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Critical review of
A critical review of psychological psychological
instruments used in police instruments
officer selection
Jonathan Lough and Kathryn Von Treuer 737
Psychology, Deakin University, Burwood, Victoria, Australia
Received 1 November 2012
Revised 22 April 2013
Abstract 9 May 2013
Accepted 13 May 2013
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the instruments used in the screening
process, with particular attention given to supporting research validation. Psychological screening is a
well-established process used in the selection of employees across public safety industries, particularly
in police settings. Screening in and screening out are both possible, with screening out being the most
commonly used method. Little attention, however, has been given to evaluating the comparative
validities of the instruments used.
Design/methodology/approach – This review investigates literature supporting the use of the
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), the California Personality Inventory (CPI),
the Inwald Personality Inventory (IPI), the Australian Institute of Forensic Psychology’s test battery
(AIFP), and some other less researched tests. Research supporting the validity of each test is discussed.
Findings – It was found that no test possesses unequivocal research support, although the CPI and
AIFP tests show promise. Most formal research into the validity of the instruments lacks appropriate
experimental structure and is therefore less powerful as “evidence” of the utility of the instrument(s).
Practical implications – This research raises the notion that many current screening practices are likely
to be adding minimal value to the selection process by way of using instruments that are not “cut out” for
the job. This has implications for policy and practice at the recruitment stage of police employment.
Originality/value – This research provides a critical overview of the instruments and their validity
studies rather than examining the general process of psychological screening. As such, it is useful
to those working in selection who are facing the choice of psychological instrument. Possibilities
for future research are presented, and development opportunities for a best practice instrument
are discussed.
Keywords Management, Selection, Psychology, Screening, Validity
Paper type Literature review

General practice: psychological screening in paramilitary settings

Police and similar organizations around the world face the challenge of selecting applicants
who will become successful on-the-job performers. Society expects police officers (and
other public safety personnel, such as firefighters and correctional officers) to behave
according to certain standards. The nature of policing makes the job dangerous, while also
providing officers with unique authority. It is generally acknowledged that psychological
screening, or profiling, as a personnel selection process for these organizations is a viable
means of assessing candidates for employment. Job-person fit is particularly important
in a public safety position. Use of profiling for selection in the police industry is
well established, particularly in the USA (Guller, 1993, 1994a; Ho, 2001; White, 2008).
The benefits of profiling include reduced staff turnover and decreased likelihood of poor
job performance, which lead to considerable financial benefit (e.g. Choy, 1998). However, the Policing: An International Journal of
instruments used for profiling, and the processes and research related to using them, need Police Strategies & Management
Vol. 36 No. 4, 2013
to be valid in order for them to serve their purpose. It is the aim of this review to examine pp. 737-751
the instruments used in the screening process with the aim of identifying which r Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1363-951X
instrument, if any, provides the greatest benefit for the selection process. DOI 10.1108/PIJPSM-11-2012-0104
PIJPSM It should be noted that the vast majority of research in this field has been conducted
36,4 with police officers and police candidates; as such, this review will focus on research
from police-related studies. Research involving other jurisdictions does exist – for
example, Lough et al. (2007) examined the differences between screened and
unscreened correctional officers’ job performances. However, as the main body of work
relates to police work, this review will be confined to the discussion of that sphere.
738 This is supported by the argument that police-related findings may be partly
generalizable to other jurisdictions (e.g. Barret et al., 1999; Brough, 2005).

