Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 DOI 10.

1007/s 1059 1-008-9066-2

The Quarter-life Time Period: An Age of Indulgence, Crisis or Both?
Joan D. Atwood - Corinne Scholtz
Published online: 10 June 2008 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2008
Abstract A new developmental stage called the quarter-life is proposed, extending from
approximately 18-29 years of age and sometimes later. The emergence of this period is
believed to be the result of several social, historic and economic factors that occurred post
WWII. This article explores these changes in terms of the experiences of affluent young
people in today’s Western society. A typology of adaptational responses are presented and
explored as the quarter-lifers attempt to navigate their way to adulthood within the context
of this ‘new’ affluent society. Implications for family therapists are considered.
Keywords Stage of development - Late adolescent issues - Quarterlife time period - Affluent
society - Typology of quarterlifers - Therapy implications
The concept of adolescence became current in the very early 20th century with the pub-
lication of a book by G. Stanley Hall (1904). This was the first discussion in which
adolescence was described as applicable to a specific time period and as having a distinct
set of behaviors. As societies became more and more industrialized, extensive training was
required, necessitating young people to attend school for a greater number of years. This
extended the period between childhood and adulthood. Adolescence as a distinct phase of
social development is thus a relatively modern phenomenon—one that is characteristic of
advanced industrialized societies with extended educational systems. This stage arose
when it was recognized that young people held norms and beliefs that were significantly
different from their parents and that there appeared to be a period of confusion or
ambivalence that represented a transitional period from childhood to adulthood.
J. D. Atwood (&)
Marriage and Family Therapists of New York, 542 Lakeview Avenue, Rockville Centre, NY
11570, USA
e-mail: jatwood @optonline.net
C. Scholtz Nova University, Fort Lauderdale, FL, USA
Q Springer 234 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
Prior to the creation of this distinction, children entered the work force at young ages and
there was no stage that represented a waiting period. Eventually, it was this “waiting
period” that came to be seen as a separate stage of life—adolescence. It was believed that
this time period represented a time of anomie because neither the norms of childhood nor
the norms of adulthood were applicable. According to Seeman (1976),” anomie denotes a
situation in which the social norms regulating individual conduct have broken down or are
no longer effective as rules for behavior” (p. 406). With no norms for behavior available to
guide individuals, persons became unsure of and confused by which norms of behavior
were expected of them and thus adolescence became associated with storm and stress.
Currently, as technology continues to increase and training for specialized jobs requires
more and more schooling, the stage of adolescence has extended once again. Some the-
orists are redefining the end markers and calling for a new stage of life, one that is in
between adolescence and adulthood (Robbins 2004; Robbins and Wilner 2001). Although
there is no magical line that demarcates adolescence from adulthood, we define the
quarter- life period as the time of life in between adolescence and adulthood. This time
period correlates roughly with the ages 18~30. Robbins and Wilner (2001) refer to a crisis
of the quarter-life as occurring somewhere between leaving adolescence and two decades
before the “mid-life crisis’”—basically around the early twenties. Grossman (2005) extends
the definition of what he calls the “twixsters” as persons who are clearly not adolescents
but who are not meeting the standard criteria of adulthood, sometimes even by age 29.
Gordon and Shaeffer (2004) call this period of life “adultscence.” Amett (2004) presents a
com- pelling portrait of the lives of people he calls “emerging adults.” He argues that in
recent decades, a new stage of life has developed, usually lasting from about age 18 through
the mid-twenties, and distinct from both the adolescence that precedes it and the young
adulthood that comes in its wake. This new stage is one of identity exploration, instability,
possibility, self-focus, parental conflict, and of a substantial sense of limbo. What is valuable
to note is that the extended time period between adolescence and adulthood is increasingly
recognized by theorists. This is particularly relevant to marriage and family therapists
(MFTs) who frequently interact with these young people in therapy.
It appears that young people in their twenties and early thirties are making a statement
about adult life in the 21st century, pushing theoreticians to reconsider the adult markers
of development. It is crucially important for MFTs to be aware of the sociological influences
of these changes as the roots of the new life-stage do not appear to be limited to changes in
the family system; but rather seem to be familial adaptations to socially constructed
technological changes and social expectations.
In this article, we first explore the larger context—the social factors that appear to
influence the quarter-life time period, and then discuss the clinical adaptations to these
changes, exploring the socially constructed meanings and describing the resulting issues as
young affluent people may typically experience them. In addition, there is a consideration
of the type of confusion or anomie created by an affluent society. Therapeutic consider-
ations are then presented.
Demographics of the Quarter-life
Young adults make up 27.7% of the population. Sixty-seven million Americans were
between the ages of 18 and 34 in 2000. About three-fourths of young adults aged 18-34 are
in the labor force. About 80% of those aged 18-34 have a high school degree. Sixty-one
percent have some college and one in five (20%) aged 18-34 have a 4-year college degree
1) Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 235
or higher (U.S. Census Bureau 2003). As will be described, the many social changes our
society has undergone have had profound effects on a large percentage of young people.
Globalization
Globalization is defined as a historical process, the result of human innovation and tech-
nological progress. It also refers to the increasing integration of economies around the
world, particularly through trade and financial flows (Bordo et al. 2005). The term
sometimes also refers to the movement of people (labor) and knowledge (technology)
across international borders. While globalization has many advantages, it also has disad-
vantages in that it may intensify economic deprivation, increase class divisions, and thus
increase differential access to resources, wealth and opportunity, creating inequality of
access to and achievement of resources, and perhaps also a redefinition of the meaning of
socially defined goals (World Youth Report 2003). Globalization, while defined as a
historical and economic process, has profound social implications.
