BAKHTIYAR KHALJI

Bakhtiyar Khalji inaugurated Muslim rule in Bengal by conquering Nadia

in early 1205 AD. A native of Garamsir (modern Dasht-i-Marg) in northern
Afghanistan, Ikhtiyaruddin Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khalji belonged to the
Khalji tribe of the Turks. He entreated Muhammad Ghuri at Ghazni to
enlist him as a soldier but, because of his short physical stature with long
arms extendingbelow the knees, his prayer was rejected. A dejected
Bakhtiyar proceeded to Delhi and sought an employment under
Qutbuddin but there also his fate fared no better. Thence he went to
Badaun where Malik Hizbaruddin appointed him to a lower post. From
Badaun he repaired to Oudh and gota post befitting his ability under
Malik Hushamuddin, the governor of the province. He was grantedthe
parganas of Bhagwat and Bhiuli in the district of Mirzapur as JAGIR. Soon
a large number of Khalji adventurers gathered around him and with their
help he carried on raids into the neighboringHindu territories and the
amount of his soldiers increased gradually as well.
In 1203 AD Bakhtiyar made a sudden dash against Bihar, occupied it,
destroyed Odantapur Biharand returned with enormous booty. He met
Qutbuddin Aibak and gave him valuable gifts.
Qutbuddin in turn received him with great honour. Turning now his
attention towards Bengal Bakhtiyar started on his adventure in the
winter of 1204 AD and, proceeding through the unfrequented
Jharkhand region, marched towards Nadia that only eighteen
horsemen could keeppace with him. The city dwellers took him to be a
horse-dealer and he captured the palace by surprise. Raja
LAKSMANASENA 'fled away by the back-door'. Meanwhile the main
army of Bakhtiyar Khalji arrived and NADIA came under Muslims
possession.
Bakhtiyar Khalji stayed in Nadia for a short period and then marched
upon Gaur (LAKHNAUTI). He conquered it without any resistance in 601
AH/1205 AD and made it the Capital of his government.Afterwards he
proceeded eastward and extended his authority over north Bengal.
Bakhtiyar Khalji'sterritories extended from the modern town of Purnia via
Devkot (in Dinajpur) to the town of Rangpur in the north, to the river
Padma in the south, to the rivers Tista and Karatoa in the east andto the
previously captured territory of Bihar in the west.
The last important event in the career of Bakhtiyar Khalji was his Tibet
expedition. Bakhtiyarcollected necessary information about the
routes leading to Tibet by sending there a few detachments. Ali Mech,
a Mech trivial, agreed to act as his guide through the hills. Before
undertaking his Tibet expedition Bakhtiyar made adequate
arrangements for the defense and administration of his kingdom. He
created three big frontier governorships and posted SHIRAN KHALJI,
ALIMARDAN KHALJI and husamuddin IWAZ KHALJI at Lakhnur,
Ghoraghat
and TANDAH respectively.
Bakhtiyar Khalji marched from Devkot with ten thousand horsemen up
the river Begmati in early 602 AH/1206 AD. Crossing the river over an
ancient stone bridge he proceeded to the hills where, in a battle with the
local people, he sustained heavy losses and decided to abandon the
project. Butthe backlash was so hard that the return journey proved to
be disastrous and he somehow reached Devkot with a little more than a
hundred of his followers alive. At Devkot, Bakhtiyar Khalji fell seriously ill
and he died. According to MINHAJ-I-SIRAJ that, he was stabbed to death
by Ali MardanKhalji in 602 AH/1206 AD.
Bakhtiyar was a good administrator. He divided the kingdom into a
number of districts and assignedthem to the care of his principal nobles
and military chiefs. They were entrusted with the duty of maintaining
peace and order, collecting revenues, patronising learning and culture
and looking afterthe moral and material well being of the people. He
took steps to read the Khutbah (verses of the Quran) and introduce coins
in the name of his lord Sultan Muhammad Ghuri. He built a new capitalon
the site of Gaur and established two cantonment towns near Dinajpur
and Rangpur. He named his administrative divisions IQTA and the
governor of an iqta was designated as MUQTA. He built numerous
mosques, MADRASAHS and KHANQAHS.
 ALI MARDAN KHALJI
Ali Mardan Khalji a lieutenant of BAKHTIYAR KHALJI and governor of
LAKHNAUTI from 606 to 608 AH (1210-1212 AD). He belonged to the
Khalji tribe of Afghanistan, came to the subcontinent,enrolled himself in
the army of Bakhtiyar, and took part in the latter's Bengal expedition. He
was appointed governor of the northeastern region and had Ghoraghat
as his headquarters.
After the death of Bakhtiyar Khalji (602 AH/1206 AD), his minister Shiran
Khalji of Nagair usurped the power of Lakhnauti. He then attacked Ali-
Mardan's Iqta, Barsaul and arrested him. He was kept in confinement
under the care of Baba Ispahani. Ali Mardan, however, managed to
escapefrom his confinement and took shelter in Delhi. Though IWAZ
KHALJI was an independent ruler in his own admistrative regime, he did
not declare independence. By the order of Delhi sultan, in 1207AD
Kayemaz Rumi, Govornor of Ajodhaya Attacked Bengal and in 1208 AD
Shiran Khalji was defeated by and fled from Devkot and Husham uddin
Iwaz khalji became the ruler of Devkot. On behalf of Delhi Sultan Husham
ud-din also became the ruler of Lakhnauti. In the mean time Ali Mardan
was associated with a contingent of sultan Qutububuddin to Ghajni. He
was kept there for sometimes. Some how he managed to escape and
came back to Delhi. He then appointed governor general of Lakhnauti
and with a contingent he entered in to Bengal. Iwaz Khalji handed over
the charges of the province to Ali Mardan without any confrontation and
himself retired to his own place.
Mardan restored political unity in Bengal by subduing the partisans of
the Khalji's. He acknowledged the suzerainty of Qutbuddin, but on his
death in 1210 AD, Ali Mardan declaredindependence in Bengal and
styled himself as 'Sultan Alauddin'.
As sultan Ali Mardan was capable and vigorous. During the initial period
of his reign he sent armiesin all directions and thereby lost most of the
Khalji nobles. It also appears that he got some ambitious and rival nobles
exiled from Bengal by assigning them to different parts of Hindustan.
Though there is no clear evidence as to the extent of his kingdom, it
seems that he re-captured Lakhnauti, which Shiran Khalji had abandoned
when he marched upon Devkot. During his time Bihar was also within the
limits of the Lakhnauti dominion. It is also known that the Rais trembled
in fear and sent him tributes and Kharaj. This indicates that probably he
was bent on creating panicamong the neighboring rulers of Banga,
Kamrup and Tirhut. His tyrannical policy made him unpopular and soon
the discontented nobles entered into a conspiracy under the leadership
of Iwaz Khalji and killed him in 1212 AD. [ABM Shamsuddin Ahmed]

FAKHRUDDIN MUBARAK SHAH

Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah sultan of Bengal (1338-1349). He was the

