Linguistic Situation in The South of The Usa

ФИЛИАЛ МОСКОВСКОГО ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОГО
УНИВЕРСИТЕТА им. М.В. ЛОМОНОСОВА в г. БАКУ

Филологический факультет
Кафедра английского языкознания
Имранова Лейла Фармановна
ЯЗЫКОВАЯ СИТУАЦИЯ НА ЮГЕ США
Выпускная квалификационная работа
Научный руководитель:
д.ф.н., проф. Л.Л. Баранова
БАКУ 2021
2
BAKU BRANCH OF LOMONOSOV MOSCOW STATE
UNIVERSITY
Faculty of Philology
Department of English Linguistics
Imranova Leila Farmanovna
LINGUISTIC SITUATION IN THE SOUTH OF THE USA
Graduation paper
Academic Supervisor:
Doctor of Philology,
Professor L.L. Baranova
BAKU 2021
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................3
CHAPTER I.............................................................................................................6
1.1 Linguistic situation as an object of sociolinguistics............................................6
1.2. Exoglossic linguistic situation............................................................................9
1.3. Endoglossic linguistic situation........................................................................12
CHAPTER II.........................................................................................................15
2.1. Common features of Southern American English............................................15
2.2. Auditory analysis of samples of Southern American English..........................18
Auditory analysis of Jimmy Carter's speech: Crisis of Confidence.................18
Auditory analysis of Presidential Farewell Speech George W. Bush.............19
2.3. Black English...................................................................................................20
CHAPTER III........................................................................................................27
3.1. Extra-linguistic factors that influenced the appearance of Spanglish..............27
3.2. Origins of Spanglish.........................................................................................32
3.3. Spanglish functioning in the USA....................................................................38
3.4. Characteristics of Spanglish.............................................................................40
CONCLUSION......................................................................................................43
BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................45
4
INTRODUCTION
In modern times, no one doubts that society creates and develops language
as a means of communication. This allows us to conclude that language is a social
phenomenon. This is the reason for the interest of linguists in the connection
between language and society.
Language is considered to be a means of accumulation, storage and transfer
of knowledge in a particular society. Everything that happens in the social, cultural
and economic life of society is the cause of changes at different levels of language.
The influence of language on society is equal to the impact that the latter has on
the former.
Everyday communication, the cultural development of a society, whose
members are speakers of a certain language, and the gradual erasure of differences
between various dialects are influenced by the standard form of a certain language,
in which the norms of its use are fixed. New concepts, which in turn become the
cause of the formation of hundreds of new words, help people to extract
information from the world around them, to express their feelings and to convey
their thoughts more precisely.
In such countries as Great Britain, the USA, Canada, Australia, New
Zealand, etc., English functions as the national language. These countries have
their own national variety, i.e. the version of pronunciation used by the inhabitants
of a particular region. This allows us to talk about the existence of American,
Canadian, Australian English. However, one should not confuse variants of the
language with its dialects.1
There are many various regional dialects, the differences in which are
obvious for residents of the country. This is why the linguistic situation in the USA
is of interest for our research. The population of the United States is diverse: it
1
англ. dialect, фр. dialecte, нем. Mundart, исп. dialecto. 1. Разновидность (вариант) данного языка,
употребляемая более или менее ограниченным числом людей, связанных тесной территориальной,
профессиональной или социальной общностью и находящихся в постоянном и непосредственном языковом
контакте.
Ахманова О. С. Словарь лингвистических терминов. – М., 1966. С.126
5
consists of people with European, Asian and African roots. Together they preserve
and support the development of modern American English.
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the linguistic situation in the South of
the USA.
The American South comprises the states of Virginia, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Tennessee, Florida, Georgia, Arkansas, Alabama, Mississippi, Texas and
Louisiana. Southern American English currently makes up the largest group of
American regional accents by the number of speakers. It developed due to three
main factors: the "English core", Scottish and Irish varieties of English, and Black
English.2
Studying the existence of language in society is one of the primary tasks
necessary for understanding the processes taking place in society as a whole. The
relevance of this topic lies in the study of linguistic processes that determine the
uniqueness of Southern American English, Black English, as well as the
characteristics of Spanglish, which resulted from mixing the Mexican variety of
the Spanish language and American English. It seems to be especially important
and necessary in a situation where, on the one hand, in the process of globalization,
languages are mixed as a result of their natural contact, and on the other, there is an
increase in the role of national languages in connection with the desire of various
ethnic groups to preserve their national identity.
The study of dialects allows one to understand how the standard norm,
language variants and dialects were formed and developed. Using dialectal data
helps (along with the so-called "deviations" from the rules of pronunciation and
grammar) to understand these rules as such. The use of this information becomes
extremely significant for an investigation on the formation and development of the
meanings of words.
The novelty of the present research is determined by the fact that it offers an
overview of the linguistic situation in the South of the United States and contains
2
Kirkpatrick, A. World Englishes. Implications for International Communication and English Language Teaching.
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007. P.65
6
an analysis of its Southern dialects. Besides, the auditory analysis of samples of
Southern American English in the speech of politicians has been carried out.
The theoretical significance of the work is determined by its contribution,
however modest it may be, to the study of the unique linguistic situation in the
South of the USA, as well as by the in-depth study of Spanglish, which is a result
of contact between two non-closely related languages.
The practical significance of the research in question lies in the ability to use
the obtained results in special courses of lectures devoted to varieties of English, as
well as to American Studies.
7
CHAPTER I
1.1 Linguistic situation as an object of sociolinguistics.

According to O. S. Akhmanova sociolinguistics is «1. Раздел языкознания,
изучающий причинные связи между языком и фактами общественной
жизни. 2. Раздел языкознания, изучающий социальную дифференциацию
языков, т. е. различные его социальные диалекты.»3
By social conditions of extralinguistic circumstances we understand a setting
in which the language develops and functions. In other words, non-linguistic
reality includes people using this language, their age differences, social status,
level of culture and education, place of residence and differences in their speech
behaviour in various communicative situations.
Sociolinguistics has a certain set of notions: linguistic community, linguistic
socialisation, linguistic situation, communicative competence, social and
communicative system, linguistic code, diglossia, codeswitching, bilingualism, and
a number of others.
Some concepts are contiguous with those of other branches of linguistics:
language norm, speech act, speech behaviour, mixing of languages, etc., as well as
with sociology, social psychology: social factor, the social structure of society,
social status, and some others.
The term linguistic situation is used in sociolinguistics both in relation to
monolingual and multilingual societies.
According to Ferguson, the synonymous term language situation refers to
the general configuration of the use of the language at a given time and place and
includes information about how many languages and which languages are used in
this area, how many people speak them, under what circumstances, what settings
and opinions regarding these languages are shared by members of this community.4
Academic literature offers various ways to describe and classify a linguistic
situation, which does not include the totality of its quantitative and qualitative
3
Ахманова О. С. Словарь лингвистических терминов. – М., 1966. С.431
4
Ferguson Charles A. Language Structure and Language use / Essays by Charles A. Ferguson // Selected and introd.
by Anwar S. Dil. – Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1971. P.327
8
characteristics. The linguistic situation being the subject of sociolinguistics is a
multidimensional phenomenon. However, signs, which are necessary for the
characterisation of linguistic situations, are unstructured and multidirectional. In
other words, we can say that a single and multifaceted classification of all
linguistic situations in the world is hardly possible. However, their review can be
carried out based on several typologically significant features.5
A. D. Schweitzer, L. B. Nikolsky distinguish two groups of linguistic
situations: a) exoglossic – a set of languages and b) endoglossic – a set of
subsystems of one language. Exoglossic and endoglossic situations, in turn, can be
divided into two subgroups: «1) сбалансированные языковые ситуации, если
составляющие их языки или языковые подсистемы в функциональном
отношении равнозначны; 2) несбалансированные языковые ситуации, если их
компоненты распределены по сферам общения и социальным группам.»6
There are several possible linguistic situations:
1) Exoglossic balanced. Here the situation in Switzerland with its three main
languages – German, Italian, French – can be mentioned. In Belgium a similar
situation is observed: Flemish and French are officially used.
2) Exoglossic unbalanced situation is one where people use languages of
different social status. For example, Welsh in Britain and Breton in France are
local, whereas English and French respectively are recognised as standard
languages in these countries. Languages of the United States of America are also
classified as exoglossic unbalanced.7
3) Endoglossic balanced. When several subsystems of the national language
are equal in functioning one can speak of endoglossic balanced linguistic
situations. Thus, in this type of situations, individual subsystems of the language
5
Шарипова, Ф. Н. Социолингвистические асnекты эвфемии / Ф. Н. Шарипова. - Текст: непосредственный //
Актуальные проблемы филологии материалы I Междунар, науч. конф. (г. Краснодар, февраль 2016 г.). —
Краснодар: Новация, 2016. С 124-127. — URL: https://moluch.ru/conf/phil/archive/177/9686/ (access date:
31.05.2021).
6
Швейцер А. Д. Никольский Л. Б. Введение в социолингвистику, М., «Высшая школа», 1987. С.103
7
Нигматуллина, Л. М. Языковая ситуация в США / Л. М. Нигматуллина, А. А. Скуратова. Текст:
непосредственный // Молодой ученый. 2014. N 21 (80). - С. 785-789. — URL:
https://moluch.ru/archive/80/14380/ (access date: 31.05.2021).
9
are used in all spheres of the community of one territorial-political association. At
present the existence of this type of situation in any country is hardly possible.
4) Endoglossic unbalanced. In all areas of communication, the only national
language is used. However, in various countries, the degrees of differentiation of
the national language and its nature are different. In Denmark, we can observe a
similar linguistic situation, where different territorial dialects and a standard
language coexist.
Besides, it is necessary to mention diglossia and bilingualism, which are
considered important components of the linguistic situation. Bilingualism can be
defined as a person's ability to speak two or more languages. A bilingual speaker is
someone who can express their thoughts in at least two languages. Multilingualism
is one of the forms of proficiency in more than two languages.8
Diglossia is a special type of bilingualism, in which «две или более
разновидностей одного и того же языка, используемых некоторыми
говорящими при некоторых обстоятельствах» or «две разновидности
языка, сосуществующие в данном коллективе и играющие определенную
роль».9 In diglossia, one of the languages or variants is used as "sublime" and the
other as "low."
In correspondence between government agencies, in legal practice, etc. the
official (or state) language is used. Languages that have no official status, as well
as other language subsystems – such as dialect or vernacular – are used in
everyday communication.
1.2. Exoglossic linguistic situation.

