Professional Documents
Culture Documents
CODE-SWITCHING AS RESOURCE
Why code-switch in printed media? The simple answer is, because we can.
This is also the complicated answer. I maintain that in the United States,
where we fi nd code-switching between English and a minority popula-
tion language in mainstream publications, these instances of intentional
codeswitching are a discourse practice through which a bilingual identity is
branded, defi ned and consequently valorized. I also suggest that intentional
mixed code in printed media serves to delineate territory, socially and polit-
ically, and to turn the tables, so to speak, with respect to the imbalance of
powers that is typically present in multicultural/multilingual societies.
In his seminal work on discourse strategies, Gumperz characterizes bilin-
gual speakers and bilingual speech communities as ‘marked both by diver-
sity of norms and attitudes and by diversity of communicative conventions’
(1982, 71). In an attempt to capture the uniformity across different bilingual
language exchanges, he posits six conversational functions of code-switch-
ing: quotation, addressee specification, interjections, reiteration, message
qualification and personalization versus objectification. Although not com-
prehensive, Gumperz’s view of the socio-pragmatic functions of code-switch-
ing provided insight into the dynamic nature of language choice and was an
important first step to a fresh look at an old phenomenon. Grosjean (1982,
152) identifies a number of additional discourse functions such as marking
group identity, emphasizing solidarity, excluding others from a conversation,
raising the status of speaker and adding authority or expertise to a message.
Some of the other long-standing approaches to the analysis of code-switch-
ing functions include Myers-Scotton’s markedness theory (1983), Auer’s
196 Shahrzad Mahootian
conversational analysis approach (1984) and Appel and Muysken’s (1987)
use of Jakobson’s (1960) and Halliday et al.’s (1964) functional framework
to account for language choice in multilanguage contexts
Though these discourse strategies have proven to inform many instances
of language choice, they were not intended for, and consequently fail to
fully account for the function of the intentional switches found in some
written discourse. 2
In Mahootian 2005, 2008 and Mahootian and Cole 2009, I applied a
Critical Discourse Analysis framework to written code-switches and deter-
mined that the intentional switches in some instances of written discourse
are part of the ‘texture’ (form, organization and content) of the text which
serve to present a distinctly different ‘message’, a meta-level message akin
to the notion of metaphoric switches and should be considered as integral
to the message.
From an analysis of Spanish-English code-mixed utterances found in pop-
ular magazines and in performance scripts by Luis Valdez and Guillermo
Gómez-Peña, I concluded that code-mixed language is one discourse prac-
tice through which a bicultural identity is defined and promoted. Within the
frame of CDA (Fairclough 1995, 2001; Fairclough and Wodak 1997; van
Dijk 1996, 1998), I further concluded that the use of mixed code in the con-
text of a national publication is one way that the social and identity struggles
of Latinos in the United States are expressed and to a certain extent resolved.
I argued that mixed code serves to forge and reinforce unity among young
Latino-Americans who are asserting independence from the dominant Eng-
lish L2-C2 (where C2 is the cultural counterpart of L2), while also breaking
away from domination of their Spanish L1-C1. Though those claims remain
valid, a review and inclusion of other popular media reveal other dimensions
of code-mixed discourse that warrant examination.
In this chapter, I consider the data from a different angle as I continue
to investigate the indexical patterns of intentional code-mixing in media,
with an aim toward a deeper understanding of social/cultural patterns and
shedding a brighter light on the role of language in the construction and
perpetuation of these patterns. Blommaert’s approach to discourse analysis
(2005) offers an ‘eclectic’ perspective. He makes some simple and intui-
tive claims that resonate well with the code-switching examples I have col-
lected from popular media. He claims that one source of social inequality
is speakers’ lack of access to the same set of ‘repertoires’, such that ‘not
everyone will be able to perform the same functions of communication’
(13). In this framework, language is viewed as a resource. In multilingual
contexts, each language is considered a resource that already has a complex
of values associated with it. Together, the value of the languages’ and the
speaker’s abilities with each language elevate or diminish the user’s status
within a language context. Each language brings with it context-sensitive
advantages and disadvantages. For example, aside from the global perspec-
tive of the ‘worth’ and status of a language (e.g., English is a high-status,
Repertoires and Resources 197
valuable asset, Persian is not – except in certain narrow contexts), fluency
and literacy are considered assets. Blommaert sets out five principles in his
approach to the critical and scientific analysis of language, with a Boa-
sian ethnographic perspective, where cultural values are fluid and relative,
changing over time, and where all aspects of culture need to be observed in
context (Blommaert 2005, 13–5).
