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R e p r o d u c e d with p e r m i s s io n of t h e co p y rig h t o w n e r. F u r th e r r e p r o d u c tio n prohibited w ith o u t p e r m is s io n .

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 TESTIMONIO: A NEW DIRECTION

BY

TRACIE BATSON PENDERGRAST

B.A.. Anthropology’ and Spanish. Auburn University. 1991

M.A.. Romance Languages. University o f Memphis. 1992

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D ISSE R T A T IO N

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy
Latin American Studies
The University of New Mexico
Albuquerque, New Mexico

July 2002

R e p r o d u c e d with p e r m i s s io n of t h e co p y rig h t o w n er. F u r th e r r e p r o d u c tio n p rohibited w ith o u t p e r m is s io n .

 UMI Number 3056913

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___ ®
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UMI
UMI Microform 3056913
Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

ProQuest Information and Learning Company

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P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346

R e p r o d u c e d with p e r m i s s io n of t h e co p y rig h t o w n e r. F u r th e r r e p r o d u c tio n prohibited w ith o u t p e rm is s io n .

 Tracie Batson Pendergrast
Candidate

Latin American Studies

Department

This dissertation is approved, and it is acceptable in quality

and form for publication on microfilm:

Approved by the Dissertation Committee:

, Chairperson

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Accepted:

Dean. Graduate School

7-Z7-CZ.
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 DEDICATION

This study is dedicated to:

Dr. Anthony Higgins

who was able to make theory transparent to dense students.

His loss is a great loss to humanity.

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And to:
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Anne and Ted Batson
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who never pushed me to achieve anything, they simply assumed I would.

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Many thanks go to my committee: Dr. Tey Diana Rebolledo. committee chair,

who helped me navigate the interdisciplinary waters when I thought I would drown; Dr.

Karl Schwerin, who always responded to my questions with specific and helpful

questions and suggestions; Dr. Susan Tiano who helped me see the broader picture; and

Dr. Judy Maloof. who made me take a realistic look at this study, and in the end make it

better. My thanks also extend to Dr. M. J. Fenwick, who was my mentor and supporter at

Memphis State University and my inspiration to continue pursuing my studies.

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I also wish to thank my invaluable editors: Don Pendergrast who read chapter

one more than anyone ought; Callie Pendergrast, who spent the better part o f a Christmas
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break reading what I had written and giving me well reasoned and thought provoking

feedback; and Ted and Anne Batson who read whatever I sent them by e-mail and
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responded the next day or soon thereafter. Also, thank you to Zulma Barranco for her

help with transcription.

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Thanks to my parents who taught me to take responsibility for myself while

always lending a hand, and who took me to Honduras thereby changing me and my life

for the better. Thanks to my brothers for their love and support, and for always asking,

"Are you done yet?" Thanks to my in-laws for their acceptance and support throughout

this endeavor. My thanks and love to my children Hannah and Asa and to my husband

Don Pendergrast who would not let me quit.

Finally, I wish to thank Joan Swanson, student advisor extraordinaire, without her

help this degree would have been logistically impossible.

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 TESTIMONIO: A NEW DIRECTION

BY

TRACIE BATSON PENDERGRAST

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ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION
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Submitted in Partial Fulfillment o f the

Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy
Latin American Studies

The University o f New Mexico

Albuquerque, New Mexico

July 2002

R e p r o d u c e d with p e r m is s io n of t h e cop y rig h t o w n e r. F u r th e r r e p r o d u c tio n prohibited w ith o u t p e r m is s io n .