In the United States of America, the exoglossic linguistic situation is
characterised by the existing relationship between the English language and other
8
Нигматуллина, Л. М. Языковая ситуация в США / Л. М. Нигматуллина, А. А. Скуратова. Текст:
непосредственный // Молодой ученый. 2014. N 21 (80). - С. 785-789 — URL:
9
Швейцер А. Д. Никольский Л. Б. Введение в социолингвистику, М., «Высшая школа», 1987. — с.112
10
languages operating in this territory. However, the coexisting language systems
within the linguistic situation in the United States are not functionally equivalent.
American English is used in all areas of communication, in contrast to other
languages functioning in this area. Consequently, this linguistic situation is
unbalanced, since “... such situations are considered balanced if they make up
languages or linguistic subsystems of which functionally are equivalent. The
components of unbalanced linguistic situations are distributed by spheres of
communication and social groups.”10
According to the annual report for 2013 [Annual Flow Report. May 2014.
U. S. Lawful Permanent Residents: 2013] the US population consists of a large
number of immigrants from different countries of western, southern and central
Europe, Asia, and South America. Becoming part of American society,
immigrants from the countries of the listed territories fall under the influence of
General American, as a result of which their cultural assimilation and mastery of
the English language occur.
Among immigrants, speakers of other languages, such a linguistic
phenomenon as bilingualism is widespread, which makes it possible to use
American English in most spheres of communication (as a rule for interethnic and
national communication), and mainly in the everyday sphere of communication – a
native language (as a means of communication within a certain group of speakers).
It should be noted that for each subsequent generation of immigrants, the scope of
their native language is reduced. This fact is explained by the increasing degree of
assimilation of immigrant groups among American society with each generation.
As a result of linguistic assimilation and the interference of languages at
different linguistic levels, mixed linguistic formations started to appear in the
structure of the linguistic situation in the United States. An example of this is such
linguistic hybrids as Spanglish – mixing Spanish with English, Runglish – mixing
Russian with English, Frenglish – mixing French with English, etc. Speaking about
these language formations, people use lexemes of one language in morphological
10
Никольский Л.Б. Синхронная социолингвистика (Теория и проблемы). –М., 1976. Сс.80-81.
11
paradigms of the other. Borrowings from English, as well as neoplasms, increase
the number of words in the lexicon.
J. Fishman identified four stages in the process of linguistic assimilation of
immigrants.
At the first stage, the acquisition of English by an immigrant occurs through
the mother tongue. In cases where a person cannot use his / her native language,
for example, when communicating in government agencies, one uses English. At
this stage, due to poor language skills of immigrants, interference from English is
minimal.
At the next stage, the number of English-speaking immigrants and the
degree of mastering it increases. English, along with the native language, is used in
several communication areas. At this stage, it becomes possible to trace the process
of language interference.
Later, at the third stage, languages function independently of each other.
This stage of the process of linguistic assimilation is typical for children of the
second generation. The number of bilinguals at this stage reaches its maximum
value. At the same time, there is also a maximum mixing of both languages in
different spheres of communication.
As a result, at the fourth stage, the native language is ousted by English
from all spheres of communication.11
Thus, over the course of two or three generations, there is a smooth
transition from mixed bilingualism (in which there is a functional dependence
between the languages in contact) to coordinative bilingualism (in which the
contacting languages function independently of each other) and again to mixed
bilingualism. In mixed bilingualism, there is a constant switching of the language
code, which is determined by the socio-communicative situation.12
One of the important aspects of the linguistic situation in the United States is
the general trend for ousting the languages of national minorities by English.
11
Fishman J. A. The sociology of language (An interdisciplinary social science approach to language in society). –
Rowley, Newbury House, 1972. P. 250
12
Fishman J. A. The sociology of language (An interdisciplinary social science approach to language in society). –
Rowley, Newbury House, 1972. Pp. 115 –116
12
Among the speakers of other languages, speakers of Spanish, Italian, German,
French, Polish, and Yiddish took the leading place. With time, only the number of
Spanish speakers has increased.13 This fact is explained by the territorial proximity
of Mexico and the United States of America, as well as by the ongoing political
and economic processes, which lead to dynamic immigration from Mexico.
Among other ethnic groups, the number of speakers of their native language either
remained at the same level or decreased.
It should be pointed out that there is a certain correlation between the influx
of the Hispanic population into the United States and the significant increase in the
number of native Spanish speakers. A great majority of Mexicans and their
descendants, who later immigrated to the United States, resisted the assimilation
process and showed their devotion to their native language and love of the national
culture.
There are a number of reasons that hinder the assimilation of the Hispanic
group in American society: the low social status of immigrant Hispanics, national
discrimination in everyday life, in employment, and racial segregation in cities
such as Dallas, San Antonio, where groups of Hispanics live in isolated
neighbourhoods.
Thus, the English language retains its dominant, main role in American
society, while other languages of national minorities have a marginal, secondary
role.
When considering the linguistic situation in the United States, one should
take into account both the objective and subjective aspects of it. Parameters that
characterise language systems and their relations with each other constitute the
objective aspect. The subjective aspect includes social prestige of coexisting
systems.
The English language in the United States of America and its dominant role
are reflected in both objective and subjective aspects. Among the English-speaking
population, English has high social prestige, while other languages, in turn, have a
13
Ibid. Pp. 107–109
13
lower prestigious status. Mixed language education (for example, "Spanglish") has
the lowest degree of prestige.
Thus, the description of exoglossic relations seems to be important for
characterising the current linguistic situation in the south of the United States.
1.3. Endoglossic linguistic situation.

Interlingual contacts in the United States led to the formation of an
exoglossic linguistic situation, and intralingual contacts, in turn, led to the
formation of an endoglossic linguistic situation in this territory (the relationship
between various subsystems of the English language). In the first case, the
dominant role is played by the English language in relation to other languages that
coexist in the United States, and in the second case, the leading position belongs to
Standard American English in relation to various subsystems of the language,
limited by certain territorial zones and social environment. Thus, both linguistic
situations are unbalanced.
The current linguistic situation in the United States reflects the relationship
between coexisting systems and subsystems of the language, from the totality of
which the national variant of the language is formed.
American English is an example of such a national variant of a language
with linguistic features peculiar only to it at different language levels (phonetic,
lexical, grammatical), therefore H. L. Mencken in his work referred to the variant
of English in the United States as the American language. 14 It should be pointed
out that at present this idea is considered to be outdated.
Linguists such as A. Marckwardt and R. Quirk note in their works that
various signs of the English language in America include not only dialectal
phenomena but also the phenomena of the literary language.15 Indicative in this
respect is the social reappraisal of the same phenomena from the point of view of
American and British norms. For example, in both United Kingdom and the United
States, there are two ways of pronouncing the past tense of eat - ate [eit] and [et].
14
Mencken, H. L. The American language. 4th ed. – New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962. P.769
15
Marckwardt A. H., Quirk R. A common language. British and American English. – Washington, 1964. Pp. 20-25.
14
However, in the United Kingdom, [et] is considered the norm, and [eit] is regarded
a deviation from the norm characteristic of the speech of uneducated people.
However, for Americans, the correct pronunciation is [eit], and [et] is a sign of
illiterate speech.
According to A. D. Schweitzer, English in the United States is one of the
national varieties of English.16 It is characterised by the whole sum of the features
that characterise the national language as a sociolinguistic category. In its complex
structure, it reproduces the entire structure of the national language – from
territorial and social dialects to the literary language. English in the United States
is a variant of the English language, and not a separate language, which is reflected
in the linguistic situation both in the objective aspect (indicators of the "language
distance" between the American and British variants) and in the subjective aspect
of the linguistic situation (attitudes of native speakers).
Various extralinguistic factors influenced the formation of the endoglossic
situation in the United States. According to G. P. Krapp, the American version of
the English language was formed as a result of the independent development of its
system.17 The reason for this was the confusion of the territorial variants of the
English language: The Northern and Southern English variants, which were spoken
by settlers in the United States.
According to the American linguist Hans Kurath, it was the first English
settlers who transferred to American territory various local variants of English,
which served as components from which American English was later formed. As
evidence of his statement, Kurath gives an example of the vocalization of the
sound [r] before consonants in the southern United States and eastern New
England. Thus, Common American English is not derived from a single
homogeneous literary language.18
At the same time, for the Mid-Atlantic states, where many immigrants from
Scotland and the northern counties arrived, a different pronunciation is
16
Швейцер А.Д. Социальная дифференциация английского языка в США.– М.: Наука, 1983. С. 216
17
Krapp, G.P. The English Language in America. vol. 1—2. New York: The Century Co., 1925. P. 35
18
Kurath, H. The origin of the dialectal differences in Spoken American English. Modern Philology 25: 1928. Pp.
385-395
15
characteristic, which subsequently spread to the rest of the United States and
became the basis of General American English. The similarities between Common
American pronunciation and northern English can be seen in the following
examples:
1) weak diphthongization in [ei] and [ou];
2) articulation of [r] in all positions;
3) phonological contrast between four and for, mourning
and morning.19
As noted by A. D. Schweitzer, comparing the ways of forming the literary
norm of the English language in the United States and England makes it possible to
reveal the structure of the endoglossic situation in the United States of America.
The literary standard in England was formed according to the monocentric model,
since it was used around one centre — London.20
To describe the linguistic situation in the United States, A.D. Schweizer
proposed the concept of a socio-communicative system, which allows one to
characterise not only such linguistic formations as the literary language and dialect,
but also the so-called transitional formations (for example, a combination of a
literary language and dialect, etc.) used by this speech community. The American
variant of English, used in the context of bilingualism and diglossia, can also be
attributed to such heterogeneous formations. Moreover, they complement each
other at different levels of the linguistic structure, and not in their social functions.
CHAPTER II
2.1. Common features of Southern American English.