How psychological screening works

The benefits of psychological screening that goes beyond the straightforward
interview process are well established (Blau, 1994). Objective psychological assessment
reduces risk from phenomena such as interviewer bias, inter-interview disagreement,
and halo effects. The capacity of standardized instruments to allow benchmarking to
an appropriate normative population further increases their usefulness.
The operational aspects of psychological assessment are well documented (e.g.
Murphy and Davidshofer, 1994). Essentially, the process involves the administration
of one or more valid psychological tests in order to assess a person’s suitability to a
task or situation. The tests’ findings are evaluated by a psychologist, who looks for
evidence or markers in the respondent’s profile that suggest suitability or unsuitability
for a particular role. Psychological screening in an applied setting is the practical
application of such assessments – the testee (an applicant to the police department)
undertakes the assessment as part of their application. The resulting data and report
are then used by police psychologists to assist in determining the suitability of the
applicant for police duties.
Testing usually involves the administration of a formal instrument (such as the
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI)) and, in most cases, an interview
(often with a psychologist; Blau, 1994). This review focusses on the first part of this
process – the formal instrument. The functional goal of the screening process is
an important element in psychological screening. Comparing the different methods of
“screening in” (selection based on desirable traits) vs “screening out” (elimination based
on undesirable traits) is an important issue. It is acknowledged (e.g. Hogg and Wilson,
1995; Meier et al., 1988) that screening in is a more difficult process. However, it is
generally suggested that both approaches should be used in tandem for optimal results in
the police environment (e.g. Henson et al., 2010; Metchik, 1999). Measures focussed on
detecting pathology, such as the MMPI, are more useful as screen-out mechanisms, while
some personality instruments and scales – particularly those measuring desirable or
positive traits – are potentially suited to screening in (e.g. Guller, 2003).
The timing of psychological assessments in a potential employee’s application
process is an important variable that can differ according to national laws. For
example, in the USA, the introduction of the Americans with Disabilities Act in 1992
effectively eliminated pure pre-employment screening using tests of psychopathology
(such as the MMPI). This has resulted in these tests becoming administrable only once
a conditional offer of employment has been made. This has hindered research into the
effectiveness of many instruments that use American police samples, and has reduced
the return on investment (ROI) benefits conferred by testing (Weiss and Inwald, 2010).
By contrast, no such legal requirement exists in Australia, where psychological
screening is generally considered a standard component of the pre-employment
selection process.
 The usefulness of an instrument in the screening process ultimately focusses on Critical review of
one central question: how well does the instrument predict performance – particularly psychological
poor performance? The answer to this question lies in the research surrounding
the instrument. This review will now focus on the most frequently used instruments, instruments
and will critically examine the research underpinning their use in applied settings.
The reader will note that single instruments, such as the MMPI, are compared with
test batteries such as the Matrix-Predictive Uniform Law Enforcement Selection 739
Evaluation (M-PULSE) and Australian Institute of Forensic Psychology (AIFP)
system. While this may seem unfair on the surface – a battery, or suite of tests, should
logically cover more ground than a single instrument – the comparison is valid on the
basis of current practices. That is, many police departments use single instruments
such as the MMPI as the sole psychological screening tool (Aamodt, 2010); it is
therefore fair to compare single instruments with test batteries.

The MMPI
Instrument overview
The MMPI has been used in more police-related selection research than any other
instrument (Aamodt, 2004). The original MMPI was designed in 1940 as a measure of
psychological maladjustment for assessing patients seeking psychiatric help (Butcher,
2005). The test was revised in 1989 and re-issued as the MMPI-2. Both versions consist
of 567 items to which the respondent is required to indicate either “true” or “false.”
The instrument’s ten clinical scales measure various types of pathology. Any “T-score”
(standardized score) above 70 (or above 65 in the MMPI-2) indicates the likelihood of
psychological maladjustment. Three other non-clinical scales indicate how honest the
subject was in answering the questions. These scales seek to indicate if the respondent
was attempting to appear better adjusted than he or she actually was (faking good);
was manufacturing or exaggerating symptoms (faking bad, or malingering); or was
responding candidly.
More recently, a number of Restructured Clinical (RC) scales were developed to
correct for some overlap in the original clinical scales (Graham, 2006). This was
followed by the MMPI-2 Restructured Form (RF). Consisting of 338 items, this is
described as more statistically rigorous and is considered to be based on well-established
theoretical models of personality and pathology (Ben-Porath and Tellegen, 2008). At this
stage, the RC scales and the MMPI-2 RF have had minimal research attention in the field
of police applicant screening (Sellbom et al., 2007).

