizenship’’ (85).
Although, in all cases, it is ‘language’ that appears to be the center of
debate, because languages don’t exist in isolation and are always associated
with speakers, it’s not surprising that controversies over language are often
regarded as controversies over race/ethnicity. Hill (2001) argues that the
heated debates, the ‘language panics’ over official language, are about race,
not language. In light of the elimination of bilingual education in Califor-
nia in 1998: ‘language panics are one of the characteristic discourses of rac-
ist culture as it has developed in the United States’ (245). She identifies two
types of discourse processes used and associated with racist culture: the
‘processes of expression’ which create/maintain a color line, dividing white
from color and the ‘processes of exclusion’, which ‘elevate and privilege
whiteness, reserving resources to Whites while simultaneously lowering,
oppressing, or excluding from these resources those assigned to the zone of
color’ (246). One way to exclude is by limiting access based on language.
Language itself is a resource in this context such that the language spoken
by the privileged group will automatically be the privileged language.
Flores and Yudice (1990) see code-switching as a way for Latinos to cre-
ate a new social order, one that is dependent on Latino cultural practices
and discourses: ‘Language is the most obvious site of Latino inventiveness
whether the wildest extravagance of the bilingual poet or the most mun-
dane comment of everyday life, Latino usage tends necessarily towards
interlingual innovation. Interfacing of multiple codes serves to de-canonize
 Repertoires and Resources 195
all of them’. It is also recognized that once political ideology changes and
a group becomes more conscious of their ethnicity, attitudes toward code-
mixing change (Gumperz 1982; Romaine 1995). For example, Romaine
points to the reversal of pocho and caló used in the US Southwest to refer
to the variety of Spanish-English spoken by Chicanos. While they had pre-
viously been pejorative terms, many Spanish speakers now use the terms
as a point of pride. The term ‘Spanglish’ has also gone through the same
change and acceptance (Stavans 2003; Mahootian 2005; www.nytimes.
com/2007/09/04/books/04diaz).
To understand the instances of (intentional) code-switching in main-
stream written text we need an approach that is dynamic and which
acknowledges the complex of relationships between language, identity and
socio-political power. In the following sections I suggest such an approach
and present examples from a variety of print media to illustrate the use of
mixed code repertoire as a resource to assert identity and a sign of power
shift, used by bilinguals to signal their presence in some instances, and in
other cases to signal a growing acceptance into mainstream culture.