Generally speaking, this dialectal area includes the following regions:
Florida, central Georgia, southern Georgia, central Louisiana, southern Louisiana,
eastern Maryland, southern Maryland, central Mississippi, southern Mississippi,
central North Carolina, eastern North Carolina, central South Carolina, eastern
19
Словарь английского произношения – Everyman’s English pronouncing dictionary/Daniel Jones. – М.: Сов.
энциклопедия, 1964. – XLV. С. 538
20
Швейцер А. Д. Литературный английский язык в США и Англии. – М.: Высшая школа, 1971. С. 200
16
South Carolina, eastern Texas, eastern Virginia and Washington, central Alabama,
southern Alabama. And also, the states of Arkansas and Tennessee.
The best-known, even stereotypical, characteristic of Southern speech is the
Southern drawl. This phenomenon involves a lengthening of stressed, accented
syllables, accompanied by Breaking (glide insertion/diphthongisation or even
triphthongisation) and with a wider weakening of unstressed syllables than in other
accents.21 The drawl is most noticeable at the end of a phrase or sentence.22
By far the most salient pronunciation phenomenon in Southern speech is the
above-mentioned Breaking, in which a lax stressed vowel sometimes develops an
offglide. Thus, for example, lip is pronounced [lɪəp], grass [græəs], web [weəb],
rap [ræəp]; bid may become [bɪəd], bad [bæɪd], thing [θæɪŋ], bed [beəd], thought
[θɔət], etc.23 Sometimes, Breaking can even affect diphthongs, resulting in
pronunciations such as [bræɪæun] for brown.24
The pronunciation of vowels makes the greatest contribution to Southern
speech; as for consonants, a particular case of assimilation should be mentioned:
[z] is changed to [d] before 'n' in forms such as wadn't (wasn't), bidness (business),
idn't (isn't).25 Another optional simplification rule deletes [t] from [nt] clusters
between vowels, e.g. in the famous example [ət'lænə] (Atlanta).26 Such
modifications are generally not connected to non-standard or lower class speech in
the South.
In addition to the drawl, there are a number of other important speech
phenomena in Southern American English. These include a tendency to combine
stress on the initial syllable of a word with pronounced stress on the next to last
syllable, as in 'ceme'tery, 'secre'tary, 'audi'tory; furthermore, a tendency towards
nasalisation (through holding the centre of the tongue close to the palate), and
producing initial consonants with slightly more force than is common can be
21
Wells, John C. Accents of English 3: Beyond the British Isles. CUP,1982. P.529
22
Herman, Lewis, and Marguerite Shalett Herman. American Dialects: A Manual for Actors, Directors and Writers.
New York: Theatre Arts Books,1947. P.61
23
24
Ibid. P.539
25
Wolfram, Walt, and Natalie Schilling-Estes. American English: Dialects and Variation. Language in Society, 24.
Oxford and Malden, MA.: Blackwell,1998. P. 47
26
17
observed.27 Southern speech also uses a very wide pitch range, which at times
includes a final rise in statements, which may confuse people not familiar with the
habit.28
Rhoticity is a frequently discussed topic in Southern American English
studies. Traditionally, r-lessness has been associated with upper class whites and
blacks in the South, while r-fulness was considered a feature of lower-class white
speech as it can for example be found in the Southern Mountains. At present,
rhoticity seems to be increasing throughout the Southern dialect region.29
William Labov has been interested in phonetic variations between different
dialects of the United States. In his work for the University of Pennsylvania he
discussed various mergers that are typical of Southern American English.
A common phonemic feature is the pen/pin merger.30 Speakers with this
merger pronounce the short [e] sound before the nasal consonants [m] or [n] as the
short [ɪ]. Thus, for example, such word pairs as hem/him or pen/pin become
homonyms for Southern speakers with this merger. They pronounce both words of
the above pairs with the short [ɪ], as [pɪn] or [hɪm]. Other examples that are
affected by this merger: men, hen, stem, den, Ben and so on.
Labov notes that this merger has also affected some items of the vocabulary:
Southern American English speakers with the pen/pin merger commonly use the
terms safety pin and ink pen to avoid confusing the identically pronounced words
pen and pin in a conversation.31
Other mergers that are mentioned:
Merger of [u:] and [u] before [l] in pool and pull.
Merger of [i:] and [ɪ] before [l] in feel and fill.
Merger of [ei] and [e] before [l] in sail and sell.
27
Herman, Lewis, and Marguerite Shalett Herman. American Dialects: A Manual for Actors, Directors and Writers.
New York: Theatre Arts Books,1947. P.65
28
Feagin, Crawford. The African Contribution to Southern States English. In Bernstein, Cynthia, Thomas Nunnally,
and Robin Sabino (eds.) Language Variety in the South Revisited. Tuscaloosa, AL, and London: The University of
Alabama Press, 1997. P.131
29
Wells, John C. Accents of English 3: Beyond the British Isles. CUP, 1982. P.542/543
30
Labov, W. (1996). The Organization of Dialect Diversity in North America
http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/ICSLP4.html (access date: 04.01.2021).
31
Labov, W. (1996). The Organization of Dialect Diversity in North America
http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/ICSLP4.html (access date: 04.01.2021).
18
According to Labov, another noteworthy feature of Southern American
dialects is how the diphthong [aɪ] often becomes a monophthong [a] in words
where it precedes a voiced segment, or when it is in a word-final position. 32 This
phenomenon is also known as the glide deletion of [aɪ].33 In dialects with glide
deletion, words such as high and slide are pronounced closer to [ha:] and [sla:d]
instead of [haɪ] and [slaɪd]. This is one of the most recognised features of Southern
American English, and it is a common stereotype that most Southern American
English dialects have this phonemic feature.
There are also many Southern areas with exceptions to glide deletion: for
example, in Texas, while glide deletion is present in some areas, there are also
many areas where it is only partial or not present at all.34 In addition, Labov notes
that glide deletion is not widespread in Atlanta: only two out of five speakers are
estimated to have it.35
In addition to glide deletion, there are noticeable glides in some Southern
U.S. dialects:
Upgliding [æy] for [æ] before sibilants and nasals in brass, ashes, aunt. For
example, as pointed out by Labov, the [æ] sound at the beginning of some words
becomes [æj] (also transcribed as [æy]) when it precedes a sibilant or nasal sound,
making a word such as bang [bæŋ] to be pronounced as [bæjŋ].36
Furthermore, Labov mentions that as a part of The Back Upglide Shift, the
[oh] sound (also transcribed as [ɔː]) in words such as law and off becomes [aw]
(also written as [aʊ]), meaning that some SAE speakers pronounce these words as
[laʊ] and [aʊf] respectively.37
The vocalization of [r] at the end of words must also be noted, as in car,
card, beer, (in the coastal South) and the use of apical rather than velar nasal in
unstressed -ing in something, working, nothing, morning.38
32
Labov, W. Sharon Ash. Charles Boberg. Atlas of North America, 2005. P. 239
33
Ibid. P. 243
34
Ibid. P. 244
35
Ibid. P. 260
36
37
Ibid. P. 39
38
19
2.2. Auditory analysis of samples of Southern American English.
Auditory analysis of Jimmy Carter's speech: Crisis of Confidence39
There is a typical pattern of American pronunciation that is present in the
presidential speech, characterised by the use of apical rather than velar nasal and
by reduction of the unstressed -ing ending in words so that it is pronounced as "in":
The velar nasal in an unstressed syllable at the end of a word is pronounced like
[n]:40
E.g. Good evening (00:07) – [gʊd ˈiːvn̩ɪn]; preparing (01:44) – [prɪˈperɪn]
- preparin’, rising [raɪzɪn] – risin’ (15:05)
Southern Vowel Shift is noticeable in the speech, as well. Notably, the
transition can be heard of the monophthong [ɪ] towards a diphthong [aɪ].
E.g. During the past three [θrai] years, I've spoken to you on many
occasions about national concerns, the energy crisis, reorganizing the government
(00:34)
Some of Carter’s lax and tense vowels are neutralised before [l], making the
merger of [i:] and [i] before [l] in feel and fill. The Southern pronunciation of these
sounds is characterised by their diphthongisation, too.
In the analysed speech the pen/pin merger also observed: (06:53) the word
"when" sounds like 'win.'
Jimmy Carter does not pronounce [r], for example: shares (00:21), car
(14:34), years (0:39), war (10:07), which is a most notable feature for listeners
who do not speak Southern American English.
In this regard, it could be concluded that Jimmy Carter has a US American
accent that would be considered "Deep South" and is fairly typical of Georgia. 41
However, this accent seems to be waning in most of the areas where it originated.
It is a non-rhotic pronunciation of his name, which sounds more or less like Cah-
deh, as an example. Carter sounded like someone who had grown up on a farm in
39
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KCOd-qWZB_g&list=LL&index=24&t=21s (access date: 05.01.2021)
40
Akmajian, A. Linguistics. An introduction to language and communication / A. Akmajian, R. A. Demers, A. K.
Farmer, R. M. Harnish — 6th ed. — Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 2008. P.108
41
Trawick-Smith, B. The American Accents / B. Trawick-Smith // Dialect Blog /// [Electronic source] — URL:
http://dialectblog.com/northamerican-accents/ (access date: 07.01.2021) .
20
Southern Georgia but had spent some time away from his place of origin — since
his accent is not pronounced.
Auditory analysis of Presidential Farewell Speech George W. Bush42
Rhoticity, in which all r sounds are pronounced, is dominant throughout G.
Bush's speech.
E.g, in year (13:24), far (8:44), commander (13:32), their (11:27)
One of the features of Bush's speech is the reduction of the -ing ending in
words ([ɪŋ] -> [ɪn]) as in renewing – renewin' or growing – growin' (11:50)
The president tends to monophthongise [aɪ] to [aː]. The "eye" sound
becomes a long, lilted "ah". Furthermore, thus, the word "light" turns into [la:t].
The same Southern glide is heard in words such as my (2:58) [ma:], higher [ha:ər]
(6:12), time [ta:m] (14:41), etc.
Sometimes, during his speech, George Bush drops [r] and, in some words,
the [r] almost turns into a y: your – yua (6:14), toward [təˈwɔːd] (7:35), nearly
[ˈniəylɪ] (8:12).
No mergers were noticed in the speech of the president.
The vowel in thought is pronounced further back in the mouth cavity
(Breaking): [θoət] (9:20).
Mountain Southern accent, which can be heard amongst Appalachian
natives, Texans (people attribute Texan accent to president Bush), Tennesseans
and many others can be mentioned. It features vowel breaking ("Southern drawl"),
which means that in words with short vowels like dress and cat, these vowels can
turn into diphthongs (or even triphthongs). So, the word "cat” can become [kæjət]
for example (i.e."ka-jut")43, but George Bush avoids vowel breaking during his
speech. Remarkably, he has this peculiarity of the accent, since it can be heard a
few times. meaning that he actively tries to minimise some features of his accent to
make his speech easier to understand for a broader audience. It results in over-
enunciated "presidential idiolect." It should be added that Bush is not a native
42
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fFqezJcneeI&list=LL&index=20&t=1s (access date: 05.01.2021).
43
Trawick-Smith, B. The American Accents / B. Trawick-Smith // Dialect Blog /// [Electronic source] — URL:
http://dialectblog.com/northamerican-accents/ (access date: 07.01.2021).
21
Texan. It is an acquired accent. His accent is relatively slight: the lack of mergers,
especially the pin-pen merger, which is considered as the most prominent sign of
Southerners, is not observed in his speech, as well as other salient features of
Southern American English.
2.3. Black English