founder of the earliest independent Muslim sultanat in Bengal with his
headquarters at the historic city of Sonargaon. Thisepoch making change
in the administration of Bengal was initiated at a period when after the
fall ofthe new Mamluq dynasty the whole realm of Bengal was under the
yoke of the Tughlaq sultan of Delhi.
Fakhruddin was of Turki origin and appears to belong to the Qaraunah
Turks. He was
the silahdar (superintendent of armoury) in the service of BAHRAM KHAN,
Tughlaq governor (wali) of Sonargaon. On the death of Bahram Khan in
1337 AD, Fakhruddin emerged to have been the master of the situation,
assumed the government of Sonargaon, and having consolidated his
position
asserted sovereignty the following year. In his coins, Fakhruddin is
styled as Al-Sultan al-Azam Fakhr al-duniya wal-din AbuÕl Muzaffar
Mubarak-shah al-sultan. (The great Sultan, Pride of theworld and of the
religion, Father of the conqueror, Mubarak Shah the sultan).
Immediately after assumption of sovereignty by Fakhruddin in 1338 AD,
Qadr Khan, Tughlaq governor of Lakhnauti, Izzuddin Yahya, muqti of
Satgaon, became united in arms under the directives of Delhi Sultan
Muhammad Tughlaq, and being reinforced by Firuz Khan, amir of Kara
(Koh-i-Jud), marched towards Sonargaon to crush the rebel. Fakhruddin
was defeated by the combined forces under Qadr Khan, and was
compelled to withdraw from his capital, and took position perhaps to the
other side of the Meghna. Qadr Khan took charge of Sonargaon, and
secureda large number of elephants besides the accumulated treasures
of the eastern capital (1339).
When the rainy season had set in, all the auxiliary forces returned to their
respective fiefs, and Qadr Khan dispersed the greater number of his own
troops to collect the revenues. On the plea of rendering better service to
the Delhi sovereign by accumulating wealth for him, the greedy and
covetous Qadr Khan appropriated to himself all the wealth and treasures
that had fallen into his hands at Sonargaon, refusing soldiery the
canonical share of the booty. Shortly, Qadr Khan made his position utterly
insecure in the eastern capital amidst his troops already exasperated, and
made matters worse for himself by his failure to maintain his line of
communication with the western capital. Fakhruddin, well acquainted with
the peculiar geography of Sonargaon, was then waiting for his natural
strategy, the rainy season. With the rains he appeared on the scene, and
besieged Qadr Khan by water. Unused to the damp soil and vapoury heat
of the eastern capital, the troops andcavalry horses of Qadr Khan
perished in the large numbers.
The siege of the eastern capital by the naval forces of Fakhruddin would
naturally result in the doomof Qadr Khan. But Fakhruddin was not ready
to take the least of risk, and soon took recourse to intrigues to achieve his
goal. Having obtained intelligence of discontentment of the soldiers of
Qadr Khan, he sent proposals with promise to distribute the whole of the
treasures accumulated at the capital amongst the soldiers provided they
kill their master and join him. The soldiers of Qadr Khan,out of their greed
for wealth, made common cause with Fakhruddin, rose against Qadr Khan,
assassinated him (1340), and then proceeded to join Fakhruddin who
immediately advanced to the capital, and having taken possession of the
treasure distributed it according to his promise.
Having consolidated his position in Sonargaon, Fakhruddin aspired for the
government of Lakhnautiand of Satgaon which had fallen vacant at the
murder of Qadr Khan, and the death of Izzuddin Yahya in the encounter
between Fakhruddin and the combined imperial forces. Fakhruddin
appointed Mukhlis Khan as his deputy to Lakhnauti, and sent him with a
well-equipped army to take possession of Lakhnauti along with the
dependent districts. But Malik Ali Mubarak, ariz-i- laskar (pay-master) of
the forces of Qadr Khan, opposed the invader, defeated and killed
Mukhlis, routed the latterÕs entire force, and established himself in
authority in Lakhnauti. FakhruddinÕs attempt to capture Satgaon does
not appear to be successful. His army raided Satgaon, launched
indiscriminate plunder, but failed to establish his sway over the region.
Fakhruddin&Otildes ambition to capture Lakhnauti being foiled by the
defeat and death of his general Mukhlis Khan in the hands of Ali Mubarak,
and the latter's assumption of power at Lakhnauti, initiated constant
rivalry and strife between the two aspirants for supremacy over the whole
of Bengal. The nature of conflict between the two rivals was both
offensive and defensive oneither side. Fakhruddin, whose naval force was
powerful and well-trained, used to invade Lakhnautiduring the rains and
retaliated attacks in the dry season when ALAUDDIN ALI SHAH (Ali
Mubarak) was powerful with his superior cavalry and infantry.
Fakhruddin is reported to invade Tripura earlier in 1340 AD, and in the
encounter he is said to havedefeated the Tripura king, Raja Pratap
Manikya. He then advanced through Noakhali to conquer Chittagong
which was then a part of the kingdom of Tripura. He is said to have
occupied the lofty and strong fort on the other side of the Karnaphuli
opposite the Fort of Chatgaon. Chittagong
appears to have been conquered by Fakhruddin in 1340 AD. In this
campaign a great number of sufisaints under Badruddin Allama alias Badr
Pir joined the army of the Sultan. After the conquest of Chittagong the
Sultan appointed one sufi saint named Shayda as his deputy (naib) to rule
over Chittagong which was annexed to his sultanat as a province (mulk).
FakhruddinÕs domination over the greater districts of Comilla, Noakhali,
Sylhet and Chittagong naturally tightened his grip on the king of Tripura,
and even the king of Arakan felt himself insecurefor the south-eastward
march of Fakhruddin, and is said to have courted alliance with the sultan of
Sonargaon.
The Moroccan traveller IBN BATTUTA visited Bengal (1346) during the
reign of Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah. He has left a valuable account of his
sojourn in the country of Bangalah, its naturalview, different aspects on
the life of the people and prosperity of the country. He reveals in giving
Fakhruddin an extremely good character felicitating him as a
distinguished sovereign.
Ibn Battuta describes Fakhruddin as the sultan of Bangalah and includes
Chittagong within his kingdom. To determine the area of the kingdom of
Bangalah we may assume that his kingdom stretched over almost the
whole of eastern Bengal and the eastern part of southern Bengal. The
kingdom of Fakhruddin was divided into provinces such as iqlim and
mulk. Iqlim and mulk denotedprovince of the kingdom of Fakhruddin in
eastern and southern Bengal respectively. As to the officer in charge of
the provinces we have a single reference that mulk Chatgaon was under a
naib. The provinces seem to have been divided into parganas, such as
Mubarak Ajial, named after him asa pargana in Iqlim-i-Mubarakabad.
The general prosperity of the country of Bangalah under Fakhruddin is
evidenced by Ibn Battuta through his comment on super-abundance of
commodities of daily necessity, brisk internal trade, big surplus of
commodities especially rice forming important item of export trade,
external trade- link of Sonargaon port with the neighbouring countries
like China and Java.
Sultan Fakhruddin had great devotion to the fakirs and sufis. The sultan
had the standing order for the exemption of freight charges from the
fakirs on the river, and also ordered that provisions free ofcost should
also be supplied to the strangers, fakirs and sufis, and a minimum
allowance of half
a dinar was to be given to a fakir arriving in a town.
The distinguished sovereign of Ibn Battuta, a great military organizer,
conqueror and a diplomat was obviously the forerunner in initiating the
independence of Bengal from the yoke of Delhi with its horizon open for
two centuries of independent rule. This great monarch with most
beautifully executed coins, a patron of arts and crafts, promoter of trade
and commerce, generous patron of the strangers fakirs and sufis, builder
of mosques and tombs, roads and highways, protector of his people from
the atrocities of the Maghs of Arakan, left an outstanding mark in the
history of Bengal.The great success of this accomplished Bengal sultan
rests mainly on his giving a comfortable and easy living to his people
providing super-abundance and extraordinary cheapness of necessaries
of life.
Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah died in Sonargaon in 1349 AD (750 AH).

Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah

Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah (Bengali: , Persian: ‫الیاس شاه‬
‫ )شمس الدین‬was the founder of the Bengal Sultanate. He established the
Ilyas Shahi dynasty, an Indo-Turkic dynastywhich ruled Bengal for 150
years.
Ilyas Shah was a Sistani Sunni Muslim who rose through the ranks of the
Delhi Sultanate. In the early 14th-century, the Delhi Sultanate divided
Bengal into three provinces based in the towns of Satgaon in South
Bengal, Sonargaon in East Bengal, and Lakhnauti in North Bengal. The
purposewas to improve administration as Delhi's sway over Bengal
weakened. Ilyas Shah was appointed Governor of Satgaon. In the middle
of the 14th-century, the governors of the three city-states declared
independence. The three city-states began warring against one another.
Ilyas Shah eventually defeated the ruler of Lakhnauti Alauddin Ali Shah
and the ruler of
Sonargaon Ikhtiyaruddin Ghazi Shah. He unified Bengal into an
independent sultanate andestablished his capital in Pandua.
As Sultan, Ilyas Shah waged a war against the Delhi Sultanate to secure
recognition of Bengal's independence. He raided cities across the eastern
part of the Indian subcontinent, becoming the firstMuslim ruler to invade
the Kathmandu Valley. Eventually, he reached an agreement with Delhi to
pay an annual tribute in return for a cessation of hostilities.

EARLY LIFE
Shamsuddin Ilyas was born into an aristocratic family in the Sistan region
of what is today eastern Iran and southern Afghanistan. He worked
under the service of the Delhi Sultanate. He migrated toBengal and
worked under Izzuddin Yahya, the imperial provincial governor of
Satgaon.

UNIFICATION OF BENGAL
By the mid 14th century, three Muslim city states emerged in Bengal after
declaring independencefrom the Delhi Sultanate: Lakhnauti (ancient
Gauda) in North Bengal, Sonargaon in East Bengal and Satgaon in South
Bengal. In 1338, after Izzuddin Yahya's death, Ilyas declared himself as the
Sultan of Satgaon, with the title Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah. He then waged a
long drawn war from 1339 to 1352 against Sultan Alauddin Ali Shah of
Lakhnauti and Sultan Ikhtiyaruddin Ghazi
Shah of Sonargaon. Ilyas Shah emerged victorious after conquering
Lakhnauti and Sonargaon. He then proclaimed the establishment of the
Sultanate of Bengal in Lakhnauti in 1352. The area was theformer capital
of the Gauda Kings and the Pal Emperors. He built his capital in nearby
Pandua.