 TESTIMONIO: A NEW DIRECTION

by

Tracie Batson Pendergrast

B.A., Anthropology and Spanish, Auburn University, 1991

M.A, Romance Languages, University o f Memphis, 1992
Ph.D., Latin American Studies, University o f New Mexico, 2002

ABSTRACT

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The postmodern critique o f ethnography and testimonio has far reaching
implications for testimonial production. To initiate a discussion o f the postmodern
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dilemma of representation, this study looks at ethnographic responses to that critique and
applies them to the testimonial process. A review o f four postmodern aware
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ethnographies suggests shared control and broad context as a basis for a postmodern
aware testimonio. This study suggests specific and practical strategies for incorporating
shared control and broad context in the process o f testimonial productions. The strategies
mined from ethnography are applied in the production o f a testimonio o f Spanish­
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speaking women in Fairbanks, AK. Finally, the effectiveness o f these strategies for this
testimonio and for future representational texts is discussed. Testimonio has a bright
future with new topics and realities to explore and reveal. Though there is no way to
completely eradicate the problems revealed by the postmodern critique, those problems
can be addressed through sharing control o f the text with those represented, including
ample context about the production o f the text in the text itself, and by exploring new
strategies for the production o f representational texts.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................. 1

T h e P r o b l e m ........................................................................................................................................................1

T h e P l a c e .............................................................................................................................................................. 3

T h e B a c k g r o u n d .............................................................................................................................................6

T h e P e o p l e ............................................................................................................................................................7

SECTION I: NEW METHODS FOR TESTIMONIO.....................................................10

CHAPTER ONE: TESTIMONIO AND ETHNOGRAPHY.......................................... 11

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T h e R i s e o f T e s t i m o n i o .............................................................................................................................11
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T h e S t u d y o f T e s t i m o n i o ..........................................................................................................................12

T h e C l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f T e s t i m o n i o ...................................................................................................... 13
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T e x t u a l A n a l y s i s o f T e s t i m o n i o .........................................................................................................16

P o s t m o d e r n i s m , E t h n o g r a p h y , a n d T e s t i m o n i o .......................................................................19
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The Postmodern Critique o f Ethnography.......................................................................19

The Postmodern Critique o f Testimony...........................................................................21

Response to the Postmodern Critique o f Testimonio..................................................... 24

Ethnography and the Postmodern Critique.................................................................... 26

F o u r E t h n o g r a p h i e s .................................................................................................................................. 2 9

A N e w T e s t i m o n i o .........................................................................................................................................3 6

Sharing C ontrol.................................................................................................................36

Context In the Text.............................................................................................................38

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 CHAPTER TWO: PUTTING THEORY INTO PRACTICE___________________ 42

I n f o r m a t i o n G a t h e r i n g .......................................................................................................................... 4 2

Group Interviews............................................................................................................... 42

Individual Interviews.........................................................................................................45

S t r a t e g i e s a n d M e t h o d s O f I m p l e m e n t a t i o n ......................................................................... 4 7

Shared Control: The Interaction Phase.......................................................................... 47

E x te n d e d in te r a c tio n .............................................................................................................................4 7

J o in t g o a ls ..................................................................................................................................................4 8

Testimoniante in p u t o n to p ic s .......................................................................................................... 5 0

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Shared Control: Writing P hase....................................................................................... 54
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Broad Textual Context...................................................................................................... 56

H is to r ic a l c o n te x t................................................................................................................................... 5 7
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M u ltip le v o ic e s a n d p e r s p e c tiv e s ................................................................................................... 5 7

T e x tu a l s tra te g ie s a n d n a rra tiv e s t y l e s .........................................................................................59

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S e lf - r e f le c tio n .......................................................................................................................................... 61

C o n c l u s i o n ....................................................................................................................................................... 61

SECTION II: IMMIGRANT TESTIMONIO IN THE FAR NORTH.........................63

CHAPTER THREE: GROUP CONVERSATION.........................................................64

T h e C o n v e r s a t i o n ........................................................................................................................................6 6

CHAPTER FOUR: MARIBEL......................................................................................... 88

A r r i v a l S t o r i e s .............................................................................................................................................8 9

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 A laska 96

F a m i l y ............................................................................................................................................................... 103

C u l t u r e ........................................................................................................................................................... 1 09

C o n c l u s i o n .....................................................................................................................................................1 1 7

CHAPTER FIVE: GRACIA............................................................................................ 119

A r r i v a l S t o r i e s .......................................................................................................................................... 1 20

A l a s k a ..............................................................................................................................................................1 2 4