Early reviews of MMPI research

Burbeck and Furnham (1985) reviewed five studies on the MMPI and police selection
conducted between 1964 and 1980. They concluded that “it has not been possible [y]
to show whether psychological testing [the MMPI] can discriminate between police
officers and members of the public, or between good and bad police officers [y]
psychological testing may be useful for selecting out people suffering from some
mental abnormality.” Similarly, in reviewing 18 studies on the MMPI, Simmers et al.
(2003, p. 287) noted that the MMPI was originally designed to predict psychopathology
and subsequently “does not appear to be a useful gauge for identifying certain
behaviors in the less pathological range.” They argued that many skills that are
essential for success as a police officer may go undetected.
A meta-analysis that included over 300 studies of MMPI research data by Aamodt
(2004) observed that correlations between MMPI scales and measures of academy and
PIJPSM patrol performance were low, and that the majority were not statistically significant.
36,4 Correlations between MMPI scales and discipline problems and commendations
also showed no correlation. Aamodt concluded that “because the F scale is comprised
of items from the other clinical scales and because it is significantly related to both
academy performance (R ¼ 0.11) and supervisor ratings of performance (R ¼ 0.09),
it is probably the most useful individual MMPI scale” (p. 94). This conclusion says
740 a great deal about the utility of the other scales. While these correlations may be
statistically significant, they are very small – the F-scale accounts for less than 1 percent
of the variance of supervisor ratings of performance. Thus, the scales are unlikely to be of
any clinical or practical assistance.