GOVERNMENT
Ilyas Shah displayed an egalitarian attitude towards his subjects; his
administration was known for its equality and acceptance of members
from different religious, caste, social, and ethnic communities. Ilyas Shah
also founded the city of Hajipur. He standardized the people of Bengal
under the banner of one politico-social and linguistic platform, including
the Bengali language. Theregion received immigrants from across the
Muslim world, including North Indians, Turks, Abyssinians, Arabs and
Persians.

MILITARY CAMPAIGNS
During the early period of his reign, Ilyas Shah led the first Muslim army
into Nepal. He occupiedthe Tirhut region and thrust through the Terai
plains into the Kathmandu Valley. His army sackedthe temple of
Svayambhunath, returning to Bengal with plentiful spoils. Ilyas Shah then
invaded Orissa, which was ruled by Bhanudeva II of the Eastern Ganga
dynasty. He further sacked Jajpur,Cuttack and reached as far as the
Chilika Lake. He also led a successful campaign against the Kamarupa
kingdom in present-day Assam.
In November 1353, the Delhi Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq launched an
invasion of Bengal. His armyoccupied Pandua. Ilyas Shah and his forces
retreated to the fortress of Ekdala. The Delhi Sultan laidsiege to the
fortress for two months. The Delhi Sultanate's forces then began
withdrawing. Ilyas Shah began to pursue the Delhi army and reached as
far as Varanasi. The Delhi army formidably
fought back. Firuz Shah returned to Delhi in 1355. Ilyas Shah regained
control of Bengal and hisrealm extended up to the Koshi River.
The extent of Ilyas Shah's campaigns, including his conquest of major
Indian cultural centers, was considered "world-conquering" in the context
of medieval India. This led to him being styled as "thesecond Alexander"
in the same manner as Alauddin Khalji.

ALAUDDIN HUSAIN SHAH

Ala-ud-din Husain Shah (Bengali: ); reign 1494–1519) was
an independent late medieval Sultan of Bengal, who founded the
Hussain Shahi dynasty. He became the ruler of Bengal after assassinating
the Abyssinian Sultan, Shams-ud-Din Muzaffar Shah, whomhe had
served under as wazir. After his death in 1519 his son Nusrat Shah
succeeded him.

EARLY LIFE AND ACCESSION

Husain Shah's original name is Sayyeed Husain. According to a 1788
chronicle, Riyaz-us-Salatin,Husain was the son of Sayyeed Ashraf Al
Husaini Al Fatimi Al Makki, a Sharif of Mecca and an inhabitant of Tirmiz
(in Turkestan). Besides both historians Salim (writer of Riyaz-us-Salatin)
and Firishtah (from late 16th century) mentioned him as Sayyed - this
indicates Husain's Arab
descent. Besides, the term Sultan Husain Shah bin Sayyeed Ashraf-ul-
Husaini (Sultan Husain Shah,son of Sayyed Ashraf-ul-Husaini) frequently
appeared on his coins. But it is not yet known how he came to Bengal
and occupied the post of Vizier of Sultan Shamsuddin Muzaffar Shah.
Most likely he first settled in Chandpara, a village in Murshidabad district.
Because a number of inscriptions ofHusain Shah's early years found in
the villages around Chandpara and also a mosque called KherurMosque
is constructed by Sultan Husain in the locality in 1494. A lake, Sheker
Dighi, is also associated with Husain Shah.
Initially, he secretly sympathized with the rebels but ultimately he put
himself openly as their headand besieged the citadel, where Muzaffar
Shah shut himself with a few thousand soldiers.
According to the 16th-century historian Nizamuddin, the Sultan was
secretly assassinated by Husainwith the help of the paiks (palace-guards),
which ended the Abyssinian rule in Bengal.

REIGN
Husain Shah's long reign of more than a quarter of a century was a
period of peace and prosperity,which was strikingly contrast to the
period that preceded it. The liberal attitude of Husain Shah towards his
Hindu subjects is also an important feature of his reign.
Initial administrative actions
Immediately after accession to the throne, Husain Shah ordered his
soldiers to refrain from plundering Gaur, his capital city. But being
annoyed with their continuous plundering, he executedtwelve thousand
soldiers and recovered the looted articles, which included 13,000 gold
plates.
Subsequently, he disbanded the paiks (the palace guards) who were the
most significant agitators inside the palace. He removed all Habshis from
administrative posts and replaced them with Turks,Arabs, Afghans and
the local people.
Engagement with the Delhi Sultanate
Sultan Hussain Shah Sharqi, after being defeated by Bahlol Lodi, retired
to Bihar, where his occupation was confined to a small territory. In 1494,
he was again defeated by Sultan Sikandar Lodi and fled to Bengal, where
he was granted asylum by Sultan Ala-ud-Din Husain Shah. This resulted in
an expedition against Bengal in 1495 by Sultan Sikandar Lodi. Husain
Shah of Bengal sent an army under his son Daniyal to fight with the Delhi
army. The armies of Delhi and Bengal met at Barh near Patna. Sikandar
Lodi halted the advance of his army and concluded a treaty of friendship
with Ala-ud-din Husain Shah. According to this agreement, the country
west of Barh went to Sikandar Lodi while the country east of Barh
remained under Husain Shah of Bengal. The final dissolution of the
Jaunpur Sultanate resulted in the influx of the Jaunpur soldiery in the
Bengalarmy, which was further strengthened by it.
Kamata-Kamrup expedition
From 1499 to 1502, Husain Shah's general Shah Ismail Ghazi led an
expedition to the Kamata kingdom and annexed the territory up to Hajo.
They took Nilambara, King of Kamata, as prisonerand pillaged the
capital city. This was publicly recorded in an inscription at Malda.
Orissa campaigns
According to the Madala Panji, Shah Ismail Ghazi commenced his
campaign from the Mandaran fort (in the present-day Hooghly district) in
1508-9 and reached Puri, raiding Jajpur and Katak on the way. The
Gajapati ruler of Orissa, Prataparudra was busy in a campaign in the south.
On hearingthis news, he returned and defeated the invading Bengal army
and chased it into the borders of Bengal. He reached the Mandaran fort
and besieged it, but failed to take it. Intermittent hostilities between the
Bengal and Orissa armies along the border continued throughout the
reign of Husain Shah.
Capture of Pratapgarh
When Gouhar Khan, the Bengali governor of Sylhet (in present-day
Bangladesh) died, the district was seized by ruler of the neighbouring
kingdom of Pratapgarh, Sultan Bazid. One of Husain Shah'snobles, a
Hindu convert named Surwar Khan was sent to confront Bazid and when
attempts at negotiations failed, fought against the Sultan and his allies.
Bazid was defeated and captured and was forced to give heavy
concessions in order to keep his kingdom, though under the suzerainty of
Bengal. In reward for his actions, Surwar Khan was named the new
governor of Sylhet and the defeated Sultan's daughter was given in
marriage to his son, Mir Khan.
Expeditions to Tripura and Arakan
According to Rajmala, a late royal chronicle of Tripura, Husain Shah
despatched his army four times to Tripura, but the Tripura army offered
stiff resistance and did not yield any territory. But theSonargaon
inscription of Khawas Khan (1513) is interpreted by a number of modern
scholars as an evidence of annexure of at least a part of Tripura by Husain
Shah's army.
During Husain Shah's expeditions to Tripura, the ruler of Arakan helped
Dhanya Manikya, the rulerof Tripura. He also occupied Chittagong and
expelled Husain Shah's officers from there. In 1513, Husain Shah assigned
the charge of Arakan expedition to Paragal Khan. Paragal Khan advanced
from his base on the Feni River. After Paragal's death, his son Chhuti Khan
took over the charge of the campaign until Chittagong was wrested from
Arakanese control. The expedition of territory to the western bank of
Kaladan river was placed under his governorship administration. The
hostilitiesprobably ended in 1516.
The Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama, arrived India by sea in 1498.
Consequently, a Portuguesemission came to Bengal to establish
diplomatic relations towards the end of Husain Shah's reign.
CULTURAL CONTRIBUTION

Choto Shona Mosque built during the reign of Alauddin Husain Shah
The reign of Husain Shah witnessed a remarkable development of
Bengali literature. Under the patronage of Paragal Khan, Husain Shah's
governor of Chittagong, Kabindra Parameshvar wrotehis Pandabbijay,
a Bengali adaptation of the Mahabharata. Similarly, under the
patronage of Paragal's son Chhuti Khan, who succeeded his father as
governor of Chittagong, Shrikar Nandi wrote another Bengali
adaptation of the Mahabharata. Kabindra Parameshvar in
his Pandabbijay eulogised Husain Shah. Bijay Gupta wrote his
Manasamangal Kāvya also during his reign. He eulogised Husain Shah by
comparing him with Arjuna (samgrame Arjun Raja prabhater Rabi). He
mentioned him as Nrpati-Tilak (the tilak-mark of kings) and Jagat-bhusan
(theadornment of the universe) as well. An official of Husain Shah,
Yashoraj Khan, wrote a number of Vaishnava padas and he also praised
his ruler in one of his pada. During Husain Shah's reign a number of
significant monuments were constructed. Wali Muhammad built Chota
Sona Masjid in Gaur.

RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE
The reign of Husain Shah is also known for religious tolerance towards his
subjects. However, R.C.Majumdar write that during his Orissa campaigns,
he destroyed some Hindu temples,
which Vrindavana Dasa Thakura has mentioned in his Chaitanya
Bhagavata. However the destruction of the temples was not carried out by
the orders of the Sultan himself. The celebrated medieval saint, Chaitanya
Mahaprabhu and his followers preached Bhakti (Nath-Gopi) throughout
Bengal during his reign. When Husain Shah came to know about
Chaitanya Mahaprabhu's huge following amongst his subjects, he ordered
his qazis not to injure him in any way and allow him to go wherever he
liked. Later, two high level Hindu officers in Husain Shah's administration,
his Private Secretary, (Dabir-i-Khas) Rupa Goswami and his Intimate
Minister (Saghir Malik) SanatanaGoswami became devoted followers of
 Chaitanya Mahaprabhu.

ISSUE
Husain Shah had eighteen sons and at least eleven daughters. Among
these are:

 Daniyal: likely the eldest son. May have predeceased his father.
 Nasiruddin Nasrat Shah: succeeded his father. Reigned as Sultan of Bengal
from 1519 to 1532.
 Ghiyasuddin Mahmud Shah: reigned as Sultan of Bengal from 1533 to
1538.
 Raushan Akhtar Banu: possibly a granddaughter. Married Ibrahim
Danishmand, a Sufi saint andlandowner.
 A daughter: married Kandarpadeva, a son of the Brahmin Madan Bhaduri
of Bhaturia.
 A daughter: married another son of Madan Bhaduri of Bhaturia.

Sher Shah
Sher Shah emperor of north-eastern India (1540-1545) and founder of the
Sur dynasty, was the sonof Hasan Khan Sur, Jaigirdar of Sasaram (in Bihar).
Born in 1472, his original name was Farid. He left home at an early age
and took service under Bahar Khan Lohani, Sultan of Bihar, who gave him
the title of Sher Khan (meaning Tiger Lord) for his courage and valour. On
the death of Bahar Khan, Sher Khan, as the regent of the sultan's minor
son Jalal Khan, became the virtual master of Bihar. Through marriage he
gained the strategic fortress of Chunar. At the growth of his power other
courtiers of Jalal Khan got jealous of Sher Khan. Being persuaded by their
evil design Jalal Khan sought the help of GHIYASUDDIN MAHMUD SHAH,
Sultan of Bengal, to free him from the tutelage of Sher Khan. Mahmud
sent an army under Ibrahim Khan to attack Bihar on behalf of Jalal Khan
Lohani. But Sher Khan defeated the combined forces of Mahmud Shah
and Jalal Khan at the battle of Surajgarh (1534). This led Jalal to fall back
on Mahmud and paved the way for Sher Khan'sascendancy in Bihar. In
1538 Sher Khan invaded Bengal and defeated Sultan Mahmud Shah. On
theadvent of HUMAYUN, the Mughal emperor, he left Bengal. He
assumed the title of 'Shah' after defeating the emperor in the battle of
Chausa (near Buxar) in 1539, recaptured Bengal and appointed Khizr Khan
as its governor. Next year he again defeated Humayun, drove him out of
India and captured the throne of Delhi.
In a brief reign of only five years (1540-1545), Sher Shah established
peace and order in the empireand remodelled its administration. He
divided his empire into 47 Sarkars and subdivided each Sarkar into a
number of Parganas. In this system Bengal had 19 Sarkars. Shiqdar-i-
Shiqdaran (Shiqdar-in-Chief) and Munsif-i-Munsifan (the chief Munsif),
two high officials, were appointed ineach Sarkar to look after the work of
pargana officers like, SHIQDAR,
Amin, MUNSIF, PATWARI, CHOWDHURY, MUQADDAM and Qarqun.
Revenue, fixed at one-fourth of the gross produce after proper
measurement of land, was payable either in cash or in kind. He assured
the proprietary right of the RAIYATS over land for the first time by
introducing the system ofPatta (deed of right) and Kabuliyat (deed of
agreement) and advanced loans to tenants to encourage agriculture.
Sher Shah reformed currency and improved trade and commerce by
abolishing vexatious duties. Anetwork of excellent roads, connecting the
capital Agra with outlying areas of the empire and having sarais (inn),
mosques and temples at regular intervals, improved communication. His
most important road was the Sarak-i-Azam which ran for 3000 miles
from SONARGAON to Multan via Agra, Delhi and Lahore, with shade-
giving trees on both sides. This road came to be known as
the GRAND TRUNK ROAD in the Colonial period. He introduced a novel
device for easy and quick dispatch of government orders and messages,
to and from the capital, by relay of horses. Sarais, besides providing
shelters for traders, travellers and government servants (specially under
order oftransfer), served as dak-chowkis (stations for changing post
horses) as well.
The sultan remodelled the police system, made village headmen
responsible for the maintenance of peace in their respective areas and
prevented crimes like drinking and adultery through Muhtasibs. He
maintained a strong standing army and an efficient espionage system. A
man with a strong senseof justice, the sultan was the highest court of
appeal, both for civil and criminal cases. Next to him was the Qazi-ul-
Quzzat. In the Parganas the Qazi administered criminal cases while the
Amin looked after the civil ones. Panchayets decided the civil cases of the
Hindus.
The sultan made liberal grants for charitable purposes, opened free
public kitchens for the poor, founded madrasas, mosques and important
buildings, laid out gardens, erected hospitals, sarais etc. His excellent
taste in building is well attested by his noble mausoleum at Sasaram. Sher
Shah was apious Muslim. He was not a bigot and was tolerant towards
the Hindus. He combined the qualities of a military leader, a sagacious
monarch and a capable and far-sighted statesman. [Muhammad Ansar Ali]
 The History of Bara –Bhuiyans againstMughal
Empire in Bengal

The age of Bara-Bhyuian (1576-1612) or reign of the twelve landlords of

the East region of Bengalis a famous chapter in Bangladesh's history.
According to the historical investigation of Abdul Karim, the article aims
at exploring about forming of a series of military resistance and struggle
of Bara-Bhyuian against Mughal imperial power those newly emerged
from northern India and subsequently captured their jurisdiction all over
the Indian subcontinent along with Bengal territory. Historically it was a
fact that the Twelve Zamindars waged an armed struggle for many years
to keep their homeland free from colonial imperialist power.
Unfortunately, the glorious chapter of this Bara-Bhuiyans was not
highlighted properly by the historians for a long time. Even their identity
and subjugated areas were not explored and recognized since many
centuries rather than the time been obscured and uncovered in Bengal
by either native or alien scholars. On the
contrary, historians didn‘t concentrate the time accordingly what the
period deserves from the scholars. So, Abdul Karim was the pioneer for
the first time among historians who took the chapteras one of the vital
focal place of Bengal history during Mughal expansion. Thus, the paper
seeks toprove that what contribution marked by Abdul Karim about
Bara-Bhuiyans in the sacrifices and struggles they waged to liberate their
independent motherland that have inspired every freedom struggle so
far.