F a m i l y ............................................................................................................................................................... 131

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C u l t u r e ........................................................................................................................................................... 1 3 7

C o n c l u s i o n .....................................................................................................................................................1 4 4
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CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION.................................................................................... 147
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I m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h i s s t u d y f o r t e s t i m o n i o ................................................................................ 1 4 9

I m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h is s t u d y f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l t e x t s .................................................153

T h e I m p a c t o f T h is S t u d y o n E t h n o g r a p h y a n d O t h e r S o c ia l S c i e n c e s 156
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A sense o f place................................................................................................................158

Developing community.................................................................................................... 161

Cultural changes..............................................................................................................164

U s e f u l n e s s o f t h is s t u d y f o r s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s ........................................................ 1 6 7

P o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r F u t u r e S t u d y ........................................................................................................ 1 7 0

C o n c l u s i o n .....................................................................................................................................................171

APPENDICES.................................................................................................................... 174

A p p e n d i x A ......................................................................................................................................................175

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 Introductory Statement fo r the Group Interviews......................................................175

A p p e n d i x B ..................................................................................................................................................... 177

Schedule o f Questions fo r the Group Interviews......................................................./ 7 7

A p p e n d i x C ..................................................................................................................................................... 179

Schedule o f Questions fo r the Second Individual Interview .................................... 179

A p p e n d i x D ..................................................................................................................................................... 183

Letter to Mirisol and Gracia.......................................................................................... 183

BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................................ 185

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 INTRODUCTION

The Problem

Latin American testimonial literature, or testimonio, first gained widespread

attention in developed countries and was accepted as a legitimate academic concern in

the early 1980’s. It was acclaimed as a vehicle for the voice o f the downtrodden masses.

The vast majority o f early work on testimonio focused on two areas. The initial work

emphasized defining and classifying this eclectic literary production (Barnet; Beverley).

Subsequent studies examined testimonio as an expression o f the socio-political realities

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from which it sprang (Gugelberger and Kearney; Zimmerman). Later some academics

(Sklodowska Mediatiado: Sklodowska Hispanoamericano: Volek) focused on the

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assumptions upon which testimonio is based and how those assumptions affected all
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stages o f testimonial production.

These critics based much o f their argument on the postmodern critique o f

ethnography put forth by Marcus and Cushman, Clifford, and others. This new focus
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revealed the many difficulties inherent in testimonial production especially when the

participants come from very disparate backgrounds. Critics question the ability o f a

“First World” intellectual to represent the reality o f a “Third World” disenfranchised

person or group to other “First World” readers. For testimonio this has led to an

academic discussion o f the question posed by Spivak, “Can the subaltern speak?” and,

more to the point, Can testimonio be the vehicle for their voice? The answer in much o f

the literature is a resounding “No!” Many critics believe that instead o f giving voice, the

production o f testimonio is really a manipulation o f the testim oniante’s story and thus is

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 in reality a conscription, editing, and ultimately silencing o f that voice (Colas,

“Symptoms”; Sommer, Taking: Vera Leon; Volek).

If one leaves the discussion o f testimonio here, one is left with a sense that

nothing can be done. But this approach ignores that testimonio is a powerful vehicle for

change. Because of its easy readability due to its literary characteristics and its direct

approach to issues, testimonio can reach a wide audience and engender empathy in its

readers. It is a powerful voice that can open dialogue across social and cultural

boundaries. Therefore, the question is not if testimonio can be a vehicle for the voice o f

the disenfranchised and marginalized peoples o f the world, but rather, how testimonio can

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respond to the very real problems in its production? This study opens the door for that

discussion.
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This dissertation is presented in two separate but related documents. Section one
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presents the theoretical basis o f this study and provides the backdrop for the production

o f section two, “Immigrant Testimonio in the Far North.” It also details the process o f the

testimonial production. Though these two sections can be read separately, much like
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Margery W olf s A Thrice Told Tale, reading them together can inform the production

and understanding of both. Chapter two sets the stage by tracing the rise and fall o f

testimonio in academic discussion. The postmodern critique o f testimonio is outlined as

well as the problems it reveals in testimonial production. The second half o f chapter two

analyzes four ethnographies, In the Realm o f the Diamond Queen (Tsing, 1993), Writing

