--·----

4.7
Forgiveness, Pity, and Ultimacy in
Ancient Greek Culture
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David J. Leigh, S.J., Seattle University, Seattle, WA 98122 USA

1. INTROD UCTION

paradox
Any study of the origins of 'forgiveness' in Western thought must consider the
and philosop hy indicates that
of Greek culture. A study of the earliest Greek literature
as related to both gods and
the Greeks developed a strong sense of justice and law
or mercy. The closest they came
humans, but did not develop a concept of forgiveness
But pity
to the latter concept was the practice of legal leniency and the notion of 'pity'.
and drama, as a human response to
was a later development, especially in Greek epics
ed their mytholo gy and early philoso-
the strict notions of justice and law that dominat
phy.
largely
Greek mythology created a universe in which the ultimate being or Fate was
of life and death. Some critics consider
unknowable, except for its power over matters
theo-
that the belief in Fate led early Greeks toward a pessimistic fatalism. As a major
by some that man is wholly in the power of
rist on Greek Fate says, 'It could be argued
could reply that to the extent to which man's reason
an external destiny or fate ... Others
partakes of the universal reason or spirit, to that extent there are things "in our power"
ed a pan-
.. .' (Greene 1944, p. 8). Within the universe ruled by Fate, the Greeks envision
that controlle d the external and internal forces beyond
theon of 'gods' or higher powers
supreme demigod was Zeus, whose sister was The-
direct human control. Of these, the
both aspects of justice. Themis was the personif ica-
mis and whose daughter was Dike,
such, which was determin ed by the gods and Fate, and
tion of rational social order as
an older earth goddess es in charge of strict 'blood justice'.
she was sometimes seen as
ity,
Dike was the personification of right relationships among persons in commun
and juridical justice, the latter often determin ed by a verdict
including both political
gods'
(Ostwald 1973, II. pp. 675ff.). As one critic has concluded about the Greek
and not mercy, 'Greek gods do not comman d us to forgive ... they
emphasis on justice
themselves are not conspicu ously forgivin g' (Dover 1991, p. 178).
One of the later notions that correlate with forgiveness is sin or wrongdoing, a
notion
connotat ion in early Greek culture. For example , in ancient
that had a much broader
between
Greece, there was little distinction made between voluntary and involuntary or
. Thus, a person could be held accounta ble by the gods for
ethical or ritual offences

152
 accidental or passionate crimes as well as deliberate ones. Even the Greeks of Homer's
age realized they could be held accountable for such crimes, for in The Odyssey, Zeus
announces at the beginning of the epic: 'Ah how shameless - the way these mortals
blame the gods/ From us alone, they say, come all their miseries, yes,/ but they them-
selves, with their own reckless ways,/ compound their pains beyond their proper share'
(I, lines 37-40, Fagles 1996, p. 78). Yet the Greeks in their primitive theodicy were not
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able to distinguish between miseries that derived from the gods or that came from their
own moral, legal, or ritual faults. In fact, in classical Greece, the problem of theodicy
and the justice of the gods became, as we shall see, one of the themes of tragedy, a
theme connected with the first formal notions of pity (Versnel. 1996, pp. 1410-1).
In addition to these central concepts of Fate, gods, justice, and sin, the Greeks strug-
gled with little success to develop a notion of personal salvation. Their earliest ideas of
an afterlife were quite pessimistic, as described by Homer in Odysseus' visit to the
underworld in Book XI of The Odyssey. In this afterlife, most human beings endure a
sort of 'half-life' as shades lamenting their state and longing for news from the world of
their descendents on earth. Those who have sinned grievously, however, by failing to
serve the gods or showing hubris (excessive shame or pride of trying to be like a god)
on earth are given an eternal round of punishment; those who have become divine
through heroic deeds or being the offspring of gods and humans may escape the realm
of Hades and reach the paradise of Elysium. But most people in the archaic Greek
world of Homer entered the underworld after a ritual burial only to remain there in a
neutral gray world. Sometimes, such as in the case of Oedipus, the hubris occurs with-
out full realization and consent of the will. Thus, as S.G.F. Brandon has shown, the
ancient Greek mythological world found no way of salvation from sin or hubris. For
such salvation, some Greeks turned to the mystery religions that emerged from the
Middle East, especially those of Eleusis and of Orphism. The Eleusis mysteries prom-
ised a happy afterlife to those who qualified by a minimal ethical life and by perfor-
mance of the proper rituals. The Orphic mysteries promised a similar effect for those
who liberated their souls from the fallen material world by means of purification rites,
secret knowledge, and a disciplined life that required vegetarianism (Brandon 1973, p.
228).
As Greek culture evolved from the Heroic Age of Homer into the Classical Age of
Pericles, the religion of the polis began to incorporate notions that can be seen as seeds
of later belief in forgiveness. Greene sums up this development in the following way:
'The answer of orthodoxy is only to reiterate the old conviction that hubris is punished
by nemesis, insolence by retribution, or that the gods are actually jealous of prosperity
... Something could be done to mitigate the apparent harshness of the old conceptions.
"Zeus who hearkens to our supplication", "Zeus the compassionate" ... found worship-
pers; there were even cults of Reverence (Aidos) and of Pity (E/eos) in Athens' (Greene
1944, p. 48). Archeologists have found a fourth century BCE altar to the goddess Pity,
at which leaders developed rituals for the propitiation of sins (Parker 1996, pp. 232,
245). In fact, prayer and supplications had been a long-standing tradition even before
the awareness of divine mercy (Burkert 1985, p. 73-5). As one critic sums up the evi-
dence from the law courts and Aristotle, 'There is abundant evidence that in the fourth