1. Focus should be on what language use means to the users. “We can,
and must, start from the observation that language matters to people
[ . . . ]. Consequently we need to fi nd out how language matters to
people.”
2. “Language operates differently in different environments”. Therefore
we need to look at language in the context of its use, including the
function for which it is being used.
3. Related to the second principle, the unit of language under analysis
should be contextualized language, not an abstract unit of language.
This also means that the study of language varieties is crucial, “for
such varieties are at the core of what makes language and meaning
social”.
4. Language users have access to different language varieties which com-
prise their “repertoires”, with an unequal distribution of the elements
of repertoires across speakers. Therefore, access to society will be
different for each person, based on their repertoire.
5. “Communication events are influenced by the structure of the world
system” [ . . . ] [a] system [which] is characterized by structural
inequality” including the distribution of linguistic resources. Conse-
quently, the effects of globalization need to be taken into account in
the analysis of discourse.
Blommaert also questions the notion that speakers have free choice over
the range of communication options in their communities. He argues that
freedom of choice is in reality ‘constrained by normativities’ and reflects
the ‘general patterns of inequalities’ in a community (2005, 99). Certainly,
in multilingual contexts this is a given: each language has its time, place
and domain of influence (Fishman 1965, Blom and Gumperz, 1972; Myers-
Scotton 1983, among others). It is therefore interesting to think about
societal multilingualism as fluid in nature, and to adopt a perspective that
redefi nes multilingualism not in terms of linguistic competence of individu-
als but in terms of how the social environment ‘as structured determina-
tions and interactional emergence, enables and disables’ language use and
choice (Blommaert, Collins and Slembrouck 2005, 197).
With respect to language use in written discourse, Sebba (2009) points
out that ‘in written text monolingualism is the norm’. When two languages
are used, they are kept apart, each rendered in monolingual code. He notes
that the monolingual norm operates in a similar way to ‘orthographic
198 Shahrzad Mahootian
norms’ which prescribe scripts and spellings. A characteristic of these
norms is that they do not apply equally to all types of text: thus the most
highly regulated, which must conform to the norms, are texts published by
mainstream publishers, while non-institutional types of writing, such as
personal letters, diaries, etc. fall into less regulated domains. One may con-
clude then, that in countries like the United States where monolingualism is
the established norm, when language-mixed texts are found in institutional-
ized, mainstream publications, it is an indication that the established norm
is shifting or expanding to include bilingual varieties.3 More importantly, it
is an indication that the users of the bilingual variety are gaining visibility,
legitimacy and a more valorized position in the community at large.
Thus, considering code-switching as a resource (as all language variet-
ies should be!) may allow us to more fully examine and interpret the func-
tions of code-switching in some venues. Consequently, I propose adding
a sixth principle to guide us in the analysis of code-switches in written
text, as follows:
The addition of this principle allows us to consider and account for the
use of multiple languages in print media, as a strategy to reinforce a minor-
ity speech community’s place in the social order on the one hand, and on
the other hand, as indexical of changes in the socio-political dynamics of
co-exisiting speech communities in a multilingual context.
A resource perspective may also shed light on single-word switching of
nouns, adjectives and interjections one fi nds in some popular literature. In
her analysis of code-switching in French comics, Ben Rafael (2008) refers
to the occurrences of simple English content words in otherwise all-French
text as a kind of additive bilingualism where English is used as a resource
to enhance the descriptions and authenticity of the characters in Lucky
Luke and Astérix. The notion of additive bilingualism relies on the valori-
zation of the added language. In the context of Ben Rafael’s data, English
certainly adds value. Not so obvious is the case of switches in the novel The
Kite Runner, (see Codeswitching to Promote Visibility and Identity) where
non-valorized language (Dari) is tossed into the otherwise English narrative
and dialog. Minimally, the occurrence of Dari serves to locate a relatively
new immigrant population (Afghani immigrants) on the average Ameri-
can’s radar as a community with their own distinct language. Accordingly,
in these instances too, a view of code-switching as indexical of personal
and community identity (within and outside of the community), permit for
a coherent account of intentional code-switches in print media.