Some young adults’ experience of globalization appears to be riddled with uncertainty. The
degree of that uncertainty varies according to social environments and much depends on
the extent to which individuals have the cultural and financial resources to offset the risks
associated with the apparent increase in patterns of inequality (Mills and Blossfeld 2003).
This is not to say that young people are passive recipients of social trends. Rather, the
economic benefits of globalization do not necessarily trickle down to all members of society
equally. Some are more vulnerable than others. Mass media and the technological
revolution have played a key role for young adults in the postmodern era. It is believed that
there is a growing gulf between the classes—between those who are information-rich and
those who are information-poor or as Simon and Gagnon (1976) point out, there are
profound differences between certain segments of society in terms of resources. Young
people in both these situations will experience anomie—the anomie of scarcity and the
anomie of affluence. However, the expression of the anomie may differ.
The Anomie of Affluence
We emphasize the anomie of affluence because we believe it to be more related to the
development of the quarter-life time period and the potential development of the quarter-
life crisis. Durkheim (1898), a classic sociologist, first described the concept of anomie in
the early 19th century as that condition in which social metaphors lose their ability to
organize personal metaphors. He was addressing the connection of everyday life to the
socially defined meanings of society. In other words, anomie occurs when people’s
behavior is not regulated or tied to the social order—the goals and means of achieving
those goals do not hold much value to individuals. Anomie has commonly been referred to
as a state of normlessness, a lack of a blueprint for behavior. Merton (1938), another classic
sociologist, explores the means of achieving the socially defined goals of society and points
out the unequal access to those goals. Simon and Gagnon (1976) discuss the notion that in a
society based on deprivation and scarcity, achieving goals is primarily a struggle, and the
final achievement of the goals is rewarding.
However, in a society, especially one post WWI, the struggle of hard work, thrift, and
deprivation to obtain social goals may seem remote to young people growing up in that
society. Post WWII society holds easy access to goals, but what could be problematic in
g Springer 236 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
this society is the commitment to the goals in the first place and the resulting gratification
or lack thereof when those goals are finally achieved. This post WWII society provides its
young people with many goals and many different means to achieve them. Simon and
Gagnon (1976) believe “that a society that keeps these promises with such ease and
abundance can trivialize them to the point where achievement no longer affords what has
been called ‘consummatory gratification’” (p. 361). Individuals no longer are tied to the
existing social and moral order. Instead, those ties are weakened, lending to the experience
of anomie and in some cases, deviant behavior. In essence, the rewarding feeling of
achieving the goal decreases along with the value of the goal. If everyone has a Rolex and
they are easy to obtain, the status of owning one declines as does the pleasure associated
with owning one. So, as defined by Simon and Gagnon (1976), “...the anomie of affluence is
easy access—indeed, overly easy access—to institutionalized means of achieving the major
goals of society” (p. 369). Further, once the goal is achieved, it is questionable that this
achievement will generate adequately rewarding levels of gratification. Thus, it may be
difficult for young people to identify with the goals their parents have defined.
These notions are directly related to the quarter-life. In an affluent society, such as that of
the post WW II United States, there is an abundance of social goals and many oppor-
tunities for access to these goals. In general, young people, as Simon and Gagnon (1976)
point out, seem to have a much cooler, more detached attitude toward achieving posses-
sions for themselves. Achieving status, things, and/or prestige do not necessarily mean
much to these young people as they have had material wealth handed to them by their
parents. Very recently, in fact, some young people report that they feel inadequate next to
their parent’s accomplishments (Kamenetz 2005). Their parents were the ones who went
from rags to riches post WWII. These parents provided their children with a very com-
fortable life-style—a life-style very few young people today will be able to achieve on their
own. Some try anyway; some aspire to very different goals from their parents; others just
give up.
Information and Technology
Living in a world in which rapid change constantly revolutionizes the process of gathering
and receiving information has led in many ways to a generation that expects instant
gratification and has a sense of entitlement. Young adults have grown up with very dif-
ferent images than their parents, having been reared in a culture popularized and
reinforced by mass media that has a powerful voice in today’s society. The wide range of
explicit images and/or messages that have been communicated and internalized have
created a different childhood experience for today’s adult children (Arnett 2004). Some
state that media influences have become so powerful that the family and community
strength of socializing the young has decreased as mass media, technology and the
information explosion have increased. Those who believe this premise also believe that
mass media is then a primary source of socialization and thus a major factor involved in
identity for- mation in vulnerable young people.
The Privileges of the Child
This is a generation that is growing up with working mothers and fathers. As a result of
expanding parental roles and conflicting pulls between work and family, family life has
® Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 237
become increasingly participatory. The once hierarchical structure of the traditional family
is now a minority, with the ‘new’ family becoming more democratic and collaborative.
Children have more of a “say” in these families; they are encouraged to freely express
themselves (Day et al. 2002). Having achieved an accumulation of material wealth, there
seems to be an increase of parental indulgence in material items. As a result, children are
more prone to define themselves in terms of their possessions. As stated by Taffel (2001),
we are victims of a consumer culture and drive ourselves to attain possessions — the best
cars, houses, tv’s, clothes, and other worldly goods, not to mention the hottest stocks — our
children are stricken by “the gimmees,” an unrelenting need for the artifacts of the pop
culture and the erroneous assumption that things buy happiness.
(p. 3)
This type of indulgence and affluence can create a false sense of esteem in young people.