More detailed examination of MMPI research

While Aamodt’s (2004) meta-analysis provided a relatively recent technical overview of
MMPI data, a more qualitative review of MMPI research, itself, is warranted. Weiss and
Weiss (2010a) discussed the general state of MMPI research, and concluded that the
MMPI has much to offer to the discipline of police psychology. However, they stated
that the MMPI is “not recommended as a stand-alone for screening, but it can be used
in conjunction with other one or more other instruments” (p. 69). This statement appears
congruent with the bulk of published literature. This review will now discuss a
representative sample of MMPI-related research. A completely comprehensive discussion
of all relevant studies, given the size of the literature base, is beyond the scope of this paper.
Inconclusive studies. Many studies examining the efficacy of the MMPI as a selection
tool have yielded negative or inconclusive findings. Azen et al. (1973) studied 100 newly
hired sheriffs in Los Angeles, and concluded that MMPI scores were unsuccessful in
predicting dropouts. Research by Schoenfeld et al. (1980) and Merian et al. (1980)
compared groups of problem police performers with a control group. No significant
differences between the MMPI profiles of the two groups were detected in either study.
Dralle and Baybrook (1985) used a similar approach and reported similar results – no
significant MMPI scale correlations were present among any performance criteria for the
sample of 356 police applicants.
Inwald (1988) used 16 predictor variables, including a variety of psychological tests,
as well as clinical judgments studied in varying combinations. These were applied
to 219 “public safety officers” who had remained on the job for five years. Among that
group, 28 were fired for cause. In this case, clinical interpretation of the MMPI was
the least accurate predictor of performance issues. A computer-generated prediction of
termination or retention based on earlier MMPI research (Shusman et al., 1984)
misidentified the greatest percentage of apparently successful officers by predicting
they would be terminated. This method incorrectly rejected 36 percent of the group of
219 (78 individuals) – a Type One error.
Other studies have focussed on more specific aspects of the performance of MMPI
scales. Hargrave et al. (1988) found no predictive utility on a derived aggression
index, as developed from three MMPI scales. Similar findings from a commensurate
methodology were reported by Castora et al. (2003). Costello et al. (1996) examined
disciplinary suspension days among serving police officers, and found a 0.223
correlation with the F þ Pd þ Ma scale. They concluded that the relationship “appears
unimpressive” (p. 302) and that further construct validation is necessary to determine
the potential usefulness of the index.
Daniels and King (2002) noted that MMPI scales were unable to make any
distinction between successful and unsuccessful performers, as determined by
supervisor ratings. Bartol et al. (1992) reported that the MMPI was not a strong Critical review of
predictor of self-reported stress. By using performance ratings and MMPI to compare psychological
applicants in two major US cities, Winters (1990) concluded that there was no correlation
between tests scores and job performance. The same conclusion was reached by Wright instruments
et al. (1990), who studied police performance at the end of a 14-week training course.
Surrette et al. (2004) came to a similar conclusion. They examined MMPI special scale
scores and supervisor ratings of 129 experienced police officers, and declared that “scores 741
on the Good Cop/Bad Cop, Husemann Index, Goldberg Index, and Gonder Index were not
significantly related to supervisor ratings” (p. 71).
Studies with positive findings. A large number of studies have reported positive data
regarding the MMPI’s ability to add predictive power to police selection. However,
many of these studies had design issues that undermined any research evidence of the
MMPI’s utility. This section presents a representative selection of these studies.
Several authors (e.g. Bartol, 1982; Bernstein et al., 1982) reported significant
findings that were based on statistical calculations of raw scores. This study method
can be misleading because, in the actual practice of MMPI interpretation, raw scores
are never used. Interpretation of the test results is always undertaken from the scaled
scores, as the body of validity research supporting the MMPI is all based on scaled –
not raw – scores (Butcher, 2005). Further, in these studies, when the reported raw
scores were converted to T-scores, the statistically significant differences disappeared,
and the mean T-scores were all in the normal range. This made it impossible to obtain
any clinical differences. Bernstein et al. (1982) reported follow up data on 120 police
who completed the MMPI prior to being employed. Significant correlations between
MMPI raw scores and field performance were reported. However, when the raw scores
were converted to T-scores, all were in the average range. Under these conditions,
it is unlikely that a psychologist using the test for screening applicants would find any
meaningful data.
Bartol (1982) administered the MMPI to 102 male police applicants and, using raw
scores, reported a statistically significant “elevation” on five MMPI scales for those
officers rated “below average” through supervisor performance ratings. When the
raw scores for each of the three groups of police were translated to T-scores, all were in
the average range, which eliminated the ability to differentiate between the groups.
This suggests that all of the applicants looked “normal” according to the usual criteria
of test interpretation.
Similar issues were present in Bartol’s (1991) investigation of 600 police officers.
Bartol found that officers who were “elevated” on the Pd (Psychopathic Deviate),
Ma (Hypomania), or L (Lie) scales were later described as immature by supervisors.
Combining these three scores resulted in an immaturity index; however, there was no
description of what constituted an elevated score. The difference in immaturity scores
between those who were terminated or forced to resign and those who retained