Repertoires and Resources 199
DATA ANALYSIS
The Data
The data comes from five sources: some scripted performances from Luis
Valdez and Guillermo Gómez–Peña; Latina, a bilingual lifestyles magazine;
a short story by Junot Díaz published in the March 2010 edition of The New
Yorker magazine; and Khaled Hosseini’s The Kite Runner. These mixed Eng-
lish-other language works were chosen because of their national popularity
as determined by positive reviews or appearance in well-known mainstream
sales venues, mainstream publications such as Newsweek or The New Yorker
magazine. With the exception of Latina magazine, which targets a particu-
lar audience, the other works cut across ethnic (and linguistic) boundaries.
I first look at Spanish-English switches, chronologically starting with Luis
Valdez, followed by Guillermo Gómez–Peña and Latina and ending with
Junot Díaz’s short story. Across these four sources we see a progression and
expansion of the role and function of Spanish-English code-switching. I then
examine switches in a popular novel by a non-Hispanic immigrant and con-
trast the function of these switches with those of the previously mentioned
publications. I propose that code-switching is used to achieve one of three dif-
ferent ends: to highlight and challenge the social/power imbalances and call
for change, to show a shift in the balance or to highlight an ethnic identity as
a sort of foot in the door of the social order. I suggest that code-switching is
used as a resource to throw a spotlight on the bilingual community, and to
signal and demarcate ideological, political, social and cultural territory and
establish the bilingual community’s voice in the larger community. On the
flip-side, it’s also clear that the community’s voice is not a terribly loud one
and is still kept in check by other social forces which still favor and valorize
Standard English and its adept users, a favoritism that brings with it clear
ethnic and racial boundaries.
The use of English and Spanish together gives the audience a rallying
point as it reminds them not just through the stories but also through the
language that they are different. Accepting and embracing the difference
is an act of defiance in an atmosphere where color, ethnicity and language
are used to discriminate and separate. In particular, the use of a stigma-
tized medium such as code-switching makes a clear distinction between
Mexicans and Chicanos and also between Chicanos and Anglo-Americans,
while validating the Chicano reality: the mixed code reflects changes in
the socio-political dynamics of the speech communities in contact and an
awareness of that change, at least by some members of both communities.
In as much as there was support for plays by Valdez and his representations
of Chicano life and language, and there was no outcry of indignation or
criticism brought against him for using code-switches in his character depic-
tions, we may speculate that Valdez’s message had support (at least) within
the bilingual community with respect to both form and content. We may
also speculate that the community shared in his message of activism, and
Repertoires and Resources 201
his purpose of revealing the inequalities and the struggle between the two
communities brought to light by his characters’ stories and the language(s)
they use to tell the stories.
In 1978, Guillermo Gómez-Peña a Mexican writer, activist and per-
formance artist, crossed the border from Mexico into the United States.
He refers to himself as a border citizen, ‘which means I’m always the
other, but I get to choose my identity depending on context. I can be a
Mexican, a post-Mexican, a Chicano [ . . . ]’. (Gómez-Peña 1993). Most
of his artistic and intellectual work concerns border cultures and all that
comes with them: language, ideology ethnicity, color and ultimately how
all these facets defi ne and determine personal and communal power rela-
tions. His poems and scripted performances include mixed code using
English, French, Spanish and Nahuatl, along with words he has created
by mixing free and bound morphemes from different languages. His mes-
sage overlaps with, yet differs from, that of Valdez: Gómez-Peña is inter-
ested in highlighting the plight of the immigrant, all immigrants at the
border zone, and to advocate a borderless society by blurring pre-estab-
lished physical and ideological borders. He uses code-switching along
with culturally symbolic costumes, personae and props to demonstrate
the complex nature of a borderless society. Code-switching is a dominant
mode of expression as he forces a confrontation between his audience and
their fears, whether those fears reside in intolerance of other languages,
ideologies, accents, skin color or any other physical or imagined bound-
aries (Cole 2011; Mahootian and Cole 2009). In the excerpts below, we
see intra- and inter-sentential switches echoing Gómez-Peña’s message of
shifting borders, shifting identities and globalization. At some point in
the performance or the reading, the audience/readers are insiders while
at other points they become the outsiders, and thus momentarily shar-
ing the border experience of immigrants.4 The examples below are from
three of Gómez-Peña’s performance publications. In 4 (Gómex-Peña,
1993), single-word switches (‘raza’ (race) and ‘si’ (yes), ‘huevo’ (egg)) are
tossed into a mostly English text. In 5 (Gómex-Peña, 1993), the switch-
ing is inter-sentential and the English text is actually a translation of the
Spanish that came before it. In 6, English, French and Spanish along with
Gómez-Peña’s own created words are used.