The African American dialect (African American Vernacular English, or
Black English) is one of the dialects of American English that is used by working-
class African Americans in everyday life. Like other American dialects, the
African American dialect is a variant of the language, with its own set of rules,
which differs from other dialects in phonetics, vocabulary, and grammar.
The study of the African-American dialect began in 1960 and initially used
terms such as Negro Speech or Negro English. In 1970, the terms Black English or
Black English Vernacular – BEV (colloquial Black English) appeared, which were
used until 1980. In the mid-1980s, African-American English became the preferred
term, and until 1991, linguists used the term African American vernacular dialect
(African American Vernacular English – AAVE). In 1996, after the Oakland,
California school Board issued the “Oakland resolution”, the term Ebonics was
coined, consisting of the two words “ebony” (Amer. slang – Negro, black) and
“phonics”.44
How and why Black English appeared is still not exactly known. Linguists
have not yet agreed on how this linguistic phenomenon relates to literary English.
The most radical view is that it is a separate language. Others call it a dialect – but
dialect is a regional concept, not a national one, and is usually limited
geographically. At the same time, AAVE is common in New York, Texas, and
Alabama. One cannot call AAVE slang either.45
44
Кушнарева, Е. С. К вопросу об истории возникновения Black English /E.С. Кушнарева. - Текст:
непосредственный // Молодой ученый.— 2011.— 5 (28). – T. 2.- C. 20-22.— URL:
45
Магомедова А. Н., Лабазанова Х. Л. Языковые особенности речи социальных и этнических групп //
Научно-методический электронный журнал «Концепт». – 2016. – Т. 11. – С. 3986–3990. – URL:http://e-
koncept.ru/2016/86836.htm. (access date: 31.05.2021).
22
African-American English and General American English are two varieties
that are similar to each other and at the same time differ in their character and
language norms.
Most linguists, Including W. Labov, speak in favour of the Creole origin of
Black English. Pidgins and Creoles are described as new varieties of language that
appear in situations of language contact. All pidgin languages initially start when
people who do not have a common language try to communicate with each other.
Pidgins are extremely limited forms of communication using a few words, a few
common constructions, aided by gestures and facial expressions.
However, when the pidgin expands, its vocabulary increases significantly, it
develops its grammatical structures and is used in everyday life. Further significant
development can occur. Pidgin becomes the mother tongue in families as people
begin to use it at home. When this happens, the status of the language changes and
it begins to be used more flexibly and creatively. Then it begins to compete with
languages in this area. In such cases, linguists are no longer talking about Pidgin
languages, but about Creoles.46
Speaking about the history of studying the possible Creole origin of Black
English, it is necessary to touch upon two aspects. The first one concerns the
Creole roots of Black English, namely whether Black English is based on Creole
languages like Gullah (used in coastal areas around Charleston, Savannah, and the
Islands of Georgia and South Carolina), a Creole version of English which existed
in Jamaica, Haiti, Trinidad, Guiana, Sierra Leone, or it was formed directly on the
basis of British dialects.47
The second aspect is related to the issue of increasing differences between
Black English and colloquial variants used by the white population of the United
States, and the growing discrepancies between Black English and General
American English.48
46
David Crystal "The English Language", Penguin Books, 1990, pp. 12, 15.
47
48
Ibid.
23
Slaves shipped to North America brought with them West African
languages, and in contact with white masters developed a primitive way of
communicating using English vocabulary, and the sound system of the language is
a cross between its English and African sources.
The reason for the appearance of this language was the need for African
captives to communicate with each other and with their captors, belonging to
different cultures. Many of the captives were already multilingual speakers of
Wolof, Twi, Hausa, Yoruba, Dogon, Akan, Kimbundu, Bambara, and other
African languages. Over time, some of these pidgins became creolised languages
(which had native speakers). A huge number of African Americans still speak
some of these Creole languages, especially Gullah.49
The second theory of the origin of Black English is that this language
appeared on the basis of specific dialects of the southern United States, which were
particularly influenced by East Anglian dialects. According to this theory, Black
English was created directly on the basis of English dialects, bypassing the stage of
pidginization and creolization.
It should be noted that the works of many linguists do not clearly distinguish
between these two approaches. Thus, McDavid, generally adhering to the
dialectological theory in relation to Black English, pointed to the influence of
Creole in the case of Gullah and tried to find similar processes in Black English 50.
Winford, approaching the study of Black English from the standpoint of the Creole
theory of origin, noted a significant share of the influence of British dialects.” 51 As
S. Mufwene points out, “neither the dialectological approach nor the theory of
Creole origin of Black English, applied separately, can explain all the linguistic
phenomena of Black English.52
49
50
McDavid R. I .Jr., MсDavid V. The relationship of the speech of American Negroes to the speech of Whites //
American Speech, 1951, 26, 3–17.
51
Winford D. Back to the past: The BEV/Сreole connection revisited // Language Variation and Change 4.3, 1992,
p. 311–357.
52
Mufwene S. S. The structure of the noun phrase in AAVE//African-American English. Structure, history and use /
Ed. By Mufwene S., Rickford J., Bailey G., Baugh J., London and New York, 1998.
24
The third theory of the origin of Black English is sociolinguistic. According
to this theory, the language's peculiarities are due to the unpleasant fact that its
speakers have been driven for centuries into the black ghettos of large cities (the
so-called “inner cities”).
The question of the growing number of discrepancies between Black English
and General American English was first proposed for discussion in the theses of
W. Labov in 1986, based on data obtained during a study in Philadelphia. This
problem was further developed in the works of Rickford53et al.
The phonetic features of Black English are as follows:
the absence of rhoticity, i.e. [r] after vowels and at the end of words falls out
(similar to British English). This also affects African-American spelling: for
example, instead of the traditional sister, the spelling sistah is used.
another phonetic feature is that the sound [r] is not pronounced when it is
between two vowels: forever > [fəˈevə]
the middle consonant [l] is not pronounced, for example, help > hep
possible diphthongisation of monophthongs and vice versa –
monophthongisation of diphthongs and triphthongs.
the ending -ing is pronounced with [n] and written as-in'.
the letter “o” tends to be pronounced as [ɔ] instead of the standard [ʌ] in
words like money, worry, and so on.
permutation of consonants (most often — plosive and fricative ones): aks
instead of ask; crips instead of crisp, and so on.
adding vowels to the final closed syllable (usually a). For example, the well-
known verb forms gonna and wanna developed from such combinations.
pronunciation of the auxiliary verb do as da and the pronoun you as ya. For
example, What da ya think?
as in the Southern American English there is a pen/pin merger before the
nasal consonants: tin - ten, pin - pen, him – hem
53
Rickford J.R. The Creole origins of AAVE: evidence from copula absence//African-American English. Structure,
history and use/ Ed. By Mufwene S., Rickford J., Bailey G., Baugh J., London and New York, 1998.
25
another feature of African American English is the various ways to reduce
the ‘going to’ in fluent speech. Like white Americans, African Americans
sometimes use the variant called gonna, keep the [o] from going and omit the
second syllable: He gon 'be here. In combination with the pronoun I, the sound [g]
is often lost, and the phrase sounds like I’m ‘o’ do it or I’m ‘a’ do it. Similarly, in
the phrase I don’t know, the sound [d] is dropped, and the phrase sounds like I ‘on’
know in the African American manner, in contrast to the I dunno variant, which is
used by white Americans.54
As has been mentioned above, one of the characteristic features is the
omission of velar nasal [ŋ] in the suffix ‘-ing’ (runnin', breathin', ‘We gettin' paid’,
‘I'm drippin' in jewels’ etc). Another characteristic of Black English is the
replacement of the [θ] and [ð] sounds with [d], [t], [v] and [f]: ‘throw’ can be
pronounced as [trəu], ‘death’ as [def], ‘the’ as [də], ‘brother’ as ['brʌvə]/[ 'brʌdə]
etc.55
African American English vocabulary is very diverse. Due to African-
Americans, such musical genres as jazz, rhythm and blues, rap, hip-hop, etc.
appeared. This contributed to the emergence of words associated with these genres.
For example, big-band — “a type of large ensemble of jazz or pop music;
gutbucket — “a homemade bass fiddle”; gitbox — “the steel-string acoustic
guitar”.
Rap or hip-hop emerged in the 1970-80s among African-Americans in the
Bronx, where it was "exported" by visiting Jamaican DJs. During this period, the
following words appear: ducky rope – “thick gold chain”; nappyhead – “the hair of
a person of Negro/African descent”; honey wagon – “car”; ghetto sled – “used car”
etc.
African American English can be seen in the lyrics of rappers like Eminem,
50 сent, Outkast, Nicki Minaj, Lil Wayne, Drake, Jay-Z etc. For example, in the
54
Metcalf A. How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000, p. 162.
55
Тумали Л.П. Фонетические особенности языка афроамериканцев / Л.П. Тумали, О.В. Дудченко // Диалог
культур – Диалог о мире и во имя мира. – 2014. – № 2. – С. 195–197.
26
hip-hop duo Outkast’s song "The Way You Move" the phrase click-it-or-ticket
refers to “the use of seat belts among young people in the United States.”
When black slaves arrived in America, they created synonyms for certain
words to keep information secret from their masters. Basically, these words
referred to drug dealers or types of drugs, etc.: madhatter — “a drug dealer”;
dopeman — “drug trafficker”; bagman — “owner of an illegal lottery”; one-time
— “police officer”, etc.
The grammatical structure of AAVE is very interesting in how it
systematically differs from Standard English. For instance, the verb “to be” is
omitted when functioning both as the link verb and the auxiliary verb. The phrase
“He is tall.” is in AAVE transformed to “He tall.” or “They are running.” is
shortened as “They runnin´.” This structure of sentence indicates that “They are
running right now.”56
To indicate the Future Tense, finna is very often used, which is a kind of
equivalent ‘to be going to do something’: We finna glow up in the street, I'm finna
start a new movement, I ain't finna talk about it. The construction ‘be done’ instead
of Future Perfect can be used: Shouldn't your mama be done paying the house
off?’, ‘Moment I stop having fun with it, I'll be done with it’, ‘…before we be done
for good’.57
However, there is another systematic feature of AAVE - the category of so-
called verbal aspect, which is used when speaker wants to express the regularity of
an action that may occur repeatedly, although there is not the condition of
continuity. For example, “They be runnin´.” means “They are usually running.”
or “They usually run.” so it is important to differentiate these two types of
sentences.
Double negation is also a characteristic feature of Black English. In modern
songs by American artists, you can often hear the following: ‘I ain’t got none’ but
Baugh and Cable, A History of the English Language. P. 384