employment was described as highly significant. However, when the reported raw
scores were converted to T-scores, the differences between the two groups disappeared,
and all subjects scored within the average range. Therefore, the index appears to have
little or no clinical utility.
Several studies (e.g. Beutler et al., 1985; Hiatt and Hargrave, 1988a b) reported
statistically significant intergroup differences between one or more scores on MMPI
scales, with the suggestion that such findings show the MMPI can discriminate
between good and poor performers. Upon inspection, it was noted that two issues
recurred in these studies. First, the differences in scale scores were so small that they
PIJPSM would be unhelpful in the actual task of screening police applicants. Second, despite
36,4 the differences, the scores for good and poor performers were entirely within the
normal range. Saxe and Reiser (1976) acknowledged this latter difficulty in practical
application. They reported significant differences between several groups, but added
that “these differences are all within the “normal” range and are too small [y] to have
meaningful utility in clinical differentiation of successful and unsuccessful police
742 applicants” (p. 424).
Some studies (e.g. Hooke and Krauss, 1971; Blau et al., 1993; Brewster and Stoloff,
1999) reported positive findings for the MMPI and police selection by using samples
of already employed officers. The problem with this approach was that those who had
been hired represented a very homogeneous group – by definition, the study subjects
should have been “the best of the best.” Furthermore, the longer these subjects had
been employed as police officers, the less likely it was that they represented new
applicants. Research that uses this method has utility only if the findings are replicated
with a study of police applicants.
Sellbom et al. (2007) acknowledged the self-limiting nature of using an already
employed police sample, and subsequently corrected their analysis to compensate
for this range restriction. The resulting analysis indicated moderate predictive ability
of certain MMPI scales (RC scales), and lower than normal T-score elevations.
A similar method was adopted by Caillouet et al. (2010) in their examination of the
PSY-5 scales and facets. A dichotomous outcome variable (ceased employment vs still
employed) was used as the predicted measure. Modest predictive power was found,
albeit with caveats (range restrictions and scores modified by impression management
levels), and the authors acknowledged that their model’s findings did “not represent
a clearly significant advance for predicting law enforcement officer performance”
(p. 236).
MMPI research has also used Police Academy performance as an outcome measure.
Problems with this approach have been noted by Kleiman and Gordon (1986), who
observed that this research relies on training performance as a validation measure.
The authors discussed a large number of relevant legal cases, and noted that
virtually all cases judged that there was “insufficient evidence to substantiate the
validity of the selection device” (p. 93). Burkhart (1980) agreed, noting that “training
academy data cannot be considered an ideal choice for criteria because such data
do not involve the officers’ responses to the real job demands” (p. 123). A number of
studies based upon MMPI and training performance faced the issue described above
(e.g. Gonder and Gilmore, 2004; Gough, 1950; Hargrave et al., 1986; Inwald and
Shusman, 1984).
Macintyre et al. (2001) used a sophisticated method to develop a framework to
predict problem performers among police officers. A scale-combination and
recalculation model was constructed from existing MMPI data. The sample
included two matched groups of male officers. One group consisted of
problematic performers, and the other group had no indications of poor
performance. The study’s predictive model was more successful in identifying
problem performers than good performers, despite the fact that all cases were
classified by that dichotomy. The model appeared to find “added value” residing in
the MMPI data, which could be useful at the personnel level. In practical terms, this
would require submitting each MMPI profile to a relatively complex model
developed from a few scales. While cumbersome, this method has promise for
research with police applicants.
The California Psychological Inventory (CPI) and the Inwald Personality Critical review of
Inventory (IPI) psychological
CPI: instrument overview and review of research
The CPI shares almost half (194) of its 434 items with the MMPI. However, this is instruments
focussed on common personality factors, rather than psychopathology. Items are true
or false, and the instrument is scored on 18 scales (three of which are test-taking
validity scales). Due to its shared heritage with the MMPI, and a general predisposition 743
among practitioners to prefer the MMPI, much CPI research tends to be mentioned
alongside MMPI studies. This has resulted in CPI and its potential contribution to
police selection receiving diluted attention.
In general, CPI-related research mimics the body of research using the MMPI; some
researchers report significant relationships between CPI scales and aspects of police
performance, while other researchers do not. Pugh (1985) and Hogan (1971) both
reported that several of the CPI scales were significantly correlated with a variety of
performance measures, including evaluations by field commanders. However,
Hargrave (1985) and Sarchione et al. (1998) were not successful in linking CPI scales
with aspects of police performance.
Aamodt’s (2004, 2010) landmark meta-analysis of police psychology selection data
showed some support for the CPI’s predictive validity. Aamodt’s analysis also revealed
that a number of scales were predictive of academy performance. These scales
included Intellectual Efficiency and Capacity for Status. However, the tolerance scale
was particularly predictive. Aamodt noted that the tolerance scale “seems to provide
the best combination of predicting supervisor ratings of performance, disciplinary
problems, and academy performance” (Aamodt, 2010, p. 240).