4) helloww rrazzza. . .
can you hear me?
I’m standing right on the U.S./Mexico
borderline
with a foot on each country siii. . .
the line is actually bisecting my manhood
got a Mexican huevo & an American ball
(From 1992: The re-discovery of America: XXII Binational Perfor-
mance in La Pocho Nostra, p. 117)
202 Shahrzad Mahootian
5) Naci entre epocas y culturas y vice versa
Naci de una herida infectada
Herida en llamas
Herida que auuuuulla
[he howls]
I’m the child of border crisis
A product of a cultural cesarean
I was born between epochs & cultures
(From Merolica Voice (Mexico street Performer), p. 78)
While both Valdez and Gómez-Peña continued with their work and the
spreading of their political messages, in another corner of the country, a
new magazine, Latina, made its debut on magazine stands in 1996. On its
website, Latina is described as ‘the bilingual lifestyle magazine for today’s
Hispanic woman. Created with a special understanding of her unique iden-
tity and values [...]’ (www.amazon.com/Latina-Magazine).
A quick read through several issues assures us that there is no overt political
message behind the glossy pictures and fun factoids and occasional interviews
with popular Latinas/Latinos like Ricky Martin, J-Lo, Eva Mendez and Justice
Sonia Sotomayor among others. There is an abundance of cultural values and
pride displayed on the website and in the pages from the lifestyles section to the
recipes to the advice column. For example, a link under ‘Community’ on the
website invites readers to ‘Come here to surround yourself with friends, family
and fellow Latina readers. Create your own profile, update your blog, post pho-
tos, upload videos and meet new people. Remember, our community can only
be as great as you make it. Enjoy!’ (www.amazon.com/Latina-magazine).
An interesting point is that the magazine is called Latina. In Mahoo-
tian (2005), I note that the term ‘Latina/Latino’ is favored by younger,
more socially/politically active individuals, who are seeking equality and
opportunities. ‘Hispanic’ was considered more traditional. Young people
see themselves more as Latinos, more closely related to Latin Americans
who live in the US rather than as descendants of Spaniards. The magazine
Repertoires and Resources 203
title as well as the English and Spanish code-mixes appearing on the cover
and in a number of the features signals a change in perception and attitude
of the readership with regards to self-identification as ‘Latinos’ as described
above rather than ‘Hispanics’. I also found that the switches in Latina
could be categorized as emotive (ethnically bonding), idiomatic, functional
categories and non-emotive seemingly random lexical items. I determined
that code-mixed discourse is used as a speech variety by bilingual Latinos.
Code-switching reinforces their affi liation with two cultures, asserts their
identity as bicultural bilinguals while allowing them to maintain strong
ties with the home culture. This corresponds to the observation noted ear-
lier that once political ideology changes and a group becomes more con-
scious of their ethnicity, attitudes toward code-mixing change (Gumperz
1982; Romaine 1995). The occurrence of Spanish-English switches in a
mainstream lifestyles magazine also indicates a change in the attitude of
the mainstream community towards the bilingual community. Latina can
be found alongside mainstream popular magazines. Throughout the print
publication, Spanish words are presented in italic font, at once highlight-
ing the words, the language and the readership that can understand these
words. The italics lend an otherness to the use of Spanish in the context of
English. But an otherness that is not necessarily equivalent to being an out-
sider. Here the recognition of the separation of the two languages under-
scores the existence of both languages (and both cultures). The fact that
they can appear side-by-side in a mainstream publication shows a more
equal attribution of value and legitimacy.
The examples in 7–9 are typical of the evocative type of switches. The
switch in 10 is part of the advice column title ‘Dolores Dice’.5
Examples 11 and 12 are from the Latina website (Latina, 2009). Both
are from readers. The code-switches are like those found in the magazine:
204 Shahrzad Mahootian
simple words and phrases, transparent in meaning, with readily available
translation equivalents. They attest to the naturalness of the switches by the
magazine and to the use of code-switching as an acceptable code choice.
11) what’s going on with our hombres who feel so threatened by intel-
ligent women
men
‘what’s going on with our men who feel so threatened by intelligent
women’
14) He has nang and namoos. Nang. Namoos. Honor and pride. (p145)
honor pride honor pride
15) not unless the fellow in question was a khastegar. Suitor. (p147)
suitor
CONCLUSION
NOTES
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