56
Bergs A., Brinton L.J. The History of English: Varieties of English / A. Bergs, L.J. Brinton. – Berlin: De Gruyter
57
Mouton, 2017. P. 405

27
bullets for you nigga’, ‘but I ain’t never dodged no static’, ‘I don’t really want no
friends’, ‘I ain’t got no time to chill’ etc.58
A number of lexical, grammatical, and phonetic distinctions in African
American English provide clear evidence that African slaves learned English and
adapted it to their native language system. At the phonetic level, this is evidenced
by the processes of consonant loss at the end of a syllable and the modification of
interdental sounds [θ] and [ð]. Theories of the origin of the African American
variant have supporters and at the same time have been criticized. Now the main
conclusion remains the idea that both countries — England and Africa at one time
had a strong influence on the formation, development and preservation of the
individuality of the African American dialect of the English language.
CHAPTER III
3.1. Extra-linguistic factors that influenced the appearance of Spanglish.

Mexicans are by far the largest Hispanic group in the United States,
accounting for 61.5% of the entire Hispanic population according to the 2019
Census. They are also a group associated with the United States through long
historical development.
Once known for the most part as seasonal farm labourers and day labourers,
Mexican-Americans now hold leadership positions and prominent positions
throughout the United States, although poor Mexicans also continue to arrive in
search of a better life. Thus, the diversity of the Mexican American variant of the
58
Романова Е.Ю. Афроамериканский английский: Британское наследие или креольское образование? //
Вестник Московского государственного лингвистического университета. – 2018. – № 10. – С. 136–145
28
Spanish language forms a territorial variant that is significantly different from
other territorial variants common in the eastern part of the United States.
Despite the likelihood of inaccuracies in the number of Hispanics (different
sources provide different data), there presence demonstrates a significant impact of
the Mexican and Mexican-American variants of Spanish on American language
status.
Significant regional and sociolinguistic differences allow us to consider this
linguistic custom in full and classify it as Mexican-American or Chicano Spanish.
The word “chicano” itself is an abbreviation for the outdated word
“mexicano”, in which the letter x was pronounced as a sound [∫] until the middle of
the 17th century. Currently, in Mexico, the word conveys a disparaging meaning to
Mexicans, born or raised in the United States, who live in poverty. In the United
States itself, this connotation is common among the older generation of Mexican-
Americans, as well as in the rural areas.
The presence of Mexican Americans in the United States is due to various
reasons related to the history of several centuries, and thus, the modern Mexican
American population lives throughout the country, including the countryside,
urban, and also suburban areas. Moreover, as J. Lipski states, Mexican-Americans
differ from other Hispanic groups in the United States in that they are divided into
three groups:59
1) immigrants arriving in the country for permanent residence;
2) short-term immigrants who spend an average of 10-12 weeks in the
United States before returning to Mexico;
3) periodic immigrants, typical seasonal farmworkers.
These features have a profound effect on the functioning of the language in
both Spanish and English. Some Mexican-Americans are fully bilingual, adapted
members of American society, while others are in an uncertain social status and
underprivileged material conditions.
59
Lipski, J. M. La lengua española en los Estados Unidos: avanza a la vez que retrocede. Revista Española de
Lingüística, 33, 2004. Pp.231-26
29
When examining the development and spread of Mexican Spanish in the
United States, several historical moments and socio-geographical location should
be considered.
Texas seceded from Mexico in the immediate aftermath of the Texas
Revolution in 1836, and the Mexican-American War of 1848 (and several minor
territorial changes that followed) cemented US control over the remaining
southwestern territories. These regions also have a significant number of
inhabitants descended from settlers who have never moved from these territories
and have lived here since the time of the Spanish colonies, throughout the
independence of Mexico, and also after joining the United States.
In many parts of the country, the linguistic characteristics of the original
population were replenished and changed as a result of the increasing wave of
immigration from Mexico, especially in recent times, but in the United States, a
number of features of the Mexican version of the Spanish language that have
remained almost unchanged since colonial times can still be traced. The largest
isolated language community spans northern New Mexico and the states of
Colorado and Texas.
In the following years, immediately after the Mexican-American War, the
level of immigration was relatively low due to the lack of sufficiently compelling
reasons that could force Mexicans to leave their homeland for a completely alien
environment. Another important stage in the emerging Mexican-American
linguistic interaction was the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920, during which
thousands of Mexicans of all social classes crossed the border of the United States.
For the first time in areas where English was previously the dominant
language, the conscious introduction of the Spanish language began, and also for
the first time, Spanish as a foreign language began to appear in the southwestern
territories of the United States from outside its (new) borders. All the diversity of
Mexican Spanish varieties that appeared in the United States as a result of the
Mexican Revolution came mainly from the northern territories of the border states
30
of Mexico. These variants were very similar to the different kinds of variants of
Spanish that survived in the southwestern states after the Mexican-American War.
During and after the First World War (1918 - 1930) the United States began
to lack agricultural workers, mostly because many young male farmers were sent
to the front. To compensate for the dwindling workforce, the American
government launched the “Bracero” programme according to which the United
States was actively recruiting and attracting Mexican workers for "temporary"
part-time work in agriculture.
While workers from all over Mexico were joining the ranks of the nascent
migrant labour movement, most of the official recruiting sites were located in the
poorest states of Mexico, which belong to the central-southern region, including
states such as Michoacan, Guerrero, and Guanajuato. While the northernmost
Mexican states enjoyed relative prosperity, workers in the southern Mexican states
were sent in large numbers to the United States, and most moved to the Midwest
and northern states far from the Mexican border.
Thus, southern Mexican Spanish became the predominant language variant
in the northern United States, while northern Mexican Spanish became the
dominant language variant along the southern border of the United States.
During the Great Depression, when the supply of labour increased, it became
necessary to immediately abandon Mexican workers, but attempts to return
Mexican immigrants to their homeland were unsuccessful. In contrast, the Bracero
programme contributed to an even more intense increase in the number of Mexican
workers in the United States, which was a consequence of the initial recruitment.
This period marks the start of annual crossings from the US-Mexican border to the
Midwest and Northwest states during the summer growing season. This migration
trend continues to this day.
Annual migrations have been a feature of the lives of many workers, living
in the infamous northern immigration camps during the summer, but there has
been an increasing number of Mexican migrants who have found the means to
survive the harsh northern winters, and subsequently became permanent residents
31
of the states located in the Midwest and North. Nowadays, the Mexican population
has become more diverse in their territorial origin (from all over Mexico), along
with the Mexicans from the northern states, as well as from the more southern
Mexican states.
As noted by J. Lipski, during the Second World War, Mexican-Americans
(many were indigenous to the United States) were oppressed and even subjected to
forced resettlement on the west coast of the United States. 60 At the same time,
Mexicans and Mexican-Americans were making massive migrations to urban areas
in the Southwest Territory.
Mexicans settled in cities from El Paso to Los Angeles, and as soon as a
permanent Mexican area emerged, the Spanish language began to acquire a de
facto legal character there. The period from 1942 to 1970 saw another surge in
Mexican immigration to the United States of America, driven by the need for