INTRODUCTION : Bangladesh emerged as an independent country in 1971

since the nine- month liberation war against Pakistan and occupied a
glorious place in the world. But the country has a long history of striving
with the spirit of resistance against many foreign aggressions for
achieving independence. One such chapter of the freedom struggle was
the fearless and long struggle of the Bara-Bhuiyan [1 ]. In the Bhati [2 ]
region of Bengal against the Mughal [3 ] aggression. Of course, many
independent and semi-independent zamindars [4 ] (Landlords) took their
arms and stranded individually and untidily against Mughal aggression
and its colonial expansion in the last quarter of the 16th century and the
first 12 years of 17th century for a long time (1576-1612) in Bengal. But
the history of these three decades (1576-1612) is that the zamindars of
Bengal have a history of long resistance and war against the Mughal
domination to keep their independence and sovereignty intact. A
prominent historian of Bangladesh Abdul Karimis the proponent of this
historical researchand among many known and unknown historians who
record Bar-Bhuiyan and their history properly. He established the Bar-
Bhuiyan of Bengal in its proper place and dispelled various
misconceptions about BaraBhuiyan by the local and foreign historians of
past and present. Studying various resources and references of the
history of Bara- Bhuiyan neutrally, Abdul Karim explored much new
magnificent information related to Bara- Bhuiyan and added various
fresh chapters in his research that was able to generate a complete
response indeed in the research community. It was not really that
Mughal dominion was started over Bengal with the fall of Bengal sultan
Daud khan Karrani [5 ] in 1576. So the period of 36
years in Bengal‘s history from 1576-1612 not be considered as Bengal's
Mughal period. During this time, numerous parts of Bengal remained
under the control of military officers, bhuiyans and zamindars. There was
no central government so this time could be called the bhuiyans' time.
Bara-Bhuiyans became veryfamous amongst the bhuiyans, fighting
bravely during Akbar and Jahangir'sfirst part. Abdul Karim gave the
proper status of BaraBhuiyan to all the patriotic and independent
Bhuiyanas or zamindars of Bengal, who resisted the foreign Mughal
domination. Although some insignificant zamindars surrendered in the
first blow of the Mughal invasion, the Bara-Bhuiyan of Bhati of Bengal
had fought relentlessly for three decades with patriotism and courage.
Comparatively, Bara-Bhuiyan was inferior in considering all military
equipment and strength to Mughal power. Still, holding morale, courage
and patriotism, they embarked on a hard strive against that foreign
occupier. They fought up to their death, but they had never submitted
loyalty to
colonial dominion. Besides, some Bhuiyans were forced to surrender to
Mughal - but when they used to get any chance for achieving freedom,
they would arise rivalry and would rebel with armsagain and again. Thus,
from 1576-1612 Bengal was controlled by several Bhuiyans. Among
them,the Bara-Bhuiyans vitally also played a more prominent role in
resisting Mughal; even during the present time, the Bangalees feel
proud of their courageous battle. This article followed the secondary
type source is approaching its methodology. This paper is qualitative
oriented research based on desk type works.

Appreciation of Contemporary Historical Works: After the reign of Bara-

Bhuiyans, their history was insolence and completely lost for more than
two centuries. Even in the book Riyaz-us-
Salatin [ 6 ] what is entitled the first complete history of Bengal, even in
the first modern history regarding Bengal ‗History of Bengal‘[ 7 ]written
by Captain Charles Stewart was not found anything about Bara-
Bhuiyans. But the history of that time came to the governmental
researchers'attention on the eve of taking the permanent settlement
policy as the land revenue reform by the
British East India Company‘s government. C. W. B. Rouse presented the
real information of Bara-Bhuiyans accurately in his book "Dissertation
Concerning the Landed Property of Bengal"[8 ]. Hebrought out the fact
that at the time when the Afghans made their way out to make space for
the Mughals, Bengal did not belong to Mughals or any single ruler, but
was occupied among some practically independent military commanders
named Bhuiyans — some of them were Hindus, but most were Muslims.
British civil surgeon of Dhaka James Wise devoted himself to writing the
history and archeology of Bengal. He also got a source of dissemination
of interest from the worksof C. W. B. Rouse. He was able to discuss five
Bhuiyans from his collected references and resources, and he published
the research on Bara-Bhuiyans entitled "On the BaraBhuiyans of Eastern
Bengal" in 1874 AD [9 ]. In the article by James Wise, the Five Bhuiyans
are:

1. Isa
Khan Masnad-I-Ala of Khizirpur 2. Fazal Ghazi of Bhawal 3.
Lakshmana Manikya of Bhulua 4. Chand Rai and Kedar Rai of Bikrampur
5. Kandarpa Narayan of Chandradvip. In the same decade, H. Blochman
tried to shed light on one or other Bhuiyans in his "Contributions"[10]
and in his translation of the Ain-i-Akbari [11] Westland in his "Jessore,"
and Beveridge in his book"Bakarganj "[12]. While their studies did not
explicitly concern the Bhuiyans or the Bara- Bhuiyans. Earlier in 1904,
Beveridge addressed Bara-Bhuiyans‘ chief Isa Khan in an essay in a
journal. Through then, he had almost completed the Akbarnama's
English translation (Akbar's autobiography). He thus succeeded in using
the references on Isa Khan in the Akbarnama in that article, but he failed
to place Isa Khan in a proper historical context. In fact, as an imperial
historian, Beveridge was so loyal to the British so that he addressed the
issues from the imperial Mughal perspective and did not pay attention to
the Bara-Bhuiyans and particularly Isa Khan's struggle for independence
N. K. Bhattasali commented that however, it would seem that Beveridge,
too, has failed to understand the greatness of Isa Khan's life-long fight
for independence and has not devoted to it the thoughtful consideration
it deserves. Since dealing in some length with the subject, he very
marginally and unexpectedly refers to some pages of the Akbarnama in
which more descriptions of the doings of Isa Khan are to be found and
then go off to address some small and unimportant matters [ 13 ]
However, it would appear that he, too, failed to appreciate the greatness
of Isa Khan's life-long struggle for independence, and he was not a
devotee to it the regardful interest it deserves. After dealing with the
subject at some length, he somewhat lightly and abruptly refers to some
pages of the Akbarnama in which further details of Isa Khan's doings are
to be found and then goes off to discuss some minor and unimportant
issues. The next contributor H. E. Stapleton who discovered some canons
[14]. Diwanbagh, the residence of Isa Khan‘s successors and their family
members, is located in modern Narayanganj district near Dhaka. He
wrote an article "Note on seven sixteenth-century canons recently
discovered in the Dacca District," published in the Journal of ASB in 1909.
The canons presented significant light on the Bara-Bhuiyans, and
especially one that inscribes Isa Khan's name is very helpful in setting
up the chronology in Isa Khan's career. Yet Stapleton could not
adequately decode the Bengali alphabet, and the article doesn't have
any more detail from the historical post. In 1913, Rev. H. Hosten
advertised the subject once again in an article on "The Twelve Bhuiyans
or Landlords of Bengal", published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society
Bengal in 1913. Utilizing the contemporary writings of Portuguese
references, he tried to describe the places Salimabad, Katrab,Chandecan
named by the Mughal government and sources. He also tried to
determine who the Twelve Bhuiyans are and why their number would be
set. As the first writer, he pointed out Chandecan's (Chandecan is the
previous name of modern Jeaasore district) king was Raja Pratapaditya,
and Mughal commanders occupied Jessore on March 1916. After Hosten,
J. A.
Campos took an attempt to find out about BaraBhuiyans and their areas
in his book ―History of
the Portuguese in Bengal‖ [15]. But any new information about Bara-
Bhuiyans was not seen in thebook. But the unique and very detailed
contemporary historical work was the Persian manuscript Baharistani-
Gaibi by Mirza Nathan; he was a military officer under subahdar Islam
Khan of Mughal during series of military campaigns and operations were
preceded against Bara-Bhuiyans in the Bhati of East Bengal. Numerous
articles and books on BaraBhuiyans were published in Bengal. At first,
criticizing and supplementing the articles of British James Wise on Bara-
Bhuiyans, a series of articles of Kailash Candra Sinha were published
Bharati, a Bengali Journal [ 16] After that, Swarup Chandra Roy pointed
out some good information about Isa Khan and his territory in the
book ―Suvarnagramer Itihas‖ published in 1296 B.S.[17] Nov. 1890. The
next publication was "Pratapaditya.‖ of Satya Charan Shastri in1308 B.S.
That book contains traditions and imaginary tales, and ―Mayaman-
Sinher Itihash‖ (History of Mymensingh) of Kedarnath Majumdar in 1312
B.S. (1905 A.D.) where some materials on Isa Khan were found newly. But
thebook holds little historical value as well. In 1802 famous biographical
work and regarded as the first Bengali prose ―Pratapaditya Charit‖ of
Ram Ram Basu published from Sri Rampur press; this book provides the
exact knowledge that the subahdar Islam Khan had defeated
Pratapaditya.
Even though he has provided some very useful details, his account of
Pratapaditya's career is mostly fanciful. In 1307 B.S. to 1310 B.S.,
Anandanath Ray published several articles in the two Bengali Magazines
Nirmalya and Navyabharat, and all of the articles were finally published
into a book in 1318 B.S. Some new knowledge was found in the book.
Still, this book lacks order, and historical criticism is deficient. Then those
notable writers devoted themselves to the publication ofBara-Bhuiyans
they are Upendra Chandra Guha [ 18 ] Satish Chandra Mitra [19] Sir
Jadunath Sarkar, N. K. Bhattasali, M. A. Rahim [20] can be mentioned. Sir
Jadunath Sarkar presented six articles on the Bhuiyans published on
Bengalee Magazine Prabashi (from 1326 B. S. to 1329 B.S.) based on
Bahar-i-stan and another unpublished Persian text, are of exceptional
quality and provide us for the first time with a contemporary and very
detailed account of the wars of Islam Khan with the Bhuiyans, who had
managed topreserve their independence for a third of a century during
the reign of Akbar and even a part of Jahangir. Yet in some instances, he
has failed to correct the chronology and understand the Bara-
Bhuiyans‘ struggle for freedom. He did not identify the Bara- Bhuiyans,
either. Furthermore, Sir Jadunath Sarkar brought out on the subject in
chapter XII of thebook "History of Bengal, Vol. II)" published from the
University of Dhaka in 1948; he was also the editor of the volume. He
had taken a dismissive approach to the bhuiyans' struggle and doubted
their patriotism. Sir Jadunath himself named the "upstarts" and "captains
of plundering bands" of the Bara-Bhuiyans and Chiefs. A collection of
papers written by N. K. Bhattasali entitled
―Bengal Chiefs‘ struggle for Independence in the Reigns of Akbar and
Jahangir‖ in the Journal
―Bengal: Past and Present‖ (vol. XXXVXXXVI) in 1928. He first evaluates
the previous writingson the subject and then analyses the writings on
the Bara-Bhuiyans, the historical process of their rise, and the
significance of the term Bara-Bhuiyans. At first, he reviews all previous
references onthe subject and then examines the Bara-Bhuiyans writings,
their emerging on the scale of the historical process, and then the sense
of the word Bara-Bhuiyans. In his writings, the collapse of the Karrani
Dynasty [21] the rise of Isa Khan, his whole career, and the extension of
his territories with resistance against the Mughals were narrated. Yet a
review of his papers gives the thought
that he did not complete his study; his research came to an abrupt end
for some reason. Afterward,he wrote about Mughals of Dhaka, but he
didn't focus on the study on all other Bhuiyans except Isa Khan. While
his research is comprehensive, it is limited in scope; there is no complete
history of the Bara-Bhuiyans. The book ―History of Bengal, vol. II‖
edited by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, and undoubtedly the work is much more
significant contribution, and superior to either the book Riyaz-us-Salatin
or History of Bengal by Stewart. But in the book, Bhuiyans and
BaraBhuiyans haven‘t received sufficient or appropriate attention yet.
Moreover, relevant chapters have been written in the context of the
Mughal empire and its expansion in Bengal, so the history of Bara-
Bhuiyans and the valiant opposition of them have not been given due
importance. Despite the hardstruggle of the BaraBhuiyans against
Mughal aggression in Bengal, they were questioned with patriotism and
refuted the valiant position and dignity they deserved by the scholars of
the book.
None was able to give comprehensive knowledge on the subject after N.
K. Bharrasali. Bhattasali'sscholarly studies have some limitations, but his
works have become models for later scholars.
Even Abdul Karim himself acknowledged the works as he has drawn
heavily from it as his pattern.Abdul Karim devoted more room to
defining the Bara-Bhuiyans and to determine their success orfailure. He
was the only scholar in Bengal who succeeded in making magnificent
and complete history of the Bara-Bhuiyans with comparative analysis of
their rising, number and identity, long time heroic resistance against
Mughals, dignity, patriotism, military policy, defeating and surrender to
Islam Khan, etc. Yet, no other historian has succeeded in studies on the
subject till now like him. He discovered a good number of findings on
the Bara-Bhuiyans in his book
―History of Bengal, vol.1, Mughal Period‖ published by Institute of
Bangladesh Studies of Rajshahi University in 1992, and more than seven
chapters of the book out of thirteen with introduction lived in very detail
studies of BaraBhuiyans. Apart from this masterpiece, another
noteworthy contribution of Abdul Karim to the subject is Banglar Itihas
Mogle Amal (History of Bengal Mughal Period) in Bangle and published
in 1992 from Bangla Academy. He pointed out also more than seven
chapters details of Bara-Bhuians in the book; though the subject matters
anddetailed discussion are almost the same, amazingly many new
dimensions are embodied in Banglavolume regarded references and its
narrative style as well.