153
 century magnanimity, forgiveness, "niceness" ... were admired and respected' (Dover
1991,p.1 79).
With these general principles in mind concerning early Greek practices of justice,
law, sin, and religion within a fated world, let us now examine the gradual efforts to
find a moral way of 'pity' to escape the confines of this pessimistic mythology. An
overview of central passages in the Homeric epics (eighth C.), in the later Hymn to
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Demeter (seventh C.), and in the endings of various Greek dramas (fifth C.) will sug-
gest the remote origins of the later notion of 'forgiveness'. Finally, we will review the
stages though which pity became a rhetorical common place in Aristotle and later Hel-
lenistic culture.

1.1 Lack of Forgiveness in the Homeric Epics

The Iliad begins as a conflict between Agamemnon and Achilles over justice, and con-
tinues so throughout most of the plot. The opening plague is a punishment sent by
Apollo for the violation of his priest; the opening quarrel of the leaders concerns the
justice of taking prizes from heroes; the subsequent duels and battles lead to an unre-
lenting bloodletting. However, at the beginning of Book VI, one Trojan, Adrestus,
pleads with Menelaos for mercy: 'Take me alive, Atrides, take a ransom worth my life'!
(line 54; Fagles 1990, p. 197). Although this plea begins to touch the heart of Mene-
laus, his brother Agamemnon blocks him from carrying out his feelings of compassion
by mocking his 'tender loving care' and calling for 'rough justice, fitting too' against
the Trojans, even children in their mothers' wombs. The strict vengeance of this scene,
however, contrasts with the compromise in the next scene between Glaucus and
Diomedes. Although Diomedes in Book V had shown himself a relentless killer, in this
famous encounter, he and Glaucus announce their ancestry, find common strains of
guest-friendship, and agree to exchange armor, concluding that 'we are sworn friends
from our fathers' day till now' (VI line 277; Fagles 1990, p. 203). This tension between
the opening scene of revenge and the subsequent scene of reconciliation is re-enforced
by the tension of the final scene of the same book, that between Hector and Androma-
che. Here, Andromache asks, 'Have you no pity for him, our helpless son? Or me,/ and
the destiny that weighs me down, your widow,/ now so soon? ... Pity me, please!' (line
484-487, 511; Fagles 1990, pp. 209-10). The appeal to pity in this scene, although
morally strong, does not convince Hector to go against the heroic code of seeking
honor and avoiding shame on the battlefield, even though Andromache's plea is also
militarily strong in its appeal to the only successful strategy that has worked against the
Achaeans.
In the many battle scenes that make up the next ten books of the epic, most encoun-
ters end in the death or wounding of one of the heroes. However, occasionally a deeper
principle than blood justice emerges. For example, in Book VII, when Hector and Aias
have fought until sunset, Hector proposes a truce and an exchange of gifts that recon-
ciles them temporarily 'until some fatal power decides between our armies' (line 335):

Come, let us give each other gifts, unforgettable gifts,

So any man may say, Trojan soldier or Argive,

154
 'First they fought with heart-devouring hatred,
then they parted, bound by pacts of friendship.'
(VII 345-348; Fagles 1990, p. 224).