Material goods seem to define who they are; what they possess and the brands that they
wear—their outer selves—momentarily give them a sense of confidence and esteem. While
their outer selves seem polished and manicured, there is no recognition that the confidence
and esteem that they are seeking comes intrinsically from within. This seeming lack of
connection to a self that is defined beyond one’s external world is often a factor in one’s
struggle for identity - particularly when contending with a quarter-life crisis.
The Value of Individualism in Western Culture
In addition to technological access, affluence, and indulgence in the environment of young
people, the emphasis on individualism and independence in US culture is also very rele-
vant. “The criteria most important to young Americans as markers of adulthood are those
that represent becoming independent from others (especially parents) and learning to
stand alone as a self-sufficient individual” (Arnett 1998, p. 296). Individualism and
indepen- dence are very prominent values and features in Western society’s conception of
adulthood. While the post-modern young adult is in transition or in a waiting period
between adolescence and adulthood, taking on a role can mean compromising one’s
individualism, and in some ways one’s independence, in order to conform to the
requirements of the role. It is entirely possible this is related to the fact that marriage and
other role transitions are rejected as important criteria for entering adulthood by the
current generation of young people (Berger and Luckman 1966).
Too Many Choices
There are a bewildering number of choices facing emerging young adults today and no
definitive way of deciding which ones are the ‘right’ choices. In this period of transition,
there is little that is normative. While there is a script for behavior during adolescence and
a script during adulthood, there is no script for this new period—just bits and pieces from
many scripts from which young people feel they have to choose. This can create a state of
anomie, not having a script or blueprint for behavior, causing this time of life to be called
emerging adulthood (Arnett 2001).
As stated earlier, emerging adulthood is defined as a period of life bridging adolescence and
young adulthood, during which time people are no longer adolescents but have not yet
attained full adult status. They are in the process of developing the skills, capabilities, and
Q Springer 238 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
qualities of character deemed by their culture as necessary for completing the transition to
adulthood, It is a period of intense focus on preparation for adult status. It is a time of life
when many different directions are possible, when little of the future is certain, and when
the scope of independent exploration of life’s possibilities is greater for most than it will be
at any other time of life.
Unstable Residential Status
There is a time for departure, even when there’s no certain place to go. Tennessee Williams
Currently, eighteen million 20-34 year olds live with their parents. In the 1930's, only 25%
of those who left home returned. In the mid-1980’s, this figure rose to 40% and today, it is
as high as 60%. Most adults leave home by 18 or 19: 1/3 goes off to college after high
school and spends approximately 4 years in semi-independent living conditions. Forty
percent move out of their parent’s home not for college but for independent living and full
time work: 2/3 cohabit with a romantic partner. Some remain at home while attending
school, and 10% of the men and 30% of the women remain at home until marriage. But, for
about 40% of the current generation, residential changes include moving in and out of their
parents’ home (Infoplease 2005).
Such behavior is different from that of their parents and can be a source of additional
conflict between the generations. Members of the parental generation grew up knowing
that once they reached their twenties, they were on their own. Whether they chose to
become part of the establishment or to drop out, or if they decided to get married and start
their own families, they did not continue to be dependent on their parents. Many of them
did not stay single for an extended period of time after high school or college, and their
twenties began with the assumption that they would live happily ever after. The young
people of today may question the wisdom of their parents in this regard; the world is a
different place and the cultural and societal rules their parents followed may no longer
make sense for the emerging adults of today.
Finances and Debt—-Generation Broke
One report (Draut and Silva 2004) indicates that the economic security of younger
Americans is eroding at an alarming pace as a result of slow wage growth, underem-
ployment, rising costs and mounting student loan and credit card debt. According to
another report, the youngest adult households (aged 18—24) with debt spend nearly 30
cents of every dollar earned servicing debt, twice the amount spent on average in 1992
(Mintel Report 2004). Credit card debt among the youngest adults (aged 18-24)
skyrocketed 104% during this same period to $2,985. Student loan balances have doubled
in the course of a decade. The average 2002 graduate carried $18,900 in debt versus $9,000
for 1992 graduates. By 2005, they carried over $20,000 in student loans, a figure that has
doubled in a decade. Unemployment rates have risen faster for younger workers than for
those in other categories: | in 10 was unemployed in 2003 (Mintel Report 2004), At this
point in time, it seems that young people are marginalized in terms of their economic
power. Marginali- zation plants the seeds for emotional issues to surface while also
increasing the possibility for alternative behavior patterns to emerge.
® Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 239
Another example relative to young adults and the reality of financial independence is the
fact that today’s young adults tend to pursue opportunities that provide short-term
rewards. They often find themselves clinging to their jobs amid layoffs, hiring freezes, etc.
Although the number of college graduates has remained consistent over the past few years,
the number of unemployed college graduates has increased 20%. In fact, college degrees
offer less job security than ever before. As of March, 2004, there were 1.17 million
unemployed college graduates. Young adults are entering this period with debt, from both
school and credit cards, in greater amounts and more often than ever before (Gordon and
Shaffer 2004). In addition, this group is less likely to have jobs with adequate health
insurance, and if they have pensions, they are less likely to be guaranteed. This is very
different from their parents. Many parents believed in no debt, pay bills on time, and if you
don’t have the money, don’t buy it.