Women’s Worlds (Abu-Lughod. 1993), Translated Woman (Behar, 1993) and A Thrice

Told Tale (Wolf, 1992). These ethnographies take into account the postmodern critique

o f ethnography and are analyzed for practical methods to address the postmodern critique

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 o f testimonio. Chapter three describes how these methods were implemented in the

production o f "Immigrant Testimonio in the Far North.” This chapter also makes note o f

the limitations o f this study including the need for a wider participant base and the fact

that this testimonio lacks the extreme situation that motivates traditional testimonio.

Section two, "Immigrant Testimonio in the Far North,” is a testimonio o f Hispanic

women who have made their homes and raised their families in Fairbanks, Alaska.

Chapter four, "Group Conversations,” is based on four group interviews conducted in

Fairbanks in the fall of 1999 and winter o f 2000. These interviews are woven into one

conversation that incorporates all the voices and perspectives o f the group interviews.

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Chapters five and six present the stories o f Gracia and Maribel, two women who

participated in in-depth one-on-one interviews conducted in the winter o f 2000 and the
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fall o f 2001. These individual interviews were organized around information obtained in
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the group interviews of chapter four.

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The Place

Fairbanks is a relatively new community located in interior Alaska, built near the

confluence of the Tanana and Chena Rivers. Fairbanks is nestled on the Tanana River

flood plain in a semi-circle of rolling hills to its north, east and west. On a clear day, one

can see mountains in the distance in any direction. Though this is a land o f immense

beauty, the winter can bring, for some, unbearable bleakness. Once snow falls in

October, it stays until May. The summer’s midnight sun quickly fades into long hours of

darkness when the temperature drops as low as forty degrees below zero. Though

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 Fairbanks is the second largest city in Alaska, its metropolitan area has a population o f

only 82.840. There are only two roads that connect Fairbanks with points south. A trip

to the largest city. Anchorage, is a seven-hour drive or a forty-five minute airplane ride.

Travel to other states is expensive and time-consuming which makes it difficult for many

people to visit family. Taking into account this isolation and extreme climate, what

brings people here? Some come for economic reasons, others for military service, and

others are drawn by the lure o f the Last Frontier.

The first non-natives to seek out Alaska did so for its natural resources. The

Russians came seeking pelts and timber. Later a series o f gold strikes drew many from

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the lower forty-eight states hoping to make their fortunes. The history o f Fairbanks is

built upon these dreams. In August 1901, E. T. Barnette hired a steamer to travel up the
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Tanana River hoping to establish a trading post along the Eagle to Valdez trail. In an
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effort to avoid shallow water, the steamer turned up the Chena River where it ran

aground. Much to Barnette's dismay. Captain Adams refused to go any further and

deposited Barnette, his associates and his goods on the riverbank. Stranded far from the
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Eagle to Valdez trail, Barnette's economic future did not look bright. On July 22, 1902,

all this changed when Felix Pedro, an Italian immigrant, found gold in the Tanana valley.

Towns sprouted up as miners and others rushed in hoping to make their fortunes. In

1903, Judge Wickersham moved the Third Division Federal Court to Barnette’s town

under the agreement that Barnette would name the town after Senator Charles Fairbanks

o f Indiana (Cole 13-17). This move made Fairbanks the region’s administrative center

and allowed it to outlast many o f the other gold rush communities. Trapping, timber and

gold continue to be viable parts o f the economy o f Alaska and Fairbanks, but oil became

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 the most sought after resource. The construction o f an oil pipeline from Prudhoe Bay to