This tension between 'heart-devouring hatred' and 'pacts of friendship' suggests that
even in Homer's era the heroes believed in more than mere blood justice. This balanc-
ing of the heroic code of justice with the power of friendship leads into a more serious
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tension in Book IX when the Greeks send a delegation to Achilles in an attempt to rec-
oncile him with gifts. There, Odysseus and Phoenix appeal to Achilles to restrain his
anger by remembering his father and the example of compassion by the legendary hero
Meleager. Although Achilles rejects the gifts and the appeal to compassion, he shows
the beginning of a deeper awareness of what is at stake in and what are the limits of the
heroic code of honor and blood justice;

No, what lasting thanks in the long run

For warring with our enemies, on and on, no end?
One and the same lot for the man who hangs back
And the man who battles hard. The same honor waits
For the coward and the brave. They both go down to Death.
(IX 383-387; Fagles 1990, p. 262)

Despite Achilles' disillusionment with the war code and refusal to show compassion at
that point in the battle, he reluctantly allows that he might return to help the Greeks
once their ships are on fire.
The lack of compassion continues as a pattern in the battles or raids, as in Diomedes
and Odysseus's rejection of Dolon's pleas in Book X or Agamemno n's 'merciless'
rejection of the 'cries for mercy' by Antimachu s' sons in Book XI. The only pity that is
mentioned in these scenes is that of some of the gods who respond when they find their
favorite hero or army is losing, as when Poseidon pities the Achaeans at the beginning
of Book XIII. Even in that key turning point when Achilles himself realizes that his
anger has gone too far, he merely says 'Enough./ Let bygones be bygones now. Done is
done./ How on earth can a man rage on forever'? (XVI 68-70: Fagles 1990, p. 414).
This faint compassion allows him only to send Patroclus in Achilles' armor to fight the
Trojans, primarily for Achilles' own honor and glory. As a consequence of this com-
promise, Achilles is driven from his anger against Agamemno n to fulfill his desire for
revenge at the death of Patroclus. Ironically, he is given some new armor to wreak his
vengeance, a set of armor on which a new virtue is portrayed in the city of peace - the
virtue of just judgment by an arbiter in the case of blood-veng eance (XVIII, lines 572-
592; Fagles 1990, pp. 483-4).
The excesses of vengeance are again portrayed in the magnificently cruel exploits of
Achilles in his return to battle in Books XXI and XXII, especially in the uncontrollable
chaotic battle in which the nature gods and the Olympian gods participate to near
destruction of the whole universe of the epic. Only in Book XXII, with the tragic death
of Hector and the revengeful desecration of his body by Achilles does the cycle of

155
-- ---- -- -- -------

blood justice reach its climax. For in Book XXIV. after the cathartic funeral for Patro-
clus followed by the funeral games, Achilles' anger is nearly spent. When Priam risks
his own life by coming to him in his tent by night, he pleads with Achilles, 'Revere the
gods, Achilles! Pity me in my own right,/ remembe r your own father! I deserve more
pity .. .' (lines 588-589; Fagles 1990, p. 604). In response to this formal supplication,
Achilles finally lets down his emotiona l guard and shows compassi on and pity for the
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old man who reminds him of his father, Peleus, alone and without any more sons:

These words stirred within Achilles a deep desire

To grieve for his own father. Taking the old man's hand
He gently moved him back. And overpowered by memory
Both men gave way to grief.
(XXIV lines 592-595; Fagles 1990, p. 605).