Generations in Conflict
Some of the issues faced by these young adults are exacerbated by a lack of understanding
of the differences and similarities between generations. Change in and of itself creates a
natural tension between generations. As children, emerging young adults were told to start
thinking about their resumes before they were teenagers. They took courses to prepare
them for Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Tests (PSATs) and more courses to prepare them
for Scholastic Aptitude Tests (SATs). Our children are encouraged to choose a sport and
develop it so they can apply for scholarships and increase their chances for getting into a
good college. In fact, a new occupation has recently appeared—a career that assists young
people and their parents with filling out college applications. The pressures to succeed and
to obtain a status occupation after graduation are enormous. In addition, there is some
indication that young people’s achievements affect their parents’ own sense of self-worth
(Adams 2004), possibly creating a recalcitrant loop of parents trying to ensure their
children’s happiness and young people achieving in order to please their parents, perhaps
adding even more anxiety to the family system. These pressures begin at increasingly early
ages,
Relationships and Quarter-life
Young men and women may expect their future marriages to last a lifetime and to fulfill
their deepest emotional and spiritual needs. Yet they are involved in a mating culture that
may make it more difficult to achieve this lofty goal. Today’s singles mating culture is not
necessarily oriented toward marriage, as the mating culture was in the past. In fact, dating
patterns of young adults today bear almost no resemblance to dating patterns of the past
(National Marriage Project 2000). Many of today’s young adults must blaze their own trails,
create and follow their own paths. Evolving technology, increased access to edu- cation,
relaxed social norms, and the information age give young adults a very different
perspective from that of older adults.
Extending the beginning of adulthood into the twenties has influenced the perception of
young adults when establishing committed relationships. According to the National
Marriage Project (2000), young adults, are, either by choice and/or due to circumstances,
willing to spend the time looking for their soul mates rather than marrying young, People
are living much longer now than they used to, and young adults may speculate about their
g) Springer 240 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
parents’ decision to settle down at younger ages, believing that it may have been a con-
tributing factor to over 50% of their marriages ending in divorce. As a result of the high
divorce rate of their parents’ generation, young adults today are deciding to marry later
and are living together before marriage more than their parents ever did. “Both women and
men favor living together as a way of gathering vital information about a partner’s char-
acter, fidelity and compatibility” (National Marriage Project 2000). Many young adults are
also choosing to live alone or with people they are not related to prior to marriage. This
was very uncommon in the past (Gordon and Schaffer 2004). Increasing numbers of young
people say that they look to education as the principal means for increasing their chances
of marital success. They would like to learn how to communicate more effectively and to
resolve conflict in relationships.
Putting financial independence ahead of marriage is not new for young men. Tra- ditionally,
men have had to prove to themselves and to others that they were able to make a living, or
at least had the education or training to make a good living, before they could take on the
responsibilities of supporting a family. For women, however, the goal of achieving
individual financial and residential independence before marriage is relatively new. We
found that women are just as committed as men to making it on their own and getting a
place of their own before marriage. They cite the high rate of divorce, their past experience
of failed relationships, and their desire to avoid the same mistakes their mothers made, as
reasons why they are intent on independence (National Marriage Project 2000).
The Old Developmental Tasks of Adolescence
The benchmarks used by traditional developmental theorists may no longer be relevant ina
post-modern society nor may they occur at the ages previously described. In addition,
please note that the measures of familial and individual health that are typically used by
mental health professionals, including MFTs, may or may not be as relevant as they once
were or, at least may not be as typical of affluent youth. Other benchmarks may be
becoming more important as family health markers. And thus, more research is needed.
Erikson (1950, 1968) believes the primary focus for the adolescent and young adult centers
around identity and role confusion:
The young person must develop some specific ideology, some set of personal values and
goals...the teenager must not only consider what or who she is, but who or what she will
be...if these identities are not worked out, then the young person suffers from a sense of
confusion, a sense of not knowing what or who she is. (p. 57)
Interestingly, more recent research has found that most identity exploration takes place in
the years beyond adolescence, and there is evidence that identity achievement is rarely
reached by the end of high school (Montemayor et al. 1985; Waterman 1982), thus lending
support to an extended period of time between adolescence and adulthood.
In addition, according to Erikson (1950, 1968), a person must take a risk in creating an
intimate relationship with another and the immersion of the self into a sense of “we.”
Levinson (1986) believes that early adult transition (17-22) consists of moving out of the
pre-adult world, exploring possibilities and making tentative commitments. Between 22
and 28, the developmental task involves creating a major life structure, for example,
a Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 241
marriage, home, mentor, and a dream. As was discussed earlier, in a society where over
50% of marriages end in divorce, young people may be reluctant to enter into more
permanent, intimate relationships. In addition, they may not feel financially equipped to
take on the responsibility of a family until they are older.
The developmental tasks that are listed by the major developmental theorists are not
necessarily in agreement with the experience of today’s young individuals. According to the
former, the criteria most important in defining the transition to adulthood are the
individualistic character qualities of accepting responsibility for one’s self and making
independent decisions along with becoming financially independent. Thus, independence
(especially from one’s parents) and learning to be a self-sufficient individual are the most
important criteria for young people in terms of defining their own transition into
adulthood. Marriage, interestingly enough, has been ranked very low (Arnett 1997).
Thus, the long believed markers of adulthood are in flux; they need to be redefined for
young people in this postmodern society. The traditional definers of family health also need
to be examined in terms of their relevance in contemporary society.
The Quarter-life Crisis
It is important to note that not all young people absorb the messages of the dominant
culture in a uniform way. Some young people will become confused during this time,
resolve their confusion, and then go forward with their lives. Others may experience the
time period in an intensified way and some may seek out therapy for assistance in
resolving some of the issues. And still others may become part of the medicalization of
today’s youth and begin taking anti-depressants and/or anti-anxiety medications to soothe
their worries. Increasingly, this time period is becoming problematic for young people. The
kind of emotional crisis among twenty somethings—the sense of desolation, isolation,
inadequacy, and self-doubt, coupled with a fear of failure that many report in therapy is
what is referred to as the Quarter-Life Crisis (QLC) (Robbins and Wilner 2001).