CODE-SWITCHING AS RESOURCE

Why code-switch in printed media? The simple answer is, because we can.
This is also the complicated answer. I maintain that in the United States,
where we fi nd code-switching between English and a minority popula-
tion language in mainstream publications, these instances of intentional
codeswitching are a discourse practice through which a bilingual identity is
branded, defi ned and consequently valorized. I also suggest that intentional
mixed code in printed media serves to delineate territory, socially and polit-
ically, and to turn the tables, so to speak, with respect to the imbalance of
powers that is typically present in multicultural/multilingual societies.
In his seminal work on discourse strategies, Gumperz characterizes bilin-
gual speakers and bilingual speech communities as ‘marked both by diver-
sity of norms and attitudes and by diversity of communicative conventions’
(1982, 71). In an attempt to capture the uniformity across different bilingual
language exchanges, he posits six conversational functions of code-switch-
ing: quotation, addressee specification, interjections, reiteration, message
qualification and personalization versus objectification. Although not com-
prehensive, Gumperz’s view of the socio-pragmatic functions of code-switch-
ing provided insight into the dynamic nature of language choice and was an
important first step to a fresh look at an old phenomenon. Grosjean (1982,
152) identifies a number of additional discourse functions such as marking
group identity, emphasizing solidarity, excluding others from a conversation,
raising the status of speaker and adding authority or expertise to a message.
Some of the other long-standing approaches to the analysis of code-switch-
ing functions include Myers-Scotton’s markedness theory (1983), Auer’s
196 Shahrzad Mahootian
conversational analysis approach (1984) and Appel and Muysken’s (1987)
use of Jakobson’s (1960) and Halliday et al.’s (1964) functional framework
to account for language choice in multilanguage contexts
Though these discourse strategies have proven to inform many instances
of language choice, they were not intended for, and consequently fail to
fully account for the function of the intentional switches found in some
written discourse. 2
In Mahootian 2005, 2008 and Mahootian and Cole 2009, I applied a
Critical Discourse Analysis framework to written code-switches and deter-
mined that the intentional switches in some instances of written discourse
are part of the ‘texture’ (form, organization and content) of the text which
serve to present a distinctly different ‘message’, a meta-level message akin
to the notion of metaphoric switches and should be considered as integral
to the message.
From an analysis of Spanish-English code-mixed utterances found in pop-
ular magazines and in performance scripts by Luis Valdez and Guillermo
Gómez-Peña, I concluded that code-mixed language is one discourse prac-
tice through which a bicultural identity is defined and promoted. Within the
frame of CDA (Fairclough 1995, 2001; Fairclough and Wodak 1997; van
Dijk 1996, 1998), I further concluded that the use of mixed code in the con-
text of a national publication is one way that the social and identity struggles
of Latinos in the United States are expressed and to a certain extent resolved.
I argued that mixed code serves to forge and reinforce unity among young
Latino-Americans who are asserting independence from the dominant Eng-
lish L2-C2 (where C2 is the cultural counterpart of L2), while also breaking
away from domination of their Spanish L1-C1. Though those claims remain
valid, a review and inclusion of other popular media reveal other dimensions
of code-mixed discourse that warrant examination.
In this chapter, I consider the data from a different angle as I continue
to investigate the indexical patterns of intentional code-mixing in media,
with an aim toward a deeper understanding of social/cultural patterns and
shedding a brighter light on the role of language in the construction and
perpetuation of these patterns. Blommaert’s approach to discourse analysis
(2005) offers an ‘eclectic’ perspective. He makes some simple and intui-
tive claims that resonate well with the code-switching examples I have col-
lected from popular media. He claims that one source of social inequality
is speakers’ lack of access to the same set of ‘repertoires’, such that ‘not
everyone will be able to perform the same functions of communication’
(13). In this framework, language is viewed as a resource. In multilingual
contexts, each language is considered a resource that already has a complex
of values associated with it. Together, the value of the languages’ and the
speaker’s abilities with each language elevate or diminish the user’s status
within a language context. Each language brings with it context-sensitive
advantages and disadvantages. For example, aside from the global perspec-
tive of the ‘worth’ and status of a language (e.g., English is a high-status,
 Repertoires and Resources 197
valuable asset, Persian is not – except in certain narrow contexts), fluency
and literacy are considered assets. Blommaert sets out five principles in his
approach to the critical and scientific analysis of language, with a Boa-
sian ethnographic perspective, where cultural values are fluid and relative,
changing over time, and where all aspects of culture need to be observed in
context (Blommaert 2005, 13–5).

1. Focus should be on what language use means to the users. “We can,
and must, start from the observation that language matters to people
[ . . . ]. Consequently we need to fi nd out how language matters to
people.”
2. “Language operates differently in different environments”. Therefore
we need to look at language in the context of its use, including the
function for which it is being used.
3. Related to the second principle, the unit of language under analysis
should be contextualized language, not an abstract unit of language.
This also means that the study of language varieties is crucial, “for
such varieties are at the core of what makes language and meaning
social”.
4. Language users have access to different language varieties which com-
prise their “repertoires”, with an unequal distribution of the elements
of repertoires across speakers. Therefore, access to society will be
different for each person, based on their repertoire.
5. “Communication events are influenced by the structure of the world
system” [ . . . ] [a] system [which] is characterized by structural
inequality” including the distribution of linguistic resources. Conse-
quently, the effects of globalization need to be taken into account in
the analysis of discourse.

Blommaert also questions the notion that speakers have free choice over
the range of communication options in their communities. He argues that
freedom of choice is in reality ‘constrained by normativities’ and reflects
the ‘general patterns of inequalities’ in a community (2005, 99). Certainly,
in multilingual contexts this is a given: each language has its time, place
and domain of influence (Fishman 1965, Blom and Gumperz, 1972; Myers-
Scotton 1983, among others). It is therefore interesting to think about
societal multilingualism as fluid in nature, and to adopt a perspective that
redefi nes multilingualism not in terms of linguistic competence of individu-
als but in terms of how the social environment ‘as structured determina-
tions and interactional emergence, enables and disables’ language use and
choice (Blommaert, Collins and Slembrouck 2005, 197).
With respect to language use in written discourse, Sebba (2009) points
out that ‘in written text monolingualism is the norm’. When two languages
are used, they are kept apart, each rendered in monolingual code. He notes
that the monolingual norm operates in a similar way to ‘orthographic
198 Shahrzad Mahootian
norms’ which prescribe scripts and spellings. A characteristic of these
norms is that they do not apply equally to all types of text: thus the most
highly regulated, which must conform to the norms, are texts published by
mainstream publishers, while non-institutional types of writing, such as
personal letters, diaries, etc. fall into less regulated domains. One may con-
clude then, that in countries like the United States where monolingualism is
the established norm, when language-mixed texts are found in institutional-
ized, mainstream publications, it is an indication that the established norm
is shifting or expanding to include bilingual varieties.3 More importantly, it
is an indication that the users of the bilingual variety are gaining visibility,
legitimacy and a more valorized position in the community at large.
Thus, considering code-switching as a resource (as all language variet-
ies should be!) may allow us to more fully examine and interpret the func-
tions of code-switching in some venues. Consequently, I propose adding
a sixth principle to guide us in the analysis of code-switches in written
text, as follows:

6. The structure of a system may be influenced by communication events

such that the establishment of new linguistic normativities, as in the
use of code-mixed discourse, can influence and restructure existing
power relationships.

The addition of this principle allows us to consider and account for the
use of multiple languages in print media, as a strategy to reinforce a minor-
ity speech community’s place in the social order on the one hand, and on
the other hand, as indexical of changes in the socio-political dynamics of
co-exisiting speech communities in a multilingual context.
A resource perspective may also shed light on single-word switching of
nouns, adjectives and interjections one fi nds in some popular literature. In
her analysis of code-switching in French comics, Ben Rafael (2008) refers
to the occurrences of simple English content words in otherwise all-French
text as a kind of additive bilingualism where English is used as a resource
to enhance the descriptions and authenticity of the characters in Lucky
Luke and Astérix. The notion of additive bilingualism relies on the valori-
zation of the added language. In the context of Ben Rafael’s data, English
certainly adds value. Not so obvious is the case of switches in the novel The
Kite Runner, (see Codeswitching to Promote Visibility and Identity) where
non-valorized language (Dari) is tossed into the otherwise English narrative
and dialog. Minimally, the occurrence of Dari serves to locate a relatively
new immigrant population (Afghani immigrants) on the average Ameri-
can’s radar as a community with their own distinct language. Accordingly,
in these instances too, a view of code-switching as indexical of personal
and community identity (within and outside of the community), permit for
a coherent account of intentional code-switches in print media.
 Repertoires and Resources 199

DATA ANALYSIS

The Data
The data comes from five sources: some scripted performances from Luis
Valdez and Guillermo Gómez–Peña; Latina, a bilingual lifestyles magazine;
a short story by Junot Díaz published in the March 2010 edition of The New
Yorker magazine; and Khaled Hosseini’s The Kite Runner. These mixed Eng-
lish-other language works were chosen because of their national popularity
as determined by positive reviews or appearance in well-known mainstream
sales venues, mainstream publications such as Newsweek or The New Yorker
magazine. With the exception of Latina magazine, which targets a particu-
lar audience, the other works cut across ethnic (and linguistic) boundaries.
I first look at Spanish-English switches, chronologically starting with Luis
Valdez, followed by Guillermo Gómez–Peña and Latina and ending with
Junot Díaz’s short story. Across these four sources we see a progression and
expansion of the role and function of Spanish-English code-switching. I then
examine switches in a popular novel by a non-Hispanic immigrant and con-
trast the function of these switches with those of the previously mentioned
publications. I propose that code-switching is used to achieve one of three dif-
ferent ends: to highlight and challenge the social/power imbalances and call
for change, to show a shift in the balance or to highlight an ethnic identity as
a sort of foot in the door of the social order. I suggest that code-switching is
used as a resource to throw a spotlight on the bilingual community, and to
signal and demarcate ideological, political, social and cultural territory and
establish the bilingual community’s voice in the larger community. On the
flip-side, it’s also clear that the community’s voice is not a terribly loud one
and is still kept in check by other social forces which still favor and valorize
Standard English and its adept users, a favoritism that brings with it clear
ethnic and racial boundaries.