Here at last, as Achilles decides to return Hector's body to Priam for a proper burial, the
epic embodies the exhaustio n of blood justice and the need for a virtue like pity (Kim
2000).
This emergenc e of the need for fellow-feeling continues and grows through the epic
of re-civilization of the warrior, The Odyssey. When Odysseus and his men first leave
Troy after desecrating the holy citadel, they travel to Ismarus, where they continue their
warlike ways by invading and sacking the small city. This act of war is met with sur-
prising resistance and Odysseus loses the majority of his sailors. As they travel on,
Odysseus loses more men to the lawless Cyclops and to the giant Lastrygon ians who
shows no guest-friendship, two lessons that remind Odysseus of the need for less brutal
ways. It is only when he comes to the island of the Aeolus that Odysseus learns the
advantages of guest-frie ndship and the need for gifts from the gods to reach his home-
land. Although his men succumb to greed or gluttony on the islands of Circe and the
Sun-god, Odysseus continues on until he arrives alone at the land of the Phaeacians.
There he learns to return to the ways of supplication when he formally approaches
Arete, the queen of this utopian land, and embraces her knees saying: 'Here after many
trials I come to beg for mercy,/ your husband's , yours, and all the feasters' here' (VII
s
lines 174-175; Fagles 1996, p. 184; Pedrick 1974). After staying with the Phaeacian
long enough to learn their ways of reconciliation, Odysseus returns with their help to
Ithaca, where Athena teaches him how to use his mind and wiles to recover his king-
dom. In this process of recoverin g power, he uses force in the famous battle in the hall
with the suitors, but two significan t signs of pity mitigate the force. First, when Phe-
mius the bard clutches Odysseus ' knees as a formal suppliant, he begs successfully for
mercy: 'I hug your knees, Odysseus - mercy! Spare my life!/ What a grief it will be to
you for all the years to come/ if you kill the singer now, who sings for gods and men'
(XXII, lines 362-364; Fagles 1996, p. 450). Telemachus confirms the bard's innocence,
along with that of the herald Medon, both of whom are spared by Odysseus. Second,
when the nurse wants to raise a cry of formal triumph over the defeat of the suitors,
Odysseus rejects the usual warrior's custom of exulting in victory: 'No cries of triumph
now./ It's unholy to glory over the bodies of the dead./ These men the doom of the gods

156
 has brought low,/ and their own indecent acts' (lines 436-439; Fagles
1996, p. 452).
These small signs of pity are re-enforced by the command of Athena
at the end of the
epic for a wise break from the cycle of blood justice that seems about
to begin with the
relatives of the dead suitors. When Odysseus finally holds back from
more bloodshed,
Athena proclaims 'her pacts of peace/ between both sides for all the
years to come'
(XXIV lines 599-60 0; Fagles I 996, p. 485). Thus, the epic ends with
the war hero of
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Troy learning the ways of reconciliation and peace through compassion.

1.2 The Hymn to Demeter: The Seeds of Pity

The Homeric Hymn to Demeter, written sometime around 600 BCE,
embodies the
quest of the earth goddess Demeter for her daughter Persephone, who
has been given
by Zeus to Hades as his bride. In this quest, Demeter undergoes a process
of grief and
semi-reconciliation in which she experiences human life in the house
of the king of
Eleusis. There she asks for pity and takes on the task of nursing a child
(in part to make
up for the loss of her own daughter), which she fulfils by feeding the
child ambrosia
and trying to transform it into an immortal. When the child's mother
forbids the trans-
formation, Demeter reveals herself and demands that a temple be built
in Eleusis as a
place of purification and propitiation. After this central episode, Demete
r punishes the.
earth for the loss of her children but is finally stopped by Zeus and Hades,
who agree to
allow Persephone to live with her mother on earth for two-thirds of the
year. Satisfied
with this compromise, Demeter has pity on the earth, provides a rich springti
me harvest
of grain, and is taken up to Olympus with the sky-gods. However, there
is no indication
that she has forgiven Hades.
One interpretation of this myth is that it symbolizes the compassion
of the gods for
human beings; another is that it commemorates the founding of the cult
of Demeter at
Eleusis, which, as one of the main shrines of the mystery religions, provide
s a way for
humans to achieve immortality through ritual and ethical lives. Among
the virtues that
are exemplified in the myth is that of pity or compassion, learned by
Demeter and then
taught to humanity through her reconciliation process.