Personal symptoms can range from mild anxiety to full blown panic attacks and/or
depression. Young adults experiencing the QLC tend to go through periods of insecurity
and then they feel confident. They feel alone, confused, and anxious one minute and social,
centered, and calm the next. These feelings can change from one minute to the next, so that
unpredictability may be the only predictable factor in their lives. Short attention spans,
poor focus, and an emphasis upon self-help and a search for self-fulfillment are charac-
teristic of this crisis. Uncertainty about the future is a major theme that is fundamental to
the QLC (Robbins and Wilner 2001),
Adding to this, because of technology and mass media, young persons may spend quite a bit
of time alone. Research (Jonsson 1994; Larson 1990) has found that young Americans ages
19-29 spend more of their leisure time alone than any other persons except for the elderly
and spend more of the time in productive activity (work and school) alone than any other
age group under 40. This means also that young adults explore their identity tran- sitions
alone without the companionship or support of peers or family.
Typology of Adaptive Responses to the Quarter-life Period of Life
The QLC (Robbins and Wilner 2001) is characterized by the confusion and anomie that
young people may experience when the norms of adolescence are no longer relevant and
the norms
g) Springer 242 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
of adulthood do not yet fit. What are the implications and adaptations to this specific type
of anomie experienced by young people? Simon and Gagnon (1976) posit a typology of nine
adaptations that are directly applicable to the quarter-life time of life. They point out that
most people have access to the means of achieving the rewards offered by society but that
the feelings of gratification associated with the achievement of social goals varies. Table |,
based on Simon and Gagnon’s (1976) original typology, alters the categories somewhat,
taking into account the potential adaptive experiences of those within each category. What
we are proposing is that the sense of reward associated with the achievement of the
socially valued goal will then influence whether the person will experience a QLC. This
revised typology (See Table 1) is simply a visual representation of the possible adaptations
to the anomie of affluence. The yes and no answers refer to whether the person has
committed to the goals, has the means of achieving the goals, feels a sense of
accomplishment or reward when he or she achieves the goals, and whether he or she will
be likely to enter therapy. “Alternative” refers to the young person finding other ways of
defining, accomplishing and/or experiencing the goals. Please note that these are
typologies, merely descriptions of the types of issues that mental health practitioners might
see in therapy. The purpose of presenting them is to give MFTs examples of the kinds of
stories that young people may bring to therapy during this life period. What is needed now
is research in this area.
The first type of response applied to young adults describes those individuals who are the
most conforming—those who have internalized the means and goals of society. These
young people define the goals as desirable, have access to the means to achieve the goals
and fee] rewarded when they accomplish the goals. These are individuals who are most
committed to society. They experience the rewards of their achievements and there is no
threat that they would violate any laws or experience any social or psychological distress
around time of life pressures.
Emily is a 27-year-old wife and mother of a !-year-old. She has just completed her Ph.D. in
environmental science and has since been hired at a prestigious university as a professor.
She is committed to her career and family goals, and has accomplished both within a
reasonable time frame. She feels gratified and believes that she will reap the rewards of her
accomplishments both personally and professionally.
Table 1 Typology of adaptive responses to the quarter-life period of life
Commitment Means of Sense of Participation to goals achieving goals gratification in
therapy 1. Conformist Yes Yes Yes No 2. OK No Yes No Yes 3. Workaholic No Yes No Yes 4,
Thrill Yes Yes No Yes seekers 5. Detached No No No Yes person 6, Drug use No Alternative
Alternative Yes 7. Scam artist Yes Alternative Yes No 8. Joan of arc Alternative Yes
Alternative No 9, Rebels Alternative Yes Yes No 10. Rejectors Alternative Alternative Yes
No
Based on Simon and Gagnon (1976, p. 370)
® Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 243
It is likely that Emily would not experience the confusion and/or anxiety indicative of the
QLC and it is unlikely that she would go for therapy at this point in time.
Members of the second group see the goals as “OK” and will achieve some gratifi- cation,
but the ambition to succeed and sense of reward when they do achieve is lower than for the
first group. Persons of the second type define sources of achievement as adequate, but they
are not necessarily devoted to the goals. They do what they have to do. They get by. They
achieve but without passion or joy. As young people, they may switch from job to job but
without a plan, making money when they have to pay bills.
Sally is 28 years old and returning to school in order to earn a degree in physical therapy.
She is very committed to her goal of achieving her degree. Anything that can be considered
a distraction is put on hold, including personal relationships and working full-time. She
declares that she does not do what she wants to do; rather, she does what she has to do—
what she believes is required of her to obtain her goal. She is quickly frustrated and
complains three months into the program that perhaps she has chosen the wrong school.
She cannot wait until graduation when she can then begin paying back her $100,000
student loan debt.
In Sally’s case, the schooling is simply a means to an end and she does not receive a great
deal of personal satisfaction from her courses. Members of this group may present in
therapy because they see their friends enjoying the things that have been sacrificed in
order to reach their goal. At some point, they may wonder if the choice they made is worth
it. They may present in therapy with feelings of depression and/or anger if their parents
are pressuring them to settle on a career.