unskilled labour in many parts of the country. During this period, approximately
1.75 million Mexicans entered the United States legally.
In the 1990s, an already large population of Mexican descent grew in Florida
and the Pacific Northwest. These regions still continue to attract new immigrants.
In the past decade, Mexicans have also immigrated to southern states such as North
Carolina, Georgia, and Texas.
At the turn of the twentieth century, the Mexican population living in the
United States was mostly poor, landless and dependent on the agricultural and
commercial interests of the Anglo-Americans. Texas was one of the most popular
destinations for Mexican migrants from 1910 to 1929. In later years, this
popularity shifted to California. During 1960-64, almost 56% of native Mexican
immigrants moved to California, 25% to Texas, 8% to Arizona, and only 2.5% are
in New Mexico. Only 10% of Mexican immigrants settled outside the Border
States.
60
Lipski, J. M. Varieties of Spanish in the United States. – Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2008.
P.303
32
Permitted immigration of Mexicans to the United States occurred almost
simultaneously with the above-mentioned historical events. Table 1 summarises
typical indicators that briefly characterise the waves of immigration:61
Table 1. Waves of Mexican immigration to the United States.
Year Number of Mexican immigrants
1980 2,199,200
1990 4,298,000
2000 9,177,500
2006 11,541,400
2010 11,711,100
2013 11,585,000
2017 11,269,900
2019 10,932,000
It is important to note that the figures shown are mainly based on legal
immigration figures and do not include undocumented Mexicans living in the
United States. The authors of the study, from which these figures are borrowed,
note that not always or mainly people from the countryside, but often the urban
population, representatives of the working class, emigrate from Mexico to the
United States. In most cases, when moving from Mexico to the United States, the
main direction of migration remains urban-to-city migration.
61
https://lawprofessors.typepad.com/immigration/2020/12/mexican-immigrants-in-the-united-states.html (access
date: 27.04.2021).
33
3.2. Origins of Spanglish.
Such a linguistic hybrid, which can be considered as Creole, Spanglish,
usually arises spontaneously during the interlanguage interaction of English and
Spanish, so the appearance of this term cannot be attributed to a specific person or
event.
Although Spanglish is unlikely to have clear roots, the Oxford English
Dictionary places the first recorded written mention of the word (in Spanish, not in
English) as a place of concentration of opposing linguistic approaches, namely, to
Puerto Rico (an island in the Caribbean Sea, controlled by the United States).
The term "Spanglish" is believed to be the "invention" of the Puerto Rican
journalist Salvador Tio, the author of a column first published in 1952.
For more than half a century, he has campaigned in opposition through
polemical and satirical articles aimed at supporting the Spanish language. S. Tio
clearly outlined his position: “I do not believe in either Latin or bilingualism. Latin
is a dead language, and bilingualism is two dead languages”. 62 Most of S. Tio's
examples are genuine borrowings from the English language (some are not
assimilated) that are found in modern Puerto Rican speech.
Citing in his early article humorous examples of Spanish words invented by
him, which were not used either then or after, S. Tio blurs the lines between
genuine examples of interlingual interaction and satirical parody.
Although S. Tio lived in New York for some time and, accordingly,
experienced the influence of interlingual interaction. He took on faith other
people's parodies concerning the interaction of English and Spanish: “[el español]
se pudre en la frontera nuevo-mejicana donde, como dice H. L. Mencken en su
obra The American Language, dos nuevo-mejicanos se saludan con esta joya de la
burundanga lingüística: “¡Hola amigo! ¿Cómo le how do you dea?" "Voy very
welldiando, gracias” (Spanish is rotting on the New Mexican border {sic.} where
62
Tío, S. Teoría del espanglish. A fuego lento, cien columnas de humor y una cornisa, – Rio Piedras: University of
Puerto Rico, 1954. P 60.
34
as H. L. Mencken says in The American Language, two New Mexicans greet each
other with this gem of linguistic nonsense…).63
However, the authorship of this example does not belong to H. L. Mencken,
whose studies of the Spanish language in the United States and its influence on
English accurately reflect the real situation. As for the example, H. L. Mencken
quotes a "modern researcher" H. McKinstry, whose desire for accuracy is very
questionable.
H. McKinstry wrote at a time when criticizing Mexicans was the leisure of
many authors, and although amusing stories about linguistic experiences on the
Mexican border do not rule out that H. McKinstry did speak Spanish. His factual
account of borrowed anglicisms sharply contradicts the humorous narration of
linguistic skills of Mexicans living on the border:
“While the Mexican of the border appropriates the words of his neighbor in
a truly wholesale manner, there is neither hope no danger that he will ever become
English-speaking. It is only the bare words that are adopted. They are woven
ingeniously into a fabric of grammar and pronunciation which remains forever
Mexican. Although every other word your Nogales or Juarez peon uses may be
English, he could not, to save his sombrero, put them together into a sentence
intelligible to an American, that is, beyond such simple household phrases as all
right and goddam ... This mongrel jargon of the border is naturally shocking to the
ears of the well-bred Mexican of the interior.”64
By citing such a crude parody along with genuine examples of borrowing
and calquing, S. Tio (along with H. L. Mencken) contributes to the false notion of
a "mixed" language bordering on complete illiteracy.
By the middle of the 20th century, global Spanish already included many
fully integrated anglicisms, which were actively used by Puerto Ricans. These
anglicisms entered the language through the American school system, consumer
advertising, American businesses located in Puerto Rico. In no small measure,
their appearance was facilitated by the increase in the number of Puerto Ricans
63
Tío, S. Lengua mayor: ensayos sobre el español de aquí y de allá. – Madrid: Editorial Plaza Mayor, 1992, p. 91.
64
McKinstry, H.E. The American Language in Mexico. – American Mercury, 1930. P. 336
35
who emigrated to the continent in search of work, and then returned with a large
supply of English expressions.
R. Nash offers the following definition of Spanglish in Puerto Rico:
“In the metropolitan areas of Puerto Rico, where Newyorricans play an
influential role in the economic life of the island, there has arisen a hybrid variety
of language, often given the slightly derogatory label of Spanglish, which coexists
with less mixed forms of standard English and standard Spanish and has at least
one of the characteristics of an autonomous language: a substantial number of
native speakers. The emerging language retains the phonological, morphological,
and syntactic structure of Puerto Rican Spanish… Spanglish as defined here is
neither language containing grammatical errors due to interference nor
intentionally mixed language.”65
Almost all examples given by R. Nash are lexical borrowings found in
interlanguage interaction.
The famous literary scholar Roberto González Echeverria saw in
"Spanglish" the massive use of English by Spanish speakers and in every possible
way emphasized the negative consequences of the use of the new "language":
“Spanglish, a Spanish-English hybrid that has infiltrated Hispanic (Latino)
talk shows and advertising campaigns from the streets, poses a major threat to
Hispanic (Latino) culture and the well-being of Hispanics in average America.
Anyone who justifies or even supports Spanglish as a completely harmless mixture
simply does not understand that there is no question of equality of languages.
Spanglish is the result of an invasion of Spanish English. The harsh reality is that
Spanglish is the language of predominantly poor Hispanics who do not know their
native language well. They borrow English words and constructs for everyday
speech due to the lack of vocabulary and knowledge of Spanish in order to adapt to
the changing culture around. 50 educated Hispanics do the same for other reasons.
Ashamed of their own origin, they use English words and literally translated
65
Nash, R. Spanglish: language contact in Puerto Rico. American Speech 45, 1970. Pp. 223-225
36
English idioms in order to feel more complete, respectable, and thereby join the
average majority.”66
Another Spaniard, Xosé Castro, is also not optimistic:
“Spanglish has its own logic and logically explained origin. It performs an
obvious communicative function, but it appears only where the participants in the
dialogue lack vocabulary. In a difficult situation, in order to overcome the