Valdez, from 1975 to 1977. brought economic growth to Fairbanks. As the largest city

close to Prudhoe Bay, Fairbanks was the staging area for much o f the action. The

average pipeline wage o f $1,200 per week (Naske and Slotnik 264) created a huge influx

o f people seeking work. After the construction o f the pipeline was completed workers

were laid off. and the economy dropped drastically. Today Fairbanks continues to be the

service and supply center for the pipeline and other interior Alaska and Arctic industrial

activities. The oil that flows through the pipeline is the largest source o f revenue for the

state and many communities. This year there has been much discussion o f building a

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pipeline to get natural gas from Prudhoe Bay to the lower forty-eight states. Many hope a

natural gas pipeline will bring jobs and renewed prosperity to Fairbanks and the state.
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Though natural resources have drawn many seeking their fortunes, the military
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has also played a large role in the population growth and economic stability o f Fairbanks.

The strategic placement o f Alaska in regards to Asia and Russia brought the military to

Alaska during World War II. As a result, in 1947, the Army built the Alaska Canadian
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Highway (Alcan) and Ladd Air Force Base, which later became Eielson Air Force Base.

After World War II. government interest in Alaska waned until the outbreak o f the cold

war when "federal projects became the primary base o f the Alaska economy” (Naske and

Slotnik 280). Today Eielson AFB and Fort Wainwright bring thousands o f families and

an infusion o f cash to the Fairbanks area.

The University o f Alaska is also an important source o f economic stability and

population growth. In 1915, the Sixty Third Congress established the Alaska

Agricultural College and School o f Mines in Fairbanks (Cole 64). Now known as the

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 University o f Alaska (UA), its main campus is located in Fairbanks (UAF). The school

attracts students and faculty from the lower forty-eight states and allows Alaskans to

pursue degrees here rather than leave the state. The university also procures grants,

especially to study the Arctic. Through salaries and grants UAF contributes to the

economic stability for Fairbanks.

Though many are brought here by the economic opportunities, others are lured

here by mountain vistas, the wildlife and the mystique o f the far north. Every summer

tour buses and motor homes flow steadily along the highways. These tourists are an

important part of the economy o f Fairbanks. Like me, some come for a summer and end

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up making their homes here.
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The Background
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The notion of a testimonio o f Spanish-speaking women who have immigrated to

Fairbanks. Alaska is disorienting. In general Alaska is not thought o f as having a

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Hispanic population. I certainly did not expect such a thing the first time I came to

Alaska in summer of 1994.

I grew up listening to my father talk about Alaska. When I was very young, he

tried to convince my mother to move to Alaska for the high paying teaching jobs. They

did not move north, instead they moved south to Honduras, Central America, where I

attended elementary and high school. As a college student I watched National

Geographic movies about Alaska and dreamed o f coming here after graduation. In mid

May o f 1994,1 drove across the Canadian border into Alaska to work for the summer as a

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 Student Conservation Association volunteer at the Tetlin Nation Wildlife Refuge. There

I met my future husband. Together we spent our spare time paddling lakes and rivers. I

returned every summer thereafter to work and play. When Don and I began to talk about

marriage, I was working on a Latin American Studies degree at the University o f New

Mexico. Marriage would mean making Alaska my home for a minimum o f ten years.

This was a big decision because I would be far from my family, and I was trying to

complete a degree that seemed to have no use in Alaska. I was afraid I would not be able

to feed the Honduran part of my soul because the distance would make trips to Spanish­

speaking countries difficult, and I did not know o f any opportunities in Alaska. During

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that time friends began to tell me about Spanish-speaking people they knew in Fairbanks.

To my surprise, I discovered a substantial Spanish-speaking community.

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The People

In keeping with the national trend, the Hispanic community in Fairbanks is

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growing. The 2000 census reports that Hispanics make up 4.2 percent o f the population,

up from 3.7 percent in 1990 and 2.9 percent in 1980. The same economic dreams that

compelled the establishment o f Fairbanks in 1908 attract people north from all over

Central and South America. Some come to Fairbanks because they have heard there are

good jobs and wages here. This was particularly true during the pipeline boom. Many

Hispanic residents are the wives o f U.S. soldiers who met them while stationed in Central

or South America. Others are Hispanics in the United States military stationed at Fort

Wainwright or Eielson AFB. Some who come to Alaska with the military chose to make

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 Fairbanks their home upon discharge. A small number o f Hispanic immigrants come

here for university jobs or to study at UAF. Some Hispanics are firmly established in

Fairbanks, while those serving in the military come and go. Once established here,

family and friends often follow.