The third type is the “workaholic.” Individuals in this group are committed to achievement
but they do not receive gratification from the achievement of their goals. These persons do
lots of work but do not experience any real satisfaction or feelings of accomplishment when
the goal is achieved. As soon as one project is completed, another must start. Simon and
Gagnon (1976) refer to this as a “thirst for achievements” (p. 371).
Cindy is 25 years old and anxious and worried about her future. She learns a job quickly
but needs a constant challenge to keep her from being bored. As soon as she has mastered
something, a new goal must take its place. Instead of a sense of satisfaction when she
finishes a task, she experiences feelings of emptiness and becomes restless until she finds a
new project.
Young persons such as Cindy may present in therapy because they may just as easily
become bored in relationships, over-function, and become restless at work. They may mask
their anxiety at not being able to find satisfaction with anything in their lives. This is the
type of person who climbs the ladder of success only to realize at forty that it has been
leaning against the wrong wall. The pursuit of external accomplishment diverts attention
away from having to figure out their authentic feelings. These individuals may present in
therapy feeling unhappy, empty and/or depressed and may self-medicate the anxiety
and/or depression with drugs.
The next group of individuals, the fourth group, could be called the “thrill seekers.”
Individuals in this group will seek out experiences simply because they are there. They
have achieved gratification from their accomplishments, but it is short lived and they feel
that they must pursue more and more activities and experiences. Their quest for new
experiences can begin to consume them. The focus is on self-gratification but the self is
never fully gratified.
Q Springer 244 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
Ron, age 28, was determined to make a lot of money fast. He wheeled and dealed as a
trader on the stock market and his bonuses got bigger and bigger. His goal was money. He
decided to buy an airplane. He took flying lessons and eventually obtained his pilot’s
license. Then he bought a boat and sailed up the East Coast of the U.S. He wanted a fast car
so he bought a Porsche and would “drag” race sometimes at stop lights. He liked the rush.
His latest endeavor was to go out West to join a thrill seeking expedition.
Ron and others in this group may feel like bottomless pits and may come to therapy
reporting that they feel empty. They also may experience anxiety as they look for the next
thrill seeking activity.
Persons illustrative of the fifth type, the detached person, reject both the means of
achievement and the rewards associated with the achievement of the goal. In this case,
there is no commitment to anything except not making a commitment. They simply are not
interested. They may come to therapy depressed. This group may tend to feel a sense of
anhedonia, no joy in life, no excitement about people or things. They have no real desire to
be in a relationship; it simply takes too much energy. These persons may be suicidal at
some point in life.
Paul is 29 years old and is not interested in a career or a relationship. He simply does not
want to deal with other people’s drama. He procrastinates, never really accom- plishing the
major tasks of adulthood, which include finding fulfilling work and love. He prefers to live
alone and work in isolation, as the owner of a small business or as a computer
programmer, in solitary activity, often making just enough money to get by. He questions
the idea that there is someone for everyone, and shuns the responsibility of getting
married. Besides, he feels, everyone ends up divorced anyway. By the time he reaches
thirty, he may feel that he has seen all that life will offer him.
A younger version is typified by Chris:
Chris is 25 years old. He tried college but didn’t like it. He had a job as a painter for a while
and occasionally works for a friend when he wants money. For a while, he considered
becoming an actor, so bought some books on acting. Then he thought he should join the
Coast Guard but changed his mind at the last minute.
This type of individual may go for therapy if his family begins to pressure him and/or if he
begins to increase his isolation, He may become suicidal at some point, believing that there
is nothing more to life. He feels that he is unable to make his own meaning and purpose.
The sixth category refers to those who reject the achievement commitment but accept
innovative or possibly deviant styles of gratification. The drug cultures would be an
example of this type. There is a rejection of the achievement norms but a commitment to
seeking new and different modes of gratification. This group would want to alter con-
sciousness/reality to see how good it feels.
Joe is 30 years old and is constantly haunted by a sense of anomie. Although he has a
college degree, he is not interested in holding down a full-time steady job. He is lonely and
thinks he wants a serious relationship but he is unsure if he could handle the responsibility
involved. He believes that he is not good relationship material. Working does not provide
any sense of achievement and, besides, he thinks he is smarter than most of the people he
works with, including his bosses. Highly intel- lectual, he is committed to experiencing
highs and looks to escape his lonely life that
a Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 245
does not mirror that of his peers. Losing himself in drugs and alcohol is the only real
gratification he seems to find in his life. The only time he feels confident and good about
anything is when he is taking drugs. As the years go by, it may become harder and harder
for him to change.
Another Case:
Keith is 24 years old. After switching from college to college, he moved back home with his
parents so he could attend a local community college in the area to see if he could earn an
Associates Degree. He is waiting to hear from a European Soccer Team to see if he could
join them on a semi-professional basis. When he needs money, he works as a coach but, for
the most part, stays home and smokes pot with his friends.
People like Joe and Keith may present in therapy because they begin to wonder if they can
ever fit into society. They may feel that they are just are not motivated to push on with
their lives, and this may make them feel uncomfortable at some point.
Members of category seven want to change the means of achieving social goals, but accept
those aspects of life that are consonant with a successful life. They aspire to the good life
but want to change the methods for achieving it. They could create new and possibly
deviant modes of obtaining the desirable socially defined goals. They may be represented
by the con-artist who would scam people out of money and use it to buy a Status car.
Jeremy, age 26, lives with his girlfriend, Lauren. He tells Lauren he loves her and wants to
marry her but he doesn’t feel ready just yet. Lauren works and supports the two of them.