communication barrier, a person turns to the English version, understandable to
both parties, as a result of which communication takes place. Spanglish marginal
status ... excludes Latinos who do not understand English and native speakers of
English who do not understand Spanish. Therefore "Spanglish" is limited to a
small number of language communities.”67
The development of the social and political identity of Latin American
communities living in the United States also made us look at the concept of
"Spanglish" from a different angle. As well as the word "Chicano", which has
received completely new connotations and usage in Mexico and the southwestern
United States compared to previous decades, so "Spanglish" has come to be
considered a linguistic and cultural heritage. To illustrate the range of ideas and
views of the neo-Spanglish supporters, it should be considered the works of two of
their most famous representatives.
Ed Morales uses Spanglish in his following statement:
“Latinos are a mixed nation ... we need a way to convey this idea more
clearly than through the word “Latino”, which does not fully convey our essence.
Let's consider a new term to discuss the essence of what this aspect of Latino
means. Let us consider Spanglish. Why Spanglish? There is no better metaphor for
what a mixed-race culture means than a hybrid language, an informal code; the
same sort of linguistic construction that defines different classes in a society can
also come to define something outside it, a social construction with different rules.
66
González-Echeverria, R. Is “Spanglish” a language? New York Times, March 28, 1997 — [Electronic resource]
—URL: http://www.ampersandcom.com/GeorgeLeposky/spanglish.htm (access date: 14.05.2021).
67
Castro, Xosé. El espanglish en Internet y en la informática. Presented at the Congreso sobre Internet organized by
Novell (Madrid, June 12-14,1996) — [Electronic resource] — URL: http://www.bibliotecact.com.ar/PDF/01767.pdf
(access date: 14.05.2021).
37
Spanglish is what we speak, but it is also who we Latinos are, and how we act, and
how we perceive the world. It's also a way to avoid the sectarian nature of other
labels that describe our condition, terms like Nuyorican, Chicano, Cuban
American, Dominicanyork.”68
Although E. Morales admits that many researchers, especially
representatives of other Hispanic nations, consider Spanglish as "Spanish under
siege from outside conquerors", he further glorifies the emerging Latin American
language as a sign of resistance and the creation of a powerful new identity. In the
rest of the work, E. Morales proclaims the establishment of Spanish-English in
literature, contemporary culture and political discourse.
A very different point of view is offered by Ilan Stavans, an exiled Mexican
writer, now a professor at Amherst College in Massachusetts, who calls himself a
fan and propagandist of Spanglish. Numerous works by I. Stavans about Spanglish
and his imaginary samples of this "language" have turned into the most popular
source quoted by researchers who are not familiar with the real situation of
Spanish-English bilingualism in the United States.
I. Stavans begins with a simple definition of Spanglish as “an oral barrier
between English and Latin American civilizations.” His examples from personal
experience of trying to learn Spanish upon arrival in the United States from
Mexico are no longer so benevolent: “But to keep up with the publications
(meaning the Spanish-language newspapers published in the 1980s), it was
necessary to invent your own language, otherwise the thorny path could not be
overcome. The grammar and syntax of editions have never been completely
standard; they repeated, albeit unconsciously, English constructions”.69
Obviously, at first I. Stavans was surprised by the large number of Spanish
dialects, which probably seemed exotic to the native of Mexico, as well as the
constant switching of codes and assimilated anglicisms characteristic of a bilingual
environment. Then he expresses deep admiration and considers all kinds of code
68
Morales, Ed. Living in Spanglish: the search for Latino identity in America. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2002.
69
Stavans, I. Spanglish: the making of a new American language. – New York: Harper-Collins, 2003. Pp. 60-65
38
switching as a creative act, which, in his opinion, expresses the essence of
Spanglish.
In the seventies, it became extremely popular to use code-switching in the
Latin American literature of the United States peoples, both in poetry and in prose.
Authors such as Tato Laviera, Roberto Fernández and Rolando Hinojosa have
tweaked the language of Spanish-speaking communities across the United States to
create a catchy "third language" for their groundbreaking literary work.
The early attempts of I. Stavans to create a literary "Spanglish" remained
unknown until he published them in his book.70 It became the most cited source on
"Spanglish" among scholars in other Spanish-speaking countries, where they have
no idea about the real situation of Spanish in the United States.
One of the I. Stavans’ “masterpieces”, which attracted thousands of readers,
was a translation of the first chapter of Don Quixote.71
The text contains numerous syntactic violations of code-switching,
phonetically unacceptable combinations and features of colloquial Spanish (for
example, pa < para "for", verda < verdad "true"), which indirectly proves the
statement that Spanglish is spoken only by uneducated people.
The fact that Don Quixote by I. Stavans is not an innocent attempt by a
foreigner to imitate authentic bilingual speech is confirmed by the author's prose,
where he skillfully creates a plausible switching of languages. Whatever the
motives of I. Stavans, his transcription of Don Quixote is very often cited (mostly
in a negative way) as evidence of the deplorable state of Spanish in the United
States.
3.3. Spanglish functioning in the USA.
A number of the once prevalent nominations for racial and ethnic minorities
living in the United States have fallen out of use, giving way to more precise
terms, as these nominations are now considered socially and politically
unacceptable.
70
ibid.
71
Stavans, I. Translation of the Quijote into “spanglish.” La Vanguardia (Barcelona) July 3, 2002. Pp. 5-6
39
One of the racial / ethnic terms that denotes both a language and a specific
ethnic group is Spanglish. It was analogous to Spanish in the Spanish-speaking
world. Although Spanglish was once used to refer to a number of phenomena, in
most cases Spanglish focuses on the use of the language by Hispanics born or
resident in the United States. In most cases, "Spanglish" is used as a neutral term,
and some Latin American political and social activists in the United States even
use the term "Spanglish" in order to emphasize a unique ethnolinguistic identity.
However, under normal circumstances, the term "Spanglish" has a disparaging
connotation and is used primarily to distinguish between Latin Americans who
speak Spanish in the United States.
The second goal is to create the impression that the Spanish dialects, which
exist in abundance or were introduced to the United States, are so mixed with
English that the result is a "third language" that is strikingly different from both
Spanish and English. In turn, the "third language" is perceived as a means of
gradually ousting Spanish from the United States, which makes Hispanics living in
the United States disadvantageous to their compatriots in Spanish-speaking
countries, and most importantly, leads to the "degradation" of the Spanish
language.
In the United States, the term "Spanglish" is used primarily by non-
Hispanics (or by Hispanics who openly criticise the misuse of the language) in
relation to the speech patterns of representatives of Hispanic communities. Most
often they are the two oldest Hispanic communities, namely of Mexican and
Puerto Rican descent. In the southwestern United States, the term "tejano" is often
used (by non-Hispanics) as a synonym for Spanglish. A similar situation has
developed with the use of the term "pocho", which is used by Mexican-Americans.
Dictionaries, grammar aids, postcards, T-shirts, car stickers, and a vast array
of editorial notes and references show that Spanglish is self-sufficient. Most of the
works on Spanglish are united by the idea that Hispanics in the United States, and
possibly in Puerto Rico and the border regions of Mexico, speak this "variant of
the language" more often than "real" Spanish.
40
The ambivalence and ambiguity of Spanglish are especially clearly
represented by the definitions that give two of the most common and authoritative
dictionaries of the English language. Thus, The American Heritage Dictionary
defines Spanglish as "Spanish characterised by numerous borrowings from
English."72 But the prestigious etymological New Oxford American Dictionary
describes Spanglish as a hybrid language combining words and idioms from both
Spanish and English.73
3.4. Characteristics of Spanglish.