IPI: instrument overview and review of research

The IPI is a 310-item (true or false) inventory designed to assess a range of behavioral
and personality characteristics. The inventory has a focus on admitted behavior
patterns, such as trouble with the law, and drug and alcohol use. Similar to the
MMPI, it also assesses other personality characteristics and clinical indicators of
psychopathology (Inwald, 2010).
Research support for the predictive validity of the IPI as a police selection tool is
limited. Inwald (2010) asserted that the IPI is “a benchmark for newer tests
in the selection field [y] the IPI has demonstrated that it identifies antisocial
behavior patterns and is a useful predictor of police and public safety officer job
performance” (p. 91). Positive findings have been reported by Detrick and Chibnall
(2002) who stated that some of the IPI scales – notably, family conflicts, guardedness,
and driving violations – were predictive of on-the-job performance at the one-year
evaluation point. Similarly, Inwald (1988) reported that the IPI was accurate
in identifying which applicants (after one year of performance) were likely to be
terminated. However, a high false positive rate (36 percent) – a Type One error – was
also noted.
Other researchers have reported mixed findings with the IPI. Cortina et al. (1992)
administered the IPI (and the MMPI) to newly hired police officers. Ignoring the
problem of range restriction (that is, they assumed that successful applicants were
the best of the best), the IPI, although adequately measuring the “Big Five” personality
dimensions, added little to no incremental validity (above the entry exams) for a range
of performance measures, including academy performance and turnover. Similarly,
Mufson and Mufson (1998) observed that four of the IPI’s scales were predictive of poor
PIJPSM performance ratings and eventual termination; however, a small sample size (n ¼ 33)
36,4 and the range restriction again limited the study’s generalizability.

Other published tests

A small group of other psychological instruments have also been applied to the police
selection environment. The Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI) has been used in a
744 number of studies, with varying degrees of success. Weiss and Weiss (2010b) discussed
the PAI in detail, and reported that, while some scales, such as the Interpersonal
and Treatment scales showed “considerable potential” (p. 87), much research remains
to be done, particularly concerning the criterion validity of some of the clinical scales.
Moreover, the PAI is fundamentally a test of psychopathology, and has many
similarities to the MMPI, which is much more widely used (Super, 2006). As with the
MMPI, there remains the issue of using a test of psychopathology instead of assessing
“normal” or non-clinical aspects of personality that may have a significant effect on
job performance.
The M-PULSE is a more recently developed instrument, which was first introduced
in 2008 (Davis and Rostow, 2008). This test draws upon the heritage of instruments
such as the MMPI and 16PF, and assesses a range of attitudes and beliefs specifically
related to police employment duties. Initial research suggests that this test may have
promise for police selection purposes (Davis and Rostow, 2010); however, much more
research is required before this instrument can be considered empirically validated.

