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20 May 2020
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PHOTO: Popular
Sansad Bhavan, Delhi. Deepak Gupta via Flickr.
In response to a question on the need to construct a new parliament building, the Indian
John Maynard Keynes
Union Minister of Housing and Urban Affairs, Hardeep Singh Puri, reasoned that, among
on universal basic
other factors, the current building could not house additional members should there be income
an increase in seats in the Lok Sabha (House of the People). The enlargement of the Lok by Peter Sloman
Sabha is much needed because currently 1.3 billion Indians are represented in
parliament by just 543 representatives. Each Member of Parliament (MP) represents Brexit: The view from
roughly 2.3 million people, approximately equal to the population of Qatar. Contrast this Japan (or the ‘Tokyo
Consensus’)
with the European Parliament, which despite being an elected legislative body of a
by Tomohiko
supranational organisation and not a country, has 705 members (MEPs) representing Taniguchi
446 million people. Thus, in comparison to India, it has roughly 1.5 times the number of
representatives representing around a third of India’s population. In a few years from
now, the Lok Sabha will face the bigger challenge of deciding how the seats of an
enlarged parliament should be apportioned among the Indian states. The Cambridge Minute
According to Article 82 of the Indian Constitution, the Delimitation Commission is
entrusted with the task of redrawing the constituencies based on the most recent census What is In the Long Run?
data. This practice was followed until the 1970s and constituencies were redrawn to
account for decadal changes due to a natural increase in population and migration. This What is In the Long R…
R…
provision meant that states with a higher fertility rate would enjoy greater political
representation across generations. However, it also contradicted Indira Gandhi
government’s objective of population control. Therefore, in 1976, through the 42nd
Amendment, the parliamentary and assembly seats that were determined by the 1971
Census were frozen until the 2001 Census so that states were not penalised for 18 September 2018
effectively executing family planning programmes. Through the 84th Amendment, this
freeze was further extended until 2026 and only the boundaries within the states were
redrawn to equate the population between the state constituencies. This has created a
discrepancy between the number of voters per constituency with some having as many
as 3 million and others less than 50,000. This violates the principle of one-person, one- Follow
vote or the parity in the value of the vote of each elector. In 1971, the states of Tamil
Nadu and Bihar had a population parity of about 42 million and thus got 39 and 40
parliamentary seats respectively. Today, Bihar’s population is approximately 1.5 times
that of Tamil Nadu. Similarly, although the present population of the state of Madhya
Pradesh is slightly more than that of Tamil Nadu, the former has only 29 seats while the
latter has 39.
After nearly 50 years, the Delimitation Commission will be tasked again with redrawing
the boundaries after the first Census of 2026, most likely in 2031. The rationale for this
postponement is that by 2026 India will have reduced the fertility rate to replacement
levels and, consequently, the population of the country will have stabilised. Many political
commentators have already rung alarm bells about the political tensions that are likely to
arise as the political centre of gravity of the country shifts towards the Gangetic belt.
MPs from just the three states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal will constitute a
third of the parliament. Moreover, the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) will reflect a similar
composition of seat distribution. With the delimitation set to happen in just six years, and
a third postponement unlikely, the task of finding a solution is more urgent than ever. An
idea that is gaining popularity is to increase the parliamentary seats in a way that no
state stands to lose any but additional seats are given to those that are under-
represented. However, this reform would still not assuage the concern of some states
being able to dominate parliamentary discussions as now they would get a bigger
portion of an enlarged pie. At this juncture, it is worth studying the European Parliament
model of representation and the Cambridge Compromise.
In conclusion, while the Cambridge Compromise can be adjusted and localised to the
Indian context, the bigger challenge would be to garner the political will to enact such
drastic parliamentary reforms. Irrespective of the solution adopted, however, India should
utilise this opportunity to reform representation in parliament in a way that protects the
interests of the smaller states while simultaneously distributing seats to reflect
population differences.
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