Jeremy stays at home and sleeps all day. He tells Lauren he cannot work because he has
anxiety; however, he is very social and goes out with his friends most weekends. He wants
Lauren to take out a loan and buy him a new car for his birthday because he is feeling
depressed.
It is unlikely that this type of person would present in therapy. Similar to Jeremy, he might
be living with someone who is supporting him or achieving “things” in ways that are
consonant with a scamming mindset.
Individuals in the eighth category, the Joans of Arc, are very committed to changing the
social goals and see themselves as instruments of change. They do not receive pleasure
from achievement. Rather, they see themselves as self-sacrificial in a way. Their purpose in
life is to change society; their self is unimportant. These are persons who devote their lives
to helping others; if they are helping the poor, they may give them their money, living in
poverty themselves.
Alice is 24 years old and working at a non-profit agency helping the homeless population,
Although she does not see herself really settling down and pursuing any type of career, she
is satisfied because she feels that her work is making a difference. Every day when she
comes to work she embraces those who are less fortunate than she is and she is
appreciative daily of the blessings in her life. She finds her work internally satisfying. She
may not achieve the status or prestige of her peers, but she feels the scope of her work
reaches beyond the superficial standards of society.
It is unlikely that these individuals would present themselves in therapy as any
unhappiness is “good” because it is for a greater cause.
Individuals in category nine are the rebels of society. They seek to change the goals
associated with the social order and the lifestyle associated with those goals. These
Q Springer 246 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
individuals are the revolutionaries, the radicals—radical to anything. They want to over-
throw the existing social order and with it wipe away the lifestyle associated with that
order,
Frank, age 25, feels that society is going down the tubes. He wants to move to a commune-
like community in Nova Scotia. He feels the environment is increasingly being polluted and
destroyed and he believes all politicians are liars; he thinks society is overcome with
materialism; and believes that the God of society is money. He refuses to bring children into
this world and is not interested in any long-term relationships. He votes for the communist
party in every election because he feels that only by overthrowing the current political
order would any change occur.
These individuals generally will not come for therapy because they would see therapists as
untrustworthy (they might define them as social control agents—preserving the status
quo). As long as they were entrenched in a sub-culture of like-minded individuals, they
would feel emotionally content.
The tenth category represents the more extreme situations. In this case, the young persons’
behaviors are problematic not only for themselves but also for their families. They do not
want to leave the house and are content to stay at home or to stay in their room day in and
day out. This category can be called the rejectors because they reject not only the goals of
society and the means of achieving those goals, but they have no energy, interest or desire
to interact with people.
Tommy, age 17, cut out of school. A few weeks later, he stopped going to school altogether.
A few weeks after that, he didn’t venture outside the upstairs bedroom in his family’s home.
He slept during the day and stayed up all night, playing computer games, going on the
Internet, and watching CNN. His parents tried ordering him out, and when that didn’t work,
they tried coaxing or bribing him out only to hear in response, “Leave me alone!”
These persons generally would not come in for therapy unless pressured by significant
others—usually parents. They have rejected the goals of society, the means of achieving
those goals and they do not experience any feelings of reward or accomplishment. When
pressured by parents, they may become hostile and tend to withdraw completely.
A Word on Gender
It is crucial to acknowledge the influence of gender on one’s experience of the QLC and
possibly whether one will even have such a crisis. Many of the examples given above were
examples of young men. This is because the story of men and women in U.S. society is a
gendered one. The value in US society, although changing, is still that men generally are
expected to be the primary breadwinners of the family. They tend to provide most of the
family income. Their social role dictates that they “should” be successful in a career, make
money, support their families, etc. They operate primarily in the work situation; they are
interested in politics and sports. In general (and these are all generalizations) they are not
expected to be the nurturing members of society. Men also define themselves more in
terms of their occupations: I am a CEO; I am a carpenter.
Generally speaking, the woman stays at home and takes care of children. She is responsible
for nurturing, for taking care of the family and for the home. Even if she works outside the
home, as most women do in 2008, she operates under the belief that her family
® Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 247
comes first. In addition, women tend to define themselves more in terms of social rela-
tionships: I am a wife; 1 am a mother. Although these values are changing and may not
even be the reality for many at this point, they still are the dominant values of society,
It is the authors’ belief that young persons during this stage of life are aware of the goals
and ideals of the parental generations and many know and have the socially approved
means of achieving those goals. However, many young persons often feel that they have no
guidelines for navigating their twenties—for getting from one place to another (Robbins
and Wilner 2001). Not having guidelines may cause them to do some soul-searching as to
who they are, who they want to be, and what they want their lives to represent. Making
money, being successful, getting married and having children are the goals they were
taught that they should want and have, and many of them do. However, some may want to
achieve them in a different time-frame, and they may approach achieving them differently
from the parental generations.
Young adults may jump around from relationship to relationship, from job to job, not
because they are unable to make commitments, but rather, because their commitments
differ. They are committed to themselves —to finding their own meaning and purpose in
life, to pursuing their own happiness and freedom in whatever form that may be. Many are
committed to the pursuit of their own authenticity.
Implications for Family Therapists:
The Chinese symbol for the word ‘crisis’ is a composite of two pictographs: the symbols for
‘danger’ and ‘opportunity’. Although we would not wish for misfortune, the paradox of
resilience is that our worst times can also become our best.
(Wolin and Wolin 1993, as quoted in Walsh 1998, p. 7)
Throughout this article we have attempted to illustrate the effects of social and techno-
logical change on the lives of affluent, young people. If we consider that reality is, in part, a
social construction created by individuals through language (Anderson and Goolishian
1998), rather than that it is something “out there” to be discovered, one can conceptualize a
crisis to be reflective of a phenomenon constructed within one’s culture and community. If
crises are birthed through social processes, this eliminates viewing the individual as
owning a “problem” (McNamee 2002). Thus, how can one view the QLC in relational terms,
and what are the therapeutic implications of such a stance?