Code-switching as Defiance and as Unity

Luis Valdez was born in the United States in 1940 to Mexican migrant farm
worker parents. Considered the father of Chicano Theater, he formed the
El Teatro Campensina troupe in 1965 and was thrust into the spotlight as a
figure associated with the Chicano civil rights movement of the 1960s and
70s. The theater was part of the cultural arm of the United Farm Workers
and was founded to support Cesar Chavez’s efforts to unionize California
farm workers during the Delano Grape Strike of 1965. Early performances
were inspired by the lives of the farm workers and were performed on flat-
bed trucks in the fields in Delano, with farm workers as the actors (Broyles-
Gonzalez 1994). Accordingly, switches by Valdez’s characters feature slang
and colloquialisms that non-insiders (e.g. monolingual English speakers
200 Shahrzad Mahootian
and speakers of ‘standard’ Spanish) would not understand. Many of the
switches are metaphorical switches (Blom and Gumperz 1972) and don’t
really add to the content of the message. The types of switches are more
along the lines of interjections, meant to deliver an extralinguistic message.
Metaphorical code-switching is viewed as an indication of the speaker’s
momentary attitudes and emotions, with social variables (class, situation,
speakers, topic, etc.) and ideological variables (identity, group affi liation,
etc.) as important contributors to the form of the message (Gumperz, 1982).
In the context of the disenfranchised farm workers, the switches sent a mes-
sage of presence to the outsiders (non-Chicanos) and a message of unity to
the insiders (Chicanos).
In Zoot Suit (1978), Luis Valdez depicts the trial of Mexican-American
gang members in the 1940s, charged and sentenced with the murder of
another Mexican-American. Examples 1 and 2 are characteristic of meta-
phoric switching. In 3, the use of slang adds realism while also restricting
outsider access.

1) It was the secret fantasy of every bato

dude
‘It was the secret fantasy of every dude.’

2) You’re a little out of your territory, ¿que no Rafas?

what no
‘You’re a little out of your territory, isn’t that so, Rafas?’

3) And nobody chinga con mi familia without answering to me!

screws with my family
‘And nobody screws with my family without answering to me!’

The use of English and Spanish together gives the audience a rallying
point as it reminds them not just through the stories but also through the
language that they are different. Accepting and embracing the difference
is an act of defiance in an atmosphere where color, ethnicity and language
are used to discriminate and separate. In particular, the use of a stigma-
tized medium such as code-switching makes a clear distinction between
Mexicans and Chicanos and also between Chicanos and Anglo-Americans,
while validating the Chicano reality: the mixed code reflects changes in
the socio-political dynamics of the speech communities in contact and an
awareness of that change, at least by some members of both communities.
In as much as there was support for plays by Valdez and his representations
of Chicano life and language, and there was no outcry of indignation or
criticism brought against him for using code-switches in his character depic-
tions, we may speculate that Valdez’s message had support (at least) within
the bilingual community with respect to both form and content. We may
also speculate that the community shared in his message of activism, and
 Repertoires and Resources 201
his purpose of revealing the inequalities and the struggle between the two
communities brought to light by his characters’ stories and the language(s)
they use to tell the stories.
In 1978, Guillermo Gómez-Peña a Mexican writer, activist and per-
formance artist, crossed the border from Mexico into the United States.
He refers to himself as a border citizen, ‘which means I’m always the
other, but I get to choose my identity depending on context. I can be a
Mexican, a post-Mexican, a Chicano [ . . . ]’. (Gómez-Peña 1993). Most
of his artistic and intellectual work concerns border cultures and all that
comes with them: language, ideology ethnicity, color and ultimately how
all these facets defi ne and determine personal and communal power rela-
tions. His poems and scripted performances include mixed code using
English, French, Spanish and Nahuatl, along with words he has created
by mixing free and bound morphemes from different languages. His mes-
sage overlaps with, yet differs from, that of Valdez: Gómez-Peña is inter-
ested in highlighting the plight of the immigrant, all immigrants at the
border zone, and to advocate a borderless society by blurring pre-estab-
lished physical and ideological borders. He uses code-switching along
with culturally symbolic costumes, personae and props to demonstrate
the complex nature of a borderless society. Code-switching is a dominant
mode of expression as he forces a confrontation between his audience and
their fears, whether those fears reside in intolerance of other languages,
ideologies, accents, skin color or any other physical or imagined bound-
aries (Cole 2011; Mahootian and Cole 2009). In the excerpts below, we
see intra- and inter-sentential switches echoing Gómez-Peña’s message of
shifting borders, shifting identities and globalization. At some point in
the performance or the reading, the audience/readers are insiders while
at other points they become the outsiders, and thus momentarily shar-
ing the border experience of immigrants.4 The examples below are from
three of Gómez-Peña’s performance publications. In 4 (Gómex-Peña,
1993), single-word switches (‘raza’ (race) and ‘si’ (yes), ‘huevo’ (egg)) are
tossed into a mostly English text. In 5 (Gómex-Peña, 1993), the switch-
ing is inter-sentential and the English text is actually a translation of the
Spanish that came before it. In 6, English, French and Spanish along with
Gómez-Peña’s own created words are used.