The AIFP test battery

Instrument overview
The AIFP profiling system is a collection of instruments that have been combined and
administered by AIFP since the early 1990s. Its ancestor – the IFP profiling system –
has been used with success in the USA, with some success supported by research
(Guller, 1994b; Guller, 2003). The AIFP system consists of six separate psychological
tests:
. Candidate and Officer Personnel Survey (COPS): a test designed by AIFP, via
research, for the specific purpose of selecting public safety officer applicants.
This component is the flagship of the test battery. Scales include, but are not
limited to, factors such as legal difficulties, alcohol and drug use, aggression, and
impulsivity.
. Edwards Personal Preference Schedule (EPPS): a broad measure of personality
that assesses characteristics directly related to police performance. Scales
include factors such as aggression, need to dominate others, capacity to learn
from mistakes, ability to fit into a team, and ability to tolerate routine tasks.
. Locus of Control (LOC): a measure of the extent to which a person feels in control
of his or her life. This is a de facto measure of maturity.
. How Supervise Scale (HS): a measure of judgment in interpersonal situations,
and awareness of behavioral sensitivity when dealing with others.
. Shipley Institute of Living Scale: a standardized, well-researched test of general
intelligence.
. The Opinion Survey: a measure that assesses attitudes toward enforcing the law,
ranging from being rigid and unyielding to being soft and naı̈ve.
The full test consists of 540 items, with a mix of true or false items, forced choice items, Critical review of
and Likert scale items. It is intended to be used as a screen-out tool. psychological
Review of AIFP research instruments
Smyth and Byrne (1994) applied the AIFP profiling system to 51 Victorian Police
recruits on their first day at the Victorian Training Academy, and found that the AIFP
predictions were significantly accurate in predicting trainees’ performance categories. 745
They also found that, over time, the predictions were significantly accurate in
determining recruits’ sick leave and their likelihood of being involved in investigations
by the Internal Investigations Unit (IIU). That is, prior to commencing training, the
system was able to successfully predict and distinguish between good and poor
performers, high and low sick leave users, and recruits’ high and low likelihoods of
being involved in IIU investigations.
More recently, Lough and Ryan (2005, 2006) examined the performance of AIFP
screened and unscreened police constables after one year of service. The screened
group demonstrably out-performed the unscreened group across most performance
variables. The screened group took 11 percent less sick leave, had 58 percent less
injury claims, were 84 percent less likely to have been in a motor vehicle accident while
driving a police car, and were more than three times less likely to incur complaints
from the general public.
Lough and Ryan (2010) further extended their examination of police cohorts over a
period of three years. The AIFP screened group consistently out-performed the
unscreened group; the AIFP group took significantly less sick days, had significantly
fewer non-stress (injury) claims, and had significantly less motor vehicle accidents.
Additionally, the screened group had a lower dropout rate, and were less likely to make
serious on-the-job errors that resulted in formal disciplinary action or investigation.
However, as with the earlier studies, individual officer performance ratings (e.g.
supervisor reports) were not taken into account.
Other research supporting the validity of the AIFP profiling system in Australian
conditions has been conducted in the corrections context. Choy (1998) compared
New South Wales (NSW) corrections officers screened for selection by the AIFP battery
with an unscreened group, and reported significantly lower rates of attrition and sick
leave usage among the AIFP screened cohort after two years of service. Choy estimated
that the NSW corrections department sick leave cost had reduced by 39 percent as a
result of the screening.
Similar findings were reported among Queensland (Byrne, 2001) and South
Australian corrections officers (Casey et al., 2001), with screened officers taking
approximately half the number of sick days of their unscreened counterparts during
their first two years of employment. ROI calculations upon Casey et al.’s data revealed a
monetary saving of over $850,000 for an initial outlay of $22,500 – an ROI figure of
3,815 percent.
Lough et al. (2007) tracked the sick leave of two cohorts of correctional officers
(AIFP screened and unscreened) over a four-year period. They found that the
screened group took significantly less sick leave in each of the first two years, and
30 percent less in total across the four years of the study. They also noted a
significantly lower dropout (terminations plus resignations) among the AIFP screened
group. The authors concluded that “psychological profiling as a method of selecting
correctional officers appears to be a worthwhile and valid course of action” (Lough
et al., 2007, p. 6).
PIJPSM Byrne et al. (2002) summative investigation of AIFP testing within the corrections
36,4 context reinforced the utility of the process and its associated financial benefits.
For example, they found that a deeper analysis of Choy’s (1998) data revealed
that the screening process yielded a return on investment of approximately 3,000
percent. In addition to monetary benefits, there are other benefits that are difficult to
quantify – those derived from hiring the most suitable candidates for the job, which
746 improves staff morale and general efficiency, and reduces the likelihood of future legal
action.