The Spanish language has changed slightly under the influence of
English in the United States. Changes are observed mainly in vocabulary, grammar
and, to a lesser extent, in phonetics.
The use of anglicisms. For example, aplicación (application) instead of
solicitud, carpeta (carpet) instead of tapiz, deliberar (to deliver) instead of enviar.
 Assimilated anglicisms that have an English spelling but a Spanish
pronunciation, for example, the words club, jersey, reactor, transistor.
 Assimilated anglicisms that have adapted by transcription. For
example, in colloquial "Spanglish": bildin (building), boila (boiler),
brecas (breaks), buche (bush), chores (shorts), craca (cracker), cuora
(quarter), guachimán (watchman), güelfar (welfare), jaifai (hi-fi),
jaigüey (highway), jamberga (hamburger), londri (laundry), queque
(cake), trábol (trouble).
 Assimilated anglicisms which have the endings inherent in Spanish
nouns, adjectives and verbs. For example, chatear (to chat), chopear
(to shop), culear (to cool), enjoyar (to enjoy), estorma (storm),
frisar (to freeze), gasetería (gas station), grocería (grocery), liquear
(to leak), tofe (tough), troca (truck), vacunar (to vacuum), yarda
(yard).
72
The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. – 4th ed. Houghton Mifflin Company Boston. 2006.
P.2074
73
New Oxford American Dictionary. Oxford University Press. 3rd ed. 2010. P 2096
41
 Non-assimilated anglicisms, which have English spelling and
English pronunciation, for example, bite, briefing, bestseller, bluff,
boom, camping, chat, clip, cocktail, detective, e-mail, hit, hobby,
hockey, hot dog, internet, jazz, jazz-band, jeans, jeep, kit, knock-out,
know-how, match, offset, offshore, offside, on line, penalty, rap,
record, rock, show, stock, sandwich, superstar, sweater, ticket,
videocassette, water-polo, weekend, western, whisky, cowboy,
gangster, pudding, sheriff etc.
Semantic calques/loanshifts. They refer to transfers from one language to
another. They are defined as a compound or complex loan in which speakers do
not borrow an expression directly, but analyse the parts and replace them with
similar native forms.
e.g, air conditioner − aire acondicionado, black hole − agujero negro,
convertible − descapotable, disorder − desorden, dramatically − dramáticamente,
eventually − finalmente, focus − enfoque, yellow press − prensa amarilla, zebra
crossing − paso de cebra.
Grammar. Spanglish may have a mixed grammar, partly retaining the
original Spanish grammar, but also partly changed to be closer to English.74
Сhanging the number and/or gender of nouns: la data instead of los datos
(the data)
Using the English preposition instead of the Spanish one: esperar por mi
amigo instead of esperar a mi amigo (to wait for my friend)
The use of Spanish morphology in English borrowings: pincito instead of
alfilercito (little pin)
Changing the Spanish noun-adjective order: rojos coches instead of
coches rojos (red cars)
74
Poplack, K. S. Sometimes I will start a sentence in Spanish y termino en Español. Towards a typology of code-
switching. Linguistics, 18, 1980. P. 581-618
42
Misuse of a preposition. For example, para comenzar con instead of para
comenzar (to begin with). In this example there is no need to use preposition con at
the end of the sentence.
Code-switching. It means that at a certain moment, the speaker changes the
language, and continues talking in another language.75 For example:
There's a movie que me parece que va a ser muy interesante instead of
Hay una película que me parece que va a ser muy interesante (There's a movie that
I think is going to be very interesting).
El vestido me costó twenty dollars instead of El vestido me costó veinte
dólares. (The dress cost me twenty dollars).
Code-mixture is when in a single sentence, two languages are mixed and
may alternate.76 For instance:
Oye te quería preguntar, are you free this evening a eso de las ocho?
instead of Oye, te quería preguntar, ¿estás libre esta noche a eso de las ocho?
(Hey, I wanted to ask you, are you free this evening around eight o'clock?).
Mira, mira guey, I don’t understand la tarea instead of Mira, mira guey,
no entiendo la tarea (Look buddy, I don't understand the homework).
There are some English linguistic habits that are often used in Spanglish.
This creates a weird Spanish for a Spanish speaker.
For example, saying the date. When asking a Spanglish speaker his/her date
of birth, he/she may respond in the following way: Yo nací en cero cuatro, once,
cero dos instead of Nací el 4 de noviembre de dos mil dos (I was born on 04-11-
02).
The week in English starts on Sunday. Influenced by this, Hispanics can
name the days of the week starting on Sunday.
In Spanish, the numbers are read in full, but in English, in part. For example,
página tres cuarenta y cinco instead of página trescientos cuarenta y cinco (page
three forty-five).
75
Poplack, K. S. Sometimes I will start a sentence in Spanish y termino en Español. Towards a typology of code-
switching. Linguistics, 18, 1980. P. 581-618
76
Ibid.
43
In Spanish there is a letter “ñ” that does not exist in English. It can disappear
in writing and speaking. E.g. Necesito llamar a la doctora Munoz instead of
Necesito llamar a la doctora Muñoz (I need to call Dr. Muñoz).
These are not the only typical features which can be found in Spanglish;
however, they are the most representative ones.
CONCLUSION
The high degree of migration activity in the United States is one of the
important features of the demographic processes taking place in this territory. This
geographical mobility of immigrants to the United States led to the ethnic
heterogeneity of the country's population, which, in turn, created conditions for
linguistic and cultural assimilation.
44
In the formation of the exoglossic situation in the South of United States, an
important role was played by social phenomena which contributed to the
strengthening of the dominant position of the English language and the ousting of
the native languages of immigrants, since linguistic assimilation is an integral part
of the general assimilation in society.
The marginal position of immigrants in American society has led to the
marginal position of their mother tongues in relation to English, which is central to
American culture.
It is believed that the Southern variety of American English combined the
features of the speech of the first British settlers and black slaves. The English
language of the Southern states of the United States is distinguished by a drawl.
Southerners today pride themselves on their unusual pronunciation as a sign of
their unique regional identity and cultural heritage.
Immigrants coming to the U.S. influence the form of American English by
introducing new words and by simplifying it. People from all of Europe have been
coming to the U.S., as well as Africans and recently more and more people from
Spanish speaking countries primarily.
All these people and languages create an enormous complex of dialects,
jargons, slangs and other ways of speaking. Since these people are in contact with
each other, it is obvious that they influence each other not only in the manner of
speaking.
Spanglish, which is a hybrid formation widespread in the United States, does
not have a single definition. The term itself is used to refer to the following
phenomena:
1) the use of integrated anglicisms in Spanish;
2) the use of non-assimilated anglicisms in Spanish;
3) the use of calques from English into Spanish;
4) code-switching and code-mixing;
5) violation of some of the grammar rules of the Spanish language which are
found in the speech of bilingual speakers.
45
From everything expounded above it follows that the linguistic situation in
the southern territory of the United States is characterised by the fact that English
dominates there. This may seem like a commonplace fact, like the dominance of
the Russian language in Russia or German in Germany. But in the United States,
everything is not so simple, since this is a country of immigrants, and not a state
based on ethnicity.
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51

Linguistic Situation in The South of The Usa

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Linguistic Situation in The South of The Usa

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ФИЛИАЛ МОСКОВСКОГО ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОГО

УНИВЕРСИТЕТА им. М.В. ЛОМОНОСОВА в г. БАКУ

Имранова Лейла Фармановна

ЯЗЫКОВАЯ СИТУАЦИЯ НА ЮГЕ США

Выпускная квалификационная работа

Imranova Leila Farmanovna

LINGUISTIC SITUATION IN THE SOUTH OF THE USA

1.1 Linguistic situation as an object of sociolinguistics.

1.2. Exoglossic linguistic situation.

1.3. Endoglossic linguistic situation.

2.1. Common features of Southern American English.

2.3. Black English

Baugh and Cable, A History of the English Language. P. 384

Mouton, 2017. P. 405

3.1. Extra-linguistic factors that influenced the appearance of Spanglish.

Year Number of Mexican immigrants

3.4. Characteristics of Spanglish.

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