Rise of Bara-Bhuiyans: their names and governed territory The Bara-

Bhuiyans emerged in the unstable and turmoil political environment
of Bengal that appeared immediately after the fall of the Independent
Sultanate and sustained for a long time particularly in the Bhati region
of East Bengal at that time. Politically, the Independent Sultanate of
Bengal glorified its peaceful period of two hundred years (1338 A. D.
to 1538 A. D.) in the Bengal history. But Sher Shah [22] captured
Bengal in April in 1538 defeating Ghiyas-udDin Mahmud Shah[ 23 ]
and included Bengal the province of Delhi. However, Mughal emperor
Humayun took a step against Sher Khan and subjugated Bengal in
July of the same year, and stayed six months in Bengal. And in the
next two years (1938-1940), Sher Khan not only reoccupied Bengal in
1939but also ascended to the throne of Delhi in 1940 by defeating
Humayun in some inevitable battles with wonderful war strategy. So,
he founded the Suri Dynasty (1539-1564 and Bengal became a
dependency of the Delhi Empire under Suri. But in 1564, the last Suri
ruler Ghiyas- udDin-III was killed by Taj Khan Karrani, who employed
as one of the chief officers under Sher Shah, and the founder sultan
(1564-1665) of the Karrani Dynasty (1564-1576) in Bengal. Thus, these
mentioning political transactions prevailed in Bengal as a chaotic
period that resulted in socio-political instability, political unrest, and
chaos the Bara-Bhuiyans of the Eastern Bengal ascended to power.
Abdul Karim stated Bara-Bhuiyans were the heirs to the independent
sultanate which was two hundred years old in Bengal. After inspection
and examination of the discovered coins of the time, he decided
without confusion that Sher Shah or his successor Islam Shah was not
able to establish authority in eastern Bengal fully. Hence
he remarked for that reason that following the fall of the independent
sultanate and predominantly with Sher Shah's decentralization of
administration, the chaotic state and disruptive forces prevailed
particularly in Eastern Bengal, in the Bhati region. None of Sher Shah
or Humayun could establish authority in Bengal as a whole during the
unrest, since two years of Sher Shah's conflict of power. The outlying
area would have been outside of their effective jurisdiction except for
the capital city of Gaur. Bengalees had tasted independence for a long
time and now they didn't remain only idle viewers of the
AfghanMughal conflict and its result. That is why Delhi used to find
Bengalees the Balghakians (rebels or people prone to rebellion) and
Bengal the Balghakpur (rebellious country) [ 24 ]. Besides, Bengal is
riverine deltaic land; the particularly eastern side of Bengal is full of
streams, revivers, creeks, and rivulets. So the geographical condition
and position also inspired the Bara-Bhuiyans for the struggle of their
independence. "So it is very natural that during these years of unrest
and instability, taking advantage of the absence of a strong central
government, the bhuiyans became independent in their respective
territories." Abdul Karim also solves some historical points made by
C.W.B. Rouse and N. K. Bhattasali. Rouse didn't his information about
the rise of Bara Bhuiyans; to him, in the time of exchanging the power
between Afghans and Mughals chiefs or Bhuiyans practically emerged
in Bengal. But he didn't point out anything on the rise of Bara-
Bhuiyans. To the other hand, Bhattasali commented the rise of Bara-
Bhuiyans dated with the fall of Daud Khan Karrani in 1576. Here Abdul
Karim proved that while writing this, Bhattasali did not note that even
before Daud's fall Isa Khan had gathered enough power to defeat
Shah Bardi's Mughal navy. He also thought the Bara-Bhuiyans arose all
over Bengal, butwe saw above that the Bara-Bhuiyans rose to power in
Bhati.

Significance of the name of Bara-Bhuiyans and their identity:

Historians have different views on the naming and numbering of the
Bara- Bhuiyans of Bengal. Abdul Karim analyzed the formulas
obtained by combining all the opinions and was rather successful in
determining the significance and number of their naming. Many
prominent researchers of Bengal have incorporated the concept of
Bar Bhuiyan, which is prevalent in Bangladesh, in imitation of East
Indian Assam, Kochbihar, Shyamdesh, and Arakan. And they used to
mean many bhuiyans by the term ―Bara-Bhuiyans‖. In consequence
of the fact, Satish Chandra Mitra and M. A. Rahim were not certain
about the areas and numbers of Bara-Bhuiyans; they commented that
no reason to determine it that Bara-Bhuiyans are the specific twelve
numbers of bhuiyans, rather the term meant the number of bhuiyans
those established control over manyterritories in Bengal. Likewise,
European researchers perceived that all landlords of Bengal were
largely included as Bara-Bhuiyans. Bhattasali viewed, the Bara-
Bhuiyans of Bengal received the appellation on the analogy of Assam.
He said that from the history of Assam, noted that several small Chiefs
emerged and became independent when the overland disappeared or
became weak. The common name was Bara-Bhuiyan. When
conditions in Bengal became similar in 1576, with the fall of Daud
Khan Karrani, the repression of the BaraBhuiyans of Assam by Bisva-
Simha was still new in everybody's mind. Thus, on Assam's analogy,
the independent chiefs who emerged in Bengal promptly earned the
name of Bara- Bhuiyans. The most logical interpretation of the
nomenclature seems to Bhattasali to be that.
He also affirmed sided with the almost same opinion of S. Mitra [25].
So, Bhattasali and all previous researchers explained 'Bara-Bhuiyans'
with the rigid view that they took their jurisdiction over all Bengal. But
the contemporary historians of the time like Mirza Nathan, Abul Fazal
when cited Bara-Bhuiyans, they also mentioned Bhati. Even they
confined the BaraBhuiyans within the area of Bhati. Of course,
Bhattasali discussed that those Bhuiyans fought against Mughal to
save independence and freedom, they should be recognized Bara-
Bhuiyans only; although he stated it from another standpoint.
Jadunath Sarkar also viewed thatBara-Bhuiyans spread all over the
Bengal region. Here Abdul Karim clearly uttered that the
historic BaraBhuiyans were the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati only, not the
bhuiyans of whole Bengal. And he affirmed these BaraBhuiyans rose
against the Mughal aggression during king Akbar and Jahangir for the
sake of the freedom of their motherland. Appreciating all discussions
on actual numbers of Bara-Bhuiyans, Abdul Karim gave the priority
and believed as a more reliable source than all others the Baharisn-i-
Gaibi of Mirza Nathan. He came to the decision that Bara-Bhuiyans
were exact twelve in number, Abul Fazal as well as Mirza Nathan
mentioning also the number as twelve; but in their books, in the reign
of Akbar and Jahangir, they enlisted and mentioned total thirteen
names of Bhuiyans. Abul Fazal for example said that Isa Khan gained
fame and made himself subject to the 12 zamindars of Bengal.
Likewise, Mirza Nathan used to state that Musa Khan and twelve of his
allied zamindars. Abdul Karim explained the fact, according to Abul
Fazal, the actual number of bhuiyans was twelve, with thechief or
leader Isa Khan during Akbar‘s period they were total thirteen.
Similarly, Mirza Nathan identified Musa Khan during Jahangir with his
allied twelve zamindars of Bhati, thus they were also thirteen.
Moreover, it is also verified, Musa Khan was subjected to all Bhuiyan
by his military skills and diplomatic supremacy, inheritably after Musa
Khan, Isa Khan becamethe leader and chief of BaraBhuiyans. So,
according to the documents of Mirza Nathan and Abul Fazal, Abdul
Karim listed the BaraBhuiyans during Akbar as follows:
01. Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala (chief of the BaraBhuiyans) 02. Ibrahim Naral
(Sunargoan pargana
) 03. Karimdad Musazai (Maheswardi pargana) 04. Majlis Dilawar
(Joanshahi ) 05. Majlish Pratap (Khaliajuri) 06. Tila Ghazi (Bhawal region)
07. Kadar Rai (Bikrampur) 08. Sher Khan (
09. Bahadur Ghazi (Bhawal) 10. Chand Ghazi (Chandpratap pargana)
11. Sultan Ghazi (Sultanpratap pargana) 12. Selim Ghazi (Selimpratap
pargana) 13. Qasim Ghazi (Qasimpur andTalibabad) During Emperor
Jahangir, the Bara-Bhuiyans with their leader Masnad-i-Ala Musa Khan
have been mentioned following the description of Mirza Nathan as
follows:
01. Musa Khan (The head of the Bara-Bhuiyans, the son of Isa Khan) 02.
Alaul Khan (Nephewof Isa Khan) 03. Abdullah Khan (son of Isa Khan)
04. Mahmud Khan (son of Isa Khan) 05. Bahadur Ghazi (Bhawal
pargana) 06. Suna Ghazi (Bhawal) 07. Anwar Ghazi (Bhawal) 08. Shaikh
Pir (alley of Musa Khan) 09. Mirza Mumin 10. Madhav Rai (Khalsi
parfana, Manikgunj) 11. Binode Rai (Chandpratap pargana)) 12.
Pahiwan (Matanga pargana) 13. Haji Shams-ud-Din Baghdadi (alley of
Musa Khan) We saw that there were twelve Bara-Bhuiyans, both Abul
Fazal and Mirza Nathan mentioned the number as twelve. So we have
to look for them in the Bhati region to classify the Bara-Bhuiyans. Abul
Fazal stated Isa Khan was the zamindar of Bhati and 12 zamindars of
Bengal subjected to him. On the contrary, Mirza Nathanexposed that
Islam Khan would personally go to Bhati after the rainy season, to
punish Musa Khan and the region's zamindars. Now, question is to
arise, Bara-Bhuiyans those were specific numbers twelve and thirteen
along with their chief, what was the region they subjugated and took
arms against Mughals? The previous researchers traced them
throughout the whole Bengalregion and looked them all over Bengal
territories; the same thought of the scholars was mentioned above.
But Abdul Karim finally decided that Bara-Bhuiyans or Twelve
zamindars ruled over only Bhati of Bengal or a definite geographical
area of East Bengal, none them for the whole Bengal. He assessed all
existing documents and pointed out a comparative analysis of the
materials regarded in the region of Bara-Bhuiyans. Contemporary and
modern European scholars took effort outlining the boundary of Bara-
Bhuians and a brief history of their struggleindicating with the
individual region. Portuguese Du-Jaric and Bishop Dom Padro
discussed Bengal from letters and reports of their people who visited
Bengal, though they never visited the region. Thus, their writings
cannot be much relied upon. But Fray Sebestien Manrique visited
Bengal and passed a time in the region with India, who failed to
identify the boundary line of Bara-Bhuiyans, where he cited twelve
kingdoms of Bhuiyans throughout Bengal territory. On the other hand,
English traveler Ralph Fitch made valuable information about Bara-
Bhuiyans and their region of Bhati. He said all of the Bhuiyans were
involved in rebels against Akbar, since, there are numerous rivers as
well as islands here that they can fled from
one side to another, and the horsemen of Akbar were unable to
triumph against them. So it can be decided from the descriptions of
Ralph Fitch that the area of Bara-Bhuiyans located the riverine Eastern
Bengal, not the whole Bengal. As a result, the Mughal expansion was
marked as incomplete without uniting the eastern part of Bengal and
they had indeed a precarious whole over the region. Hence, some
parts of Bengal remained under the control of Mughal during Akbar.
Though river oriented East Bengal (Modern Bangladesh) with its Bhati
region (particularly Sherpur district, Demra of Dhaka, Savor of Dhaka,
Ghatail of Tangail district, Norsingdi district) were captured By the
Mughal force for a very short time, East Bengal with Bhati would be
re-occupied by independent landlords. And analyzing all existing
sources and references, Abdul Kaim was the scholar who sketched out
the Bhati kingdom of Bara-Bhuiyansaccordingly as: ---The above
discussion helps us to determine the limits of Bhati as follows: The
river Ichamati in the west, the River Ganges in the south, the kingdom
of Tipper in the eastand to the north Alapsingh paragana in the
greater district of Mymensingh stretching towards north-east to
Baniachang in Sylhet. The low-lying area of greater districts of Dhaka,
Mymensingh, Tippera and Sylhet; watered and surrounded by the
three great rivers the Ganges,the Brahmaputra and the Meghna and
their numerous branches constituted Bhati in the days of Akbar and
Jahangir. (Karim, History of Bengal, 1992, p. 113)