1.3 Justice and Compassion in Athenian Drama

The drama of fifth century BCE Athens is dominated by the quest for
justice, whether
the blood justice of Aeschylus' Oresteia, the divine justice of Sophoc
les' Oedipus the
King, or the revengeful justice of Euripides' Medea. However, each
of these three
major founders of Greek tragedy also wrote plays in which justice
is tempered by
something close to pity. In the Eumenides, the long debate over Orestes
' punishment
between Athena and the Furies consists of arguments between the advocat
es of blood
justice and the advocates of more rational justice tempered by persuas
ion, understand-
ing and mercy. The understanding comes from the persuasive case made
by Athena for
the fact that Orestes acted with Apollo's command and has suffered
enough through
exile and torment for whatever injustice he had committed in avengin
g Agame mnon's
death. Like Demeter with her power of making the earth fruitful, the
Furies, formerly
the advocates of strict blood justice, become the patrons of healing,
fruitfulness, and
reconciliation. As the chorus describes them in their new role: 'Let not
he dry dust that

157
 revenge and bloodshed for blood-
drinks the black blood of citizens through passion for
r grace for grace. Let love be their
shed be given our state to prey upon. Let them rende
common will' (lines 978-9 86; Lattimore 1953, p. 169).
e is also at the heart of other
This emergence of something beyond strict justic
, the Suppliants portrays Zeus
Aeschylean tragedy. For example, as Greene has shown
who pray to him: 'The Suppliants
as not only all-powerful but also sensitive to those
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ful regard for the weak and needy

thus becomes a glorification of the god whose merci
of a purer religion ... it is clear that
is sure ... The Zeus of myth is becoming a symbol
universe is struggling toward good-
he [Aeschylus] is convinced that the power in the
Prometheus Bound, Green e finds
ness and mercy ' (Greene 1944, p. I I 1-2). Even in
and that its succe ssor must have
that the play teaches sympathy for the suffering hero
Zeus (Ibid., p. 117). In short, in
taught reconciliation between Prometheus and
to be wise and to feel pity, to relax
Aeschylean drama, Zeus 'has learned by suffering
e may be done" (Ibid., p. 1.36).
the letter of the law and to forgive in order that real justic
Sopho cles' Oedipus cycle, when
A similar transformation takes place at the end of
his violat ing the laws against pat-
the blinded, wandering Oedipus, having suffered for
e his fate, now sits in sight of the
ricide, incest, and especially hubris in trying to escap
law. This new law may have flowed
Hill of Demeter and teaches his daughters a new
had taken him in, for Oedipus says:
from his own experience of pity from Theseus, who

Children, this day your father is gone from you.

All that was mine is gone. You shall no longer
Bear the burden of taking care of me -
I know it was hard, my children. - And yet one word
Makes all those difficulties disappear:
That word is love. You never shall have more
From any man than you have had from me.
(lines 1611-1617; Fitzgerald 1954, p. 148).

of love, for in the Sophocles play

Antigone seems to have also learned this lesson
justice forbidding the burial of her
named after her, she challenges Creon 's law of strict
r law of divine 'justic e' that, in
traitorous brother Polyneices by appealing to a highe
brother (Antigone 450-4 70). As
this case, allows for a sort of mercy in burying one's
recur in Sopho cles' plays, such as
Edward Stevens has noted, other examples of pity
ra feels pity for the exile crowds
when Odysseus pities Ajax in the Ajax or when Deina
in the Trachiniae (Stevens 1944, p. 5-6).
situations that call for more dis-
Because the plays of Euripides present problematic
the main characters, it is difficult
cussion by the audience than the usual sympathy for
compassion. However, at least a
to affirm Euripides' emphasis on the virtue of mercy or fashion. For
few of his plays exhib it characters that show compassion in an admirable
'absol ves' his father from causing
example, at the end of Hippolytus, the title character
us' words (Roch e 1998, p. 99;
his death, thus 'acquitting him of all blood ', in These
play named after her, pleads with
Dove r 1991, p. 181). Once again, Hecuba, in the
just as Hecuba had shown pity for
Odysseus to show pity to her daughter Polyxena,

158
 him. This example also confirms Edward Stevens' emphasis on the reciprocal duty in
Euripides of those who have received mercy, as in Theseus' pity for Heracles in Her-
cules Furens (Stevens 1944, p. 7).
In addition to these dramatic examples of pity, the major theorist of tragedy, Aristo-
tle, in his Poetics affirms that one of the two purifying emotions that result from trag-
edy is pity for the suffering hero at the end of the play. This sort of audience feeling of
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pity is more of an emotional sympathy with the victimized hero rather than any sort of
'forgiveness' of his sins.