Many MFTs have been concerned with the relational construction of identity. (Anderson
and Goolishian 1988; Freedman and Combs 1996; Watzlawick 1978; White and Epston
1990). In thinking about the young people who fall into the QLC category, quarter- lifers
probably will present in therapy by themselves to examine their relationships with
themselves, with their peers, with work, with their parents and siblings, with significant
others, and/or with the culture in which they live. It is exactly for this reason that family
therapy, a relational orientation, is the ideal approach. According to McNamee (2002), “The
relational orientation this provides presumes that the client and the therapist are
cooperatively engaged in constructing a narrative about the client’s crisis” (p. 194).
If we consider for a moment that a crisis can be reframed into an opportunity to rescue
oneself from ideas imposed upon us by our culture, we create space for alternative
experiences and descriptions to take place. MFTs are ideally suited to assist with the
transition from adolescence to adulthood because their conceptualization of human
development, social change, and family dynamics is broad enough to incorporate the
Q Springer 248 Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250
myriad of forces influencing the individual. Thus, the MFT understands the individual
within the context of the larger society, the community, the extended family, as well as the
family and peer group in which the individual participates. The MFT is aware of the impact
of stressors from work, family, society and culture. Even though there may be one person in
the therapy room, the MFT is able to maintain a view that extends beyond the individual.
Therapeutic Approaches for the QLC
Many different therapeutic approaches are available when working with an individual
struggling with the QLC. Because cultural stories act to organize people’s experience, and
aid in constructing a normative view, people come to identify themselves and compare
themselves against what is expected of them and considered appropriate. In the experience
of the QLC, these individuals are challenging the normative story of adult development and
achievement in today’s world. They are seeking the expression of a new story, one that
speaks to the dynamics of their lived experience and honors the struggles that are unique
to the world in which they navigate and create meaning. This serves as a reminder that,
“These stories people construct evolve in and are unique to the social and cultural, rela-
tional context in which they are constructed” (Zimmerman and Dickerson 1994, p. 236). As
such, change is constructed through the development of more flexible, viable, and useful
stories in collaboration with the therapist and through the use of language.
If we can assume that all behavior, emotion, and description make sense given the context
in which they occur, it becomes crucial for therapists to acknowledge how their client
understands and organizes experience. Inherent in this position is a stance of curi- osity,
and a willingness to remain in a not-knowing position. What this implies is that while the
therapist is the expert on psychological theory and process, it is the client who is the expert
on his or her life and experience. When confronted with individuals who feel they are lost
and failing in some way, it is crucial to have a framework in mind that counteracts any
motion to pathologize their struggles.
In an effort to move from a problem-saturated story of frustration, anomie, and
uncertainty, one may seek to provide a re-authoring context (Epston and White 1992),
while focusing upon possibilities and strengths already a part of the person’s experience.
(de Shazer 1998). O’ Hanlon (O’ Hanlon and Bertolino 1998) writes about brief therapy that
validates and acknowledges a client’s experience while collaborating in a new conversa-
tion that opens up space for possibilities to emerge: “In these conversations, we seek to
help people see the possibilities, be accountable for what they do, and take actions that will
help move them on into the kind of future they hope for” (p. 21), Interventions for the QLC
from a solution-focused orientation would include asking the miracle question, finding
times of exception when the presenting problem is not occurring, and using scaling
questions in an effort to move the client toward a preferred future and reality.
According to narrative therapists, such as Zimmerman and Dickerson (1994, p. 233),
In this work we pay attention to the larger cultural stories, including gender con-
structions, and to personal stories that persons have created to make meaning out of their
experience as they interact with one another in a reciprocal meaning-making process.
Interventions for the QLC from a narrative perspective would focus on “...externalizing the
problem narrative that is influencing the client(s), mapping the effects of the problem
Q Springer Contemp Fam Ther (2008) 30:233-250 249
pattern and/or the totalizing view persons might have of others, and creating space for
client(s) to notice preferred actions and intentions” (p. 234).
Of utmost importance is that MFTs focus on change, not on diagnosing. They would see the
QLC as an attempt to negotiate the socially constructed world and the meanings contained
within it. The focus and co-construction by therapist and client would be on future, healthy
flexible realities. Thus, the goal of therapy “...is to participate in a con- versation that
continually loosens and opens up, rather than constricts and closes down” (Anderson and
Goolishian 1988, p. 381). It is a process of developing and creating new meanings,
understandings, and possibilities in an effort to free the individual from dis- course that is
constraining and restricting. It is inevitable that individuals will have internalized the
dominant assumptions of their culture, and have formed parts of their self- identity in
relation to these widely accepted and supported ideas.
It is important to remember that each of us is born into a given sociocultural envi- ronment
and as we learn the language of our group, we internalize the norms, values, and ideology
of this context. As Watts (1972) states “...our most private thoughts and emo- lions are not
actually our own...For we think in terms of languages and images that we did not invent but
which were given to us by society” (p. 64). “And knowledge as narratives embedded in
cultural stories is never final: It is always negotiable” (in Becvar and Becvar 1999, p. 11).
After all, just as the map is not the territory (Bateson 1972), so too, are there many ways of
getting to the same destination.
Acknowledgement A special note of thanks to Ian Nichols who assisted in the initial stages
of this work.
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