The resistance of Bara-Bhuiyans against Mughal aggression and the

assessment of their defeat: It was already mentioned, the Bara-
Bhuiyans aroused in Bengal led by Musa Khan and Isa Khan
immediately after the fall of the central political power of Bengal, with
the downfall of the last king of the Karrani dynasty - Subedar Khan
Jahan (1575-1578) led the Mughal army where Daud Khan Karrani was
defeated. In this transition of political power, Isa Khan was the
greatest amongst Bhuiyans (Landlords) of Bengal in the time of
Mughal aggression. According to Akbarnama, even Mughal naval
commander Shah Bardi fell into the assaulting of Isa Khan in the time
of Subedar Khan Jahan. Abdul Karim assessed the fact that when Khan
Jahan went back from East Bengal without any decisive result against
Bara- Bhuiyans in 1978, Tila Ghazi of Talibabad got intrigued by
Mughal and Ibrahim Naral surrendered to Subedar. If this two
Bhuiyans would have not stung Isa Khan, Mughal would have ruined
adversely. Such internal conspiracy, rebels, surrendering, secret
collisions were a normal phenomenon in the contemporary Bengal.
The amazing fact is that he had never submitted loyalty to Mughal
until his death. After Isa Khan, though they were forced to surrender,
his son Musa Khan with all other successors made watch vigilance and
built a strongwall of resistance against the Mughal Empire. Isa Khan's
first march noted stopping Mughal's extension in 1578 AC;
temporarily he was defeated by Mughal in the confrontation, then
reinforced with the aid of Tripura's king Amar Manikya and retreated
Mughal's army.
Consequently, he was able to establish his jurisdiction over almost
Eastern Bengal after a seriesof military operations against Mughal and
local landlords and resulted in the title being taken himself "Masnad-i-
Ala." And the successive mutiny of Bengal's Mughal army commanders
induced Isa Khan to consolidate his supremacy over the region of East
Bengal. Abdul Karim assumed that Isa Khan succeeded in position as
the leader of Bara-Bhuiyans within the year from 1580 to 1584, then
took the scope of the restless political turmoil in the cause of Mughal
commanders' rebels in Bengal, he expanded his power and entitled
himself Masnad-i-Ala. ThenMuzaffar Khan (1579-1580) was appointed
as Subadar of Bengal, though he failed to suppress rivals of Bhuiyans.
As a ruler, yet clearly his intellectual powers had now weakened and
he hadlost his former vision clearness, and rapid decision on power.
After just one year, the tragic taleof his viceroyalty ended in his
assassination at the hands of his mutinous soldiers. Meanwhile, the
rebel's power of Mughal formed a government in Bengal in the name
of Akbar's brother Mirza Hakim, and finally, Akbar succeeded in
recovering the rival occupied lost territories in 1581. Mughal ruler
Khan Azam Mirza Aziz Koka (1582-1583) came to power, but he was
reluctant to invade Bara-Bhuiyans. Next, Shahbaz Khan (1583-1586)
came forwarded to
control Bara-Bhuiyans in 1584 against Isa khan and Masum Khan
kabuli as well soon after getting his post as a Subadar. But he
completely failed to subjugate Bhati. Masum Khan Kabulior Isa Khan,
none could be dislodged from their powers and the rule of Mughal
was restricted to its former locations in Ghraghat in the north and
Sherpur Murcha in district Bogra. In the middle of two times of
Shahbaz Khan, Sadik Khan served as subahdar in 1885 and he was
failed to be a success in occupying Bhati. After him, Shahbaz Khan
again afforded invasions two times more since all appeared failures.
On the contrary, Isa Khan founded his authority whole region from
Sonargaon to Agarasendhur, Sarail within 1584. According to Ain-i-
Akbariand Jadunath Sarkar, Shahbaz Khan took a phase of solidarity
and peace in Bengal in his last chapter of the ruling session. Where
Abdul Karim asserted, Shahbaz Khan was not able to achieve anything
in Bengal and he didn't establish control over the Bhati region. Then
Wazir Khan came to power for one year (1586-1587), and he passed
away without any triumph.
Furthermore, during Said Khan (1588-1594), no descriptive fleet
appeared in history for six years of his reign. Subahdar Raja Man Singh
Kachwah (1594- 1605) founded the city Rajmahalin 1995 and
transferred the capital of Bengal from Tanda. On the same year, Man
Singh advanced towards Bhati against Isa Khan and Masum Khan
Kabuli, because both attacked Ghoraghat. Yet they had to withdraw
due to the lower water flow of the river, and went back tothe Kinara
Sindur (Egara Sindur) on the river Brahmaputra. But Man Singh again
possessed a vast fleet to Bhati in 1597 that was a failed campaign. Isa
Khan and Masum Khan prudently faced the attacks from their
strategic position, and in the battle of Bhati against BaraBhuiyans the
son of man Singh Durjan Singh was killed who invaded Katrab (the
capital city of Isa Khan) and Mughals were defeated adversely,
unfortunately, Man Singh returned from Bengal without any
achievements against Bara-Bhuiyans. The year 1599 carried great
mishaps for the history of the Bara-Bhoiyans and all at once a matter
of good luck of Mughals, because demises of Masum Khan Kabuli and
Isa Khan were happened in natural. Giving information about the
death of Isa Khan, delighted Abul Fazl writes "By wondrous fate that
turbulent landholder died and the thorn bush of commotion was
extirpated.‖ But after the death of Isa Khan, Man Singh failed to send
any more expeditions against Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati except the
suppression of the member of Bara-Bhuiyans Kedar Rai of Bikrampur
and Sripur. Man Singh himself led the expedition against Bhati in 1603
and 1604, and he conquered the whole region according to Abul Fazal
and founded Thanas at strategic locations. But it is hard to say how far
the testimony of Abul Fazal will be believed. Since events later show
that as before, Bhati remained outside of Mughal's control. The entire
Bhati is found in the possession of
Bara-Bhuiyans when Islam Khan Chisti took over as subahdar. The
Mughals had only one thana at Alapsingh pargana, also captured by
Khwaja Usman on the eve of Islam Khan's appointment of a provincial
governor of Bengal. After Akbar, Emperor Jahangir came to the throne,
two subahdar Raja Man Singh (1605-1605) and Khan Azam Mirza Aziz
Koka (1606- 1607) respectively took the governorship of Bengal. And
their tenure was followed with uneventful consequences in the Bhati
as well as Bengal. Then subahdar Islam Khan Chisti (1608-), the most
familiar and premeditated skilled warrior, led the Mughals army and
gained against BaraBhuiyans by which the three-era resistance
struggle of glorious Bara-Bhuiyans came to an end. Hence, he proved
to be a very successful subahdar through which he gained such
success that no other subahdar had attained. According to Mirza
Nathan and Abdul Latif‘sdairy [26] provide the intuition that Islam
Khan rightly realized that Bhati's Bara-Bhuiyans were the key
impediment to Mughal power in Eastern Bengal. Till the reign of Akbar,
Bengal was remained to conquer. After getting an appointment, Islam
Khan rose to the occasion and gave proof of his skill by subjugating
the whole of Bengal within a short period of four years
and a half. Of course, the emperor promoted Islam Khan‘s rank in times
and even regularly showered favors and necessary supports upon him
in his turn by sending reinforcement of soldiers, advisors, equipment
and arms, artillery and gun powder, and whatever required from
subahdar. So, He drew up his action plans carefully and was able to
conquer battle after battle,
overcoming all challenges with fortitude and determination. In
Baharistan, notable sides of hisaction plan were given like he decided
to march to Bhati and Bara-Bhuiyans, he deployed dutiful loyal well-
trained armed forces, arranged organized and strong navy marching
towardsBhati, moved the capital from Rajmahal to Dhaka, as the focal
point of Bhati, defeated and submitted zamindars were not allowed
by him go back to their territories but enrolled into imperial services
so that they played off each other among them.

Expedition to Bhati and surrender of Bara-Bhuiyans: Coming out

from Rajmahal to Ghoraghat (Dec. 1608 - Oct. 1609), Islam Khan won
the submission of Birbhum, Pachet, andHijli with other two big
zamindars- Raja Prapaditya of Jessore and Bushana's Raja Satrajit.
Subahdar also sent fleets for fighting against Suna bazu, Shazadpur
(both were situated in modern Pabna district) and Chandrapratap
pargana (in Manikganj district). He made north, west, and south
Bengal free of enemies through diplomacy, persuasion, conflicts, and
battles;the zamindars and chiefs there either submitted willingly or
were compelled to submit.
Therefore, Islam then Khan completed all preparations for the invasion
to Bhati while being fully free from disobedient and rivals zamindars
from all sides throughout the whole Bengal within 1609 AD and set
out from Ghoraghat after the rainy season. Immediate before the
expedition to Bhati, the most important decision was taken by Islam
Khann establishment of capital at Dhaka, and he sent warboats,
artilleries, and imperial fleet to Dhaka where a fort wasalso made with
declaring it as the new capital of Bengal. Musa Khan and his allies
presumably did not oppose it because they were devoting all their
attention to Islam Khan. The first phase of the Mughal-Bara-Bhuiyan
War took place before Islam Khan took three months to arrive at
Dhaka. The imperialists now came face to face with the Bara-Bhuiyans,
with Islam Khan at Katasgarh and the Imperial Navy at Khal Jogini. The
impregnable Jatrapur [27] fort of Musa Khan lay near Katasgarh. The
Mughal force marched with keeping deep vigilance out of Katashgarh
toward Jatrapur fort. On the way of forwarding Jatrapur, the Mughal
army built strengthens security walls throughout all of their
campaigns. Musa Khan and Bara-Bhuiyans now constructed
Dackchara [ 28] fort near Jatrapur frot with a deep trench on the bank
of the Padma where the imperial army was halting. Isalm Khan also
ordered to dig a canal for makingdirect navigation in touch with Musa
Khan's forts. After three days' indecisive war between both sides, Islam
Khan succeeded in marching very close to Jatrapur. Musa Khan
realized to reach a truce with the Mughals and met with subahdar. But
arising a misunderstanding among both on misbehave of a dancing
girl of Islam Khan, Musa Khan then seriously considered for fighting
against Mughal. Meanwhile, the most amicable ally of Musa Khan
Majlish Qutub of Fathabad (previous Faridpur) was defeated by
Mughal force and Khawja Osman was fully encompassed by the
Mughal army with strict surveillance; Bara-Bhuiyans and Musa Khan
fought with mighty