2.1 Pity as a Common Topic in Greek and Roman Rhetoric

The studies of Edward Stevens on the role of pity in rhetoric as well as literature in both
Greece and Rome cannot be overlooked in any attempt to trace the development of for-
giveness in the ancient world. For Stevens, over fifty years ago, showed that pity had
become something of a 'commonplace' or rhetorical source of arguments in the
speeches of Greek orators and historians, as well as in the subsequent rhetorical studies,
especially in Aristotle's Rhetoric. Edwards uncovered multiple examples of the appeal
to pity in such speeches as Cleon's in Book III of Thucydides' history, a speech with
the conclusion that 'Pity should be reserved for equals and not shown to those who will
not be merciful in turn, but must of necessity always be our foes' (Edwards 1944, III,
40, 3; p. 3). Mitigating the blunt and selfish appeals to pity in the Rhetoric to Alex-
ander, Aristotle assumes that all people must pity those who suffer injuries that they
might suffer themselves (Rhetoric 1385 b I3ff; Stevens 1944, p. 4). Of course, such
presentation by the rhetoricians of the 'appeal to pity' is balanced in the same authors'
discussions of the methods for answering such appeals. For example, the Rhetoric to
Alexande r reminds orators that such appeals may set a bad precedent or that the laws do
not pardon those who make mistakes (Stevens 1944, p. I 0). Aristotle in his Rhetoric
also gives examples of the power of envy to combat pity in the audience.
These studies of the limits or 'banishment of pity' also find their counterparts in
Greek literature. Examples of the limits of the failure of pity occur in the mercilessness
of warriors throughout the Iliad, in the voice of the Furies in the Oresteia, in Sopho-
cles' Electra, in Euripides' Orestes, and in several speeches in Thucydides' History and
in Demosthenes' orations. Besides these examples, Stevens cites many passages in
which political and military leniency is noted to be a good trait of the Athenians,
whether in history or in literature. Finally, he noted in an earlier study of Plato's dia-
logues that the philosopher considered any appeal to pity a sign of emotional weakness
(Stevens 1942, p. 245ff.).

3. CONCLU SION

Although this brief overview of the role of pity and justice in the Greek world from
Homer to Aristotle provides no definitive conclusions, it is clear that forgiveness was
not a primary virtue for these early Greeks. Neither the gods nor human beings in early
Greece were seen as 'forgiving' people their injustices or offenses. At most, the writers
and thinkers of this period gradually came to see pity for those who suffer as a step

159
 world and the irrationality of
toward mitigating the strict justice of the ancient fatalistic
suffering or for the involun-
the gods. By the time of the Athenian republic, pity for the
justice in the courts and in the
tary guilty act was seen as of some value in the pursuit of
says, was shown only if the
pursuit of a reasonable foreign policy. Such pity, as Dover
or weakness of the offender.
offended person found an excuse in the ignorance, error,
of unconditional forgiveness,
Because the Greeks lacked a divine or messianic example
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persons (Dove r 1991, p. 176--

they did not feel a religious compulsion to forgive other
major role in aiding Greeks in
8). Only in the mystery religions did pity begin to play a
violence. At mos, these hints
their pursuit of immortality and escape from the cycles of
suggest some readiness for
of the rising importance of pity in the Greek world might
eness of sins and the human
the reception of the Christian teachings on the divine forgiv
need to forgive one another.
Roman world. Here once
More impor tan, however, would be a study of pity in the
he demonstrated that the
again, Edward Stevens has preceded us. In his 1941 study,
ed a policy generally more
Roman 'absorption of subject peoples necessarily involv
nsl941 , p. 430). He also finds a
lenient than she adopted in particular instances' (Steve
of Enniu s, Cicero, Virgil, and
remarkable number of instances of pity in the works
gh the Stoics did not admit pity as
Horace, as well as some of the playwrights. Althou
tion in human emotio ns, Epicureans,
part of their rational ethic because of pity's founda
mercy and pity to be a major sign of
such as Lucretius, considered the discovery of
Thus, one can conclu de that the ancient
progress in human civilization (Ibid., p. 431).
of a virtue that would later be trans-
worlds of Greece and Rome provided the seeds e-
ditiona l absolv ing of anothe r's offens
formed into the power of forgiveness - uncon
in Christianity.

REFER ENCE S

Richmond Lattimore. Chicago: U. of

Aeschylus. 1953. Aeschylus I: Oresteia, tr. with an intro. by
Chicago Press.
History of Ideas, Vol. IV, 224--34.
Brandon, S.G.F. 1973. Sin and Salvation. In: Dictionary of the
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