Further examination of AIFP research

The research evidence for the AIFP test differs from a great deal of research of other
tests, particularly the MMPI, because of the frequent presence of control groups
that allow for direct comparison between selected and non-selected cohorts. In most
previous studies, the control groups were hired immediately prior to the introduction
of the psychological screening program (and, therefore, the commencement of the
experimental group), which tended to mitigate any potential maturation-based
research artifacts. This approach is particularly strong for examining the effect of the
test as a whole, and also allows for longitudinal observation.
Although research supporting the general validity of the AIFP appears sound, there
is no published evidence of any incremental validity. None of the individual
components, or any of the subscales within those components, have been linked or
correlated with performance outcomes. Such research would be valuable given that
the majority of scale-based research for the MMPI and CPI tends to diverge on the
predictive validity of individual scales (although Aamodt’s, 2004 finding that the
tolerance scale of the CPI is a valid predictor is noted).
In addition to the above, one other factor confounds the AIFP findings. Research to
date has been drawn from both the AIFP (Australian) and IFP (American) data. While
the two instruments have a lot of common content – including the COPS test – they are
not the same instrument. Research evidence supporting the IFP test instrument does
not necessarily apply to the potential validation of the AIFP test instrument, and
vice versa. Future research needs to concentrate its efforts on a particular iteration of
the test battery.

Discussion and development opportunity

From the material presented in this paper, it is apparent that no best practice
instrument for the selection of police officers exists at this time. Each of the
instruments examined have issues in their supporting research. The MMPI research is
equivocal at best, research with the CPI and IPI is limited, and the AIFP research lacks
scale-level incremental validity. Other instruments, such as the PAI and M-PULSE,
are simply not used often enough to generate the research required to underpin their
endorsement.
Therefore, it appears that there is opportunity for the development of a best practice
instrument. Research devoted to this development needs to consider the factors that
ensure the utility and validity of the instrument’s creation and testing. Future research
should ensure:
. the development of an instrument that can assess as wide a range of attitudes
and behaviors as is reasonable, rather than being focussed solely on pathologies;
. a sufficient sample size (4100);
 . that appropriate outcome variables, such as on-the-job performance, are Critical review of
obtained in addition to performance during training (e.g. academy performance); psychological
. that a control group or matched cohort is compared to any group selected using instruments
a (new) instrument; and
. that all components of an instrument, down to the scale level, are adequately
investigated and examined for validation purposes. 747
Other criteria, such as the examination of non-successful applicants’ test scores, should
also be considered (although this may not be feasible in American jurisdictions due to
the Americans with Disabilities Act). Ultimately, the ideal instrument would be a
test that is purpose-built for police selection, rather than a test that has been adapted
for use in the police environment.
If an instrument were to be selected as a starting point for the development of a best
practice instrument, the AIFP test battery appears to be a sound option. The AIFP
instrument fulfills most of the above criteria, with the exception of availability of
incremental validation data. Given the current author’s experience with the AIFP
instrument, it is recommended that a thorough forensic examination of that test, with
the aim of building a psychometrically sound instrument, would be a logical launching
pad for the development of a best practice instrument.

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About the authors

Jonathan Lough is a PhD Candidate at the Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia. He is also
the Principal of the Lough Research Services, and a Psychologist and an Independent Research
Consultant in Melbourne, Australia. He specializes in research design, analysis and statistics,
survey writing, and psychological assessment. Over the last ten years, he has worked with a
range of private and government clients, including ANZ Bank, Clemenger BBDO, and the
Australian Institute of Forensic Psychology. Prior to establishing Lough Research Services,
Jonathan was a Research Psychologist at the Monash University, working in the area of public
safety and injury prevention. Jonathan Lough is the corresponding author and can be contacted
at: jlough@optusnet.com.au
Dr Kathryn von Treuer is the Associate Head of the School (Partnerships and Development)
and the Course Chair for the Organisational Psychology Program at the Deakin University. She
utilizes 20 years of industry experience in organisational psychology and senior management to
inform her research, teaching and service roles at the University. She is highly regarded and
sought-after by industry groups, and is a national leader in areas of organisational psychology
practice and research. Dr Kathryn von Treuer completed postgraduate studies in
psychology, business and education. Her doctoral dissertation was awarded the prestigious
“Research Excellence” award from the Swinburne University in 2006, for investigating
organisational factors that facilitate workplace innovation. She was recently invited to provide
a keynote address on organisational resilience, and is the Managing Editor of the Australian and
New Zealand Journal of Organisational Psychology.

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