To meet members o f the Spanish-speaking community, I began to get my hair cut

at a salon run by a Mexican woman. I also attended Spanish mass at Sacred Heart

Cathedral and a Spanish service at the University Baptist Church. I became a member of

Latinos Unidos del Norte, a club loosely associated with the Catholic Church. But I was

perplexed. What brought these people here? Did they like it? How did they adjust to the

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change in climate and isolation? What kept them here? I began to ask. In 1999,1

arranged a series o f group interviews in the homes of three friends who invited people
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they thought would be interested in the study.
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Though the women who participated in these interviews do not represent all the

Hispanics that live in Fairbanks, they demonstrate the diversity o f the Hispanic

community here. They come from five different countries. All have been married and all
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but one have children. Three have been divorced and one is widowed. Two are single

moms. Seven were married to non-Hispanics. Half are just starting their families while

the other half have grown children. They come from a variety o f social and economic

backgrounds. Some have settled in to stay while others are anxiously waiting for the day

when they can move on.

Maribel and Gracia, who participated in the individual interviews, also represent

this diversity. They come from different countries, social and economic backgrounds and

generations. They are in different life stages. Gracia is a grandmother while Maribel has

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 two young daughters. They had different motives for moving here. Gracia came with

her husband. He wanted to come here because he had been here before and he liked it.

Maribel came because the economic and political situation in her country forced her to

seek other avenues for a better economic future.

Despite their differences these women also show the similarities o f the Hispanic

community. Their lives speak to the reasons people immigrate, the changes that

immigration brings, and the ways that people adapt to new and at times trying

circumstances. They share similar experiences: the experience o f moving to a new and

completely different place; the experience o f trying to maintain their culture in that new

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environment; and the loss connected with living so far from their country and family.

They have adopted many o f the same coping strategies and have adopted cultural
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characteristics from each other and from their new home. All have adapted with grace,
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dignity and humor. In the words o f Silvia, a young woman from Panama, who is married

to an American serviceman: “You want everything to be one way. It can’t be just hot

dogs and it can’t just be rice. Right? You have to have rice with hot dogs” (86). These
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interviews reveal those differences and similarities, and also show the similarities we all

share living, raising families and getting by.

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 SECTION I: NEW METHODS FOR TESTIMONIO

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 CHAPTER ONE TESTIMONIO AND ETHNOGRAPHY

The Rise o f Testimonio

Since the discovery of the New World, interest in texts about Latin America has

grown. Travel journals, memoirs, and letters sparked the imaginations o f Old World

readers. In the twentieth century this interest in Latin American writing grew

exponentially due in part to technological advances at the turn of the century. Writers

visited other countries and communicated with their colleagues more easily. Thus they

were exposed to the literature and ideas o f other Latin Americans. Likewise, the

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proliferation o f civil conflicts and political oppression sent many writers into exile in

Europe and the United States. This exposure expanded their worldviews. As Gerald
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Martin notes: “Before each writer in the I920's . . . lay the vision o f New York, house o f
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capitalist modernity; Moscow, home o f socialist revolution; and above all Paris, home o f

Latinity, high-culture and the avant-garde . . . and his own national capital free from but

also tied to all those other capitals” (23). Many writers remained in exile for extended
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periods o f time, and European and U. S. publishing houses published their works. They

imported new ideas to Latin America. These ideas were debated and adapted for each

country’s needs. Workers’ unions began to organize, new political parties began to form,

and notions o f revolution were discussed, written about and acted upon.

Against this backdrop of political and social instability the decade o f the sixties

brought an explosion o f literary output from Latin America that, in turn, led to an

increased focus on texts produced by Latin Americans in Latin America. Many o f these

texts, some o f which were joined under the label the “Boom,” gained literary prominence

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