4) helloww rrazzza. . .
can you hear me?
I’m standing right on the U.S./Mexico
borderline
with a foot on each country siii. . .
the line is actually bisecting my manhood
got a Mexican huevo & an American ball
(From 1992: The re-discovery of America: XXII Binational Perfor-
mance in La Pocho Nostra, p. 117)
202 Shahrzad Mahootian
5) Naci entre epocas y culturas y vice versa
Naci de una herida infectada
Herida en llamas
Herida que auuuuulla
[he howls]
I’m the child of border crisis
A product of a cultural cesarean
I was born between epochs & cultures
(From Merolica Voice (Mexico street Performer), p. 78)

6) In the americas, things

are equally peludas Tenepantia tinemi y es que
Regarding l’identite la pisca existential esta ka..ka
. . .y es que la neta escueta? So drop your cuete mujer
Plus o moin et fiches-moi la paix
Aqui o alla y hagamos la paz
Ceci cela con la lengue babe
Que esto/que aquello dans la voiture sacre
Ici/la-bas en la mera rranfla
Que tu/que yo my toyota flamingero
(From Brown out part 2 in La Pocha Nostra,
http://www.pochanostra.com)

While both Valdez and Gómez-Peña continued with their work and the
spreading of their political messages, in another corner of the country, a
new magazine, Latina, made its debut on magazine stands in 1996. On its
website, Latina is described as ‘the bilingual lifestyle magazine for today’s
Hispanic woman. Created with a special understanding of her unique iden-
tity and values [...]’ (www.amazon.com/Latina-Magazine).
A quick read through several issues assures us that there is no overt political
message behind the glossy pictures and fun factoids and occasional interviews
with popular Latinas/Latinos like Ricky Martin, J-Lo, Eva Mendez and Justice
Sonia Sotomayor among others. There is an abundance of cultural values and
pride displayed on the website and in the pages from the lifestyles section to the
recipes to the advice column. For example, a link under ‘Community’ on the
website invites readers to ‘Come here to surround yourself with friends, family
and fellow Latina readers. Create your own profile, update your blog, post pho-
tos, upload videos and meet new people. Remember, our community can only
be as great as you make it. Enjoy!’ (www.amazon.com/Latina-magazine).
An interesting point is that the magazine is called Latina. In Mahoo-
tian (2005), I note that the term ‘Latina/Latino’ is favored by younger,
more socially/politically active individuals, who are seeking equality and
opportunities. ‘Hispanic’ was considered more traditional. Young people
see themselves more as Latinos, more closely related to Latin Americans
who live in the US rather than as descendants of Spaniards. The magazine
 Repertoires and Resources 203
title as well as the English and Spanish code-mixes appearing on the cover
and in a number of the features signals a change in perception and attitude
of the readership with regards to self-identification as ‘Latinos’ as described
above rather than ‘Hispanics’. I also found that the switches in Latina
could be categorized as emotive (ethnically bonding), idiomatic, functional
categories and non-emotive seemingly random lexical items. I determined
that code-mixed discourse is used as a speech variety by bilingual Latinos.
Code-switching reinforces their affi liation with two cultures, asserts their
identity as bicultural bilinguals while allowing them to maintain strong
ties with the home culture. This corresponds to the observation noted ear-
lier that once political ideology changes and a group becomes more con-
scious of their ethnicity, attitudes toward code-mixing change (Gumperz
1982; Romaine 1995). The occurrence of Spanish-English switches in a
mainstream lifestyles magazine also indicates a change in the attitude of
the mainstream community towards the bilingual community. Latina can
be found alongside mainstream popular magazines. Throughout the print
publication, Spanish words are presented in italic font, at once highlight-
ing the words, the language and the readership that can understand these
words. The italics lend an otherness to the use of Spanish in the context of
English. But an otherness that is not necessarily equivalent to being an out-
sider. Here the recognition of the separation of the two languages under-
scores the existence of both languages (and both cultures). The fact that
they can appear side-by-side in a mainstream publication shows a more
equal attribution of value and legitimacy.
The examples in 7–9 are typical of the evocative type of switches. The
switch in 10 is part of the advice column title ‘Dolores Dice’.5

7) Issue him a learner’s permit and hit the road, m’ija

my daughter
‘Issue him a learner’s permit and hit the road, honey.’

8) I’ve been going out with my novio of two years.

boyfriend
‘I’ve been going out with my boyfriend of two years.’

9) Is Mami-hood making J. Lo look younger?

Mommy
‘Is Mommy-hood making J. Lo look younger?

10) Dolores Dice: Should I Stay or Should I go?

Says
‘Dolores Says: Should I Stay or Should I go?’

Examples 11 and 12 are from the Latina website (Latina, 2009). Both
are from readers. The code-switches are like those found in the magazine:
204 Shahrzad Mahootian
simple words and phrases, transparent in meaning, with readily available
translation equivalents. They attest to the naturalness of the switches by the
magazine and to the use of code-switching as an acceptable code choice.

11) what’s going on with our hombres who feel so threatened by intel-
ligent women
men
‘what’s going on with our men who feel so threatened by intelligent
women’

12) I am one of these mujeres! gracias Dolores! I’m waiting patiently

without
women thank you
making it a center of my life por un hombre :) enjoying el presente!
for a man the present
‘I am one of these women! Thank you, Dolores! I’m waiting
patiently, without making it a center of my life, for a man:) enjoy-
ing the present!’

The switched categories in Latina are more comprehensive than those in

the works of Valdez and Gómez-Peña, and include nouns, verbs, interjec-
tions, prepositional phrases and determiner phrases. Moreover, the switches
in Latina are not scripted in the same way as in the other two works: they
are not meant to be performed by anyone and they don’t appear to have an
overt political message in and of themselves. However, it is significant that
a linguistic code, i.e. code-switching, that was previously received nega-
tively by both Spanish and English speakers is accepted and associated with
youth, progressiveness and ultimately, with status. The mere appearance of
a mixed code that brings together a majority language with a minority lan-
guage is a political statement, especially when the minority language (and
population) has been at the center of political debate and demonstrations.
In addition to Spanish and English, Latinos are creating and propagating
their own new code-mixed repertoire. The public displays of code-switch-
ing can best be addressed as a new distribution of resources. Just as Latinos
are increasing in population and gaining political power, they are also gain-
ing access to linguistic resources. So now the new Latino population has
an exclusive resource, one which is conventionalized and appears alongside
other socially accepted codes in status-bearing publications, the resource
of code-mixed Spanish-English. The acceptance of code-mixing in a non-
political, non-performance conventionalized mainstream venue is indica-
tive of a social change that goes beyond the Latino community.
Finally, I turn to the Dominican-American writer Junot Díaz, whose
stories center on the Domincan diaspora in America. He has been reg-
ularly published in The New Yorker magazine since 1996. He won the
2008 Pulitzer Prize fiction award for his novel The Brief Wonderous Life
 Repertoires and Resources 205
of Oscar Wao. Like Gómez–Peña, Díaz does not use any device such as
italics, quotation marks, etc. to set off the Spanish words from the English.
He has effectively removed visual boundaries between the two languages,
highlighting neither. It is also interesting that in his newest short story, The
Pura Principle, published in The New Yorker magazine (March, 2010) he
uses whole phrases in Spanish, not just single words as in his fi rst series of
short stories in Drown (1996). Some of the phrases are easily understood
by monolingual English speakers who have been exposed to some Span-
ish (mami, bueno, Jesucristo), while other phrases are not (sucias, estaba
jodido, Dios mío, qué me has hecho). What can be said about this inten-
tional language mixing where monolingual English (and Spanish) speakers
are pushed to the sidelines? Given the prestige and popularity of The New
Yorker magazine, which has published the story, it appears that the speak-
ers of this mixed variety of Spanish-English have achieved a recognized
voice and status, that they are counted and that they count. A second obser-
vation is that the mixed Spanish-English variety has gained acceptance and
its domain of use is expanding – it’s not just for Latino bilingual Spanish-
English speakers. The third observation is that Díaz, who can just as easily
write in monolingual English,6 has chosen to render these stories in mixed
mode, presumably because it is an authentic representation of the charac-
ters and the community. It’s their story, told in their own voice and their
own languages, a mixture of English and Spanish. Finally, it is noteworthy
that the reviewer of Díaz’s novel in The New York Times, one of the old-
est and most prestigious newspapers in the United States, states that Díaz
‘writes in a sort of streetwise brand of Spanglish that even the most mono-
lingual reader can easily inhale’ (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/04/).
Notice that the term Spanglish (Spanish-English mixed repertoire) is used
without explanation, implying all readers know what the term means. It is
also interesting that the ‘monolingual readers’ are assumed to be English
speakers, familiar with some Spanish!
In these examples of public Spanish-English code-switching, from the
narrow domain in theater and performance art into mainstream American
culture, from stigmatized ‘bad’ speech to an accepted voice, mixed Span-
ish-English has found recognition and acceptance as a variety in a matter of
four decades as a new and legitimate variety with its own structure, lexicon
and domains of use (See also Jonsson 2005).

Codeswitching to Promote Visibility and Identity

In this section I consider a different kind of code-switching example. Taken
from a genre of literature produced by newer immigrants (such as Afghani-
American), the code-switches discussed in this section provide a different
view of the role and function of written code-switching, one which may
bring us to a better understanding of code-switching and its (possible) role
in language change (see below).
206 Shahrzad Mahootian
On the publisher’s website, The Kite Runner by Khaled Hosseini (2003) is
described as ‘The first Afghan novel to be written in English, The Kite Run-
ner tells a sweeping story of family, love, and friendship against a backdrop
of history that has not been told in fiction before [ . . . ] it is contemporary
in its subject—the devastating history of Afghanistan over the last thirty
years’ (http://penguingroup.com/nf/book). The ‘devastating history’ refers to
the Soviet invasion and the take-over by the Taliban in the late 1970s. A
mass exodus of Afghanis to the United States and Pakistan ensues. As the
story unfolds, the non-Afghani reader is brought in, not just as an observer,
but as an experiencer who not only reads about events but is forced into
conscious awareness of the ‘other’. Through a series of mostly single-word
switches into Dari7 followed by immediate translations, a pattern of insider-
outsider is established, with the reader as the (somewhat privileged) outsider
who connects with the characters and their destinies. For the readers who
share the same cultural heritage(s) as the author, the role of insider-outsider
is reversed. They are the insiders who not only can bond with the charac-
ters but also with the author. These readers’ identities are validated. Code-
switches in this novel are presented in italics and all are of the single word
variety, mostly nouns, a few interjections and social phrases such as ‘good
bye’ or ‘thank you’. Many of the code-switches are recycled and repeated,
and all are translated into English, either immediately after the code-switch
or within the next phrase or two. The examples below are representative of
the lexical category and the nature of the content of the information in the
code-switches found in The Kite Runner. In all three we see single nouns in
Dari, ‘explained’ to us in the text that follows.

13) I am not an ahmaq, so don’t play stupid with me. (p145)

idiot/stupid

14) He has nang and namoos. Nang. Namoos. Honor and pride. (p145)
honor pride honor pride

15) not unless the fellow in question was a khastegar. Suitor. (p147)
suitor

As with Valdez and Gómez-Peña, code-switching is part of the author’s

repertoire, whether he is using it as a device to add an Afghani flavor to
the part of the story that takes place in Afghanistan, or using it to help
describe or authenticate his characters’ speech communities in the US.
Unlike Valdez and Gómez-Peña, Hosseini’s use of code-switching is always
inclusive (despite the italicizing of the Dari words), since Hosseini provides
translations for all instances of code-switching in his novel. This strategy
of providing translations within the text for all non-English words sets
the code-switches found in The Kite Runner apart from the switches dis-
cussed in the other venues and leads us back to the ‘why’ question? Why
 Repertoires and Resources 207
is code-switching used in this novel? And can it be accounted for within a
language-as-resource framework?
In Ben Rafael’s analysis of the Astérix comics, English is a resource and is
additive because of its perceived international value. The same cannot be said
of Afghani Dari, a language whose use is restricted to Afghanistan. How-
ever, it can be argued that although the code-switches in The Kite Runner
are not additive in the sense Ben Rafael uses the notion, they do add to the
story. They bring texture and depth to the part of the story which takes place
in Afghanistan by highlighting the ethnic identity of the characters and the
location. Moreover, the Dari code-switching which extends to the characters
once they are in America helps to identify an ethnic minority associated with
the story and living in the United States – Afghani refugees and immigrants.
All in all, the few Dari nouns and adjectives scattered in The Kite Run-
ner signal a certain level of interest in and acceptance of Afghani communi-
ties by the majority culture – otherwise, the Dari words would have been
edited out. The interest and acceptance is also exemplified by the fact that
a few years later, in 2005, the book became a major Hollywood motion
picture and was lauded as ‘Magnificent’ (by renowned fi lm critic, Roger
Ebert) and ‘One of the year’s best fi lms’ (Vanity Fair) (http://www.kiterun-
nermovie.com). This level of recognition and acceptance contributes to a
group becoming a visible minority, and eventually, a hyphenated American,
in this case, Afghani-American. It should be noted that the code-switching
English-Dari was maintained in the film and somewhat expanded so that
some portions of some of the dialogs taking place in Afghanistan were
completely in Dari and subtitled in English.

LANGUAGE RESOURCES AND LANGUAGE CHANGE

Viewing language as a resource, indexical of social power and personal and

community identity has allowed a uniform account of the intentional code-
switching in the sources discussed in the previous section. I have suggested
elsewhere (Mahootian 2005), that recognition of intentional code-switch-
ing as discursive strategy bound to identity instantiation may provide clues
as to the means and motivations behind some instances of language change.
I have proposed that the use of mixed-code discourse, especially in writ-
ten media, as a pragmatically and structurally distinct variety available to
bilingual speakers, falls within the Weinreich, Labov and Herzog (1968)
and Labov (1972a,b) conceptions of language change.
Here I’d like to suggest that a resource model is compatible with the
Labovian approach to the study of language variation and language change,
where the process of change is seen as part of a social dynamic that offers
a glimpse into the relationship between language and social identity. For
example, we may want to consider that the type of code-mixing described
in The Kite Runner which has begun as a discourse strategy to index social
208 Shahrzad Mahootian
identity, may be a precursor to the development of a code-mixed variety of
English (Dari-English), similar to that of the case of Spanish-English in the
US. In this scenario, over time, and contingent on the growing population
and social status of the Afghani community, Dari-English gains acceptance
as a variety alongside monolingual Dari and monolingual English and is
used in more public venues by the Dari-English speech community, while
also gaining more recognition and legitimacy among other ‘mainstream’
speech communities.

CONCLUSION

Language choice, even at its most intentional and willful, as in written

texts, is not wholly controlled by the user. The placement, degree and
types of code-switching are still governed by social (and political) con-
straints. A repertoire and resources approach provides a framework to
better account for intentional code-switching in media. The acceptabil-
ity of mixed code in some popular media highlights code-switching as a
resource used to create a context of solidarity, signal a shift in the status
of a community and its speakers, or to use it to express the presence of
a minority group. Mixed code text was seen to perform four discourse
functions: as a political statement of defi ance; as a call for globalization
and deterritorizing of identity; as a statement and indicator of the shift
in social status and therefore, power; and fi nally, as a symbol of ethnicity
and emerging hyphenated communities (i.e. such as Afghani-Americans).
Essentially, where we fi nd code-switching in mainstream publications,
the switches are intentional and reveal some aspect of the social power
dynamic between the majority and the minority(s) represented by the lan-
guages. Intentional mixed code in printed media serves to delineate ter-
ritory, socially and politically, and to turn the tables with respect to the
imbalance of powers. The intended message goes beyond the text, beyond
the linguistic structure: within the mixed code state of the medium, the
bilingual community is the insider and the monolingual community is the
outsider. The fact that this intended message is brought forth through a
conventionalized format is itself another message, one that this language
variety, and by implication its speakers, are on their way to acceptance by
the majority, and that given time and the right conditions, a mixed variety
may become a normal part of the repertoire.

NOTES

1. Throughout this chapter, I use the terms ‘codes-witching’, ‘mixed-code’, ‘code-

mixing’ and all other variations of the these terms interchangeably to refer to any
instance where L1 and L2 are combined, whether at a morphological or sentential
level, intra-sententially (insertion) or inter-sententially (language alternation).
 Repertoires and Resources 209
2. Not all switches in written discourse are necessarily intentional. Code-
switches in venues that fall somewhere between spoken and written text such
as emails or instant messaging, may or may not be completely intentional (see
chapters in this volume).
3. Although at this time in the US, the types of publications that incorporate
code-switching are limited to non-academic materials such as lifestyle maga-
zines, literature, plays, etc., we can draw on Bell’s (1984) observation that
the language of mass media draws from the norms of the population with
which it wishes to identify and reason that the occurrence and visibility of
such publication, at the very least, indicates that code-switching is becoming
a recognized norm. It should also be noted that some of these publications
are used in academic contexts. For example the short stories of Junot Diaz
(Drown), Cizneros (House on Mango Street) and the plays of Luis Valdez
(Zoot suit) are used in literature, sociolinguistics, communications and the-
ater classes in many colleges and high schools.
4. To stay true to Gómez–Peña’s message of shifting borders I have not given
translations of the non-English words within the examples.
5. There is one difference between the print and the web version of Latina. In
the web version, the word ‘dice’ is not italicized.
6. Junot Diaz is the fiction editor at the Boston Review and the Nancy Allen
Professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
7. Dari is one of the two official languages of Afghanistan. It is the most widely
spoken language in Afghanistan and serves as the lingua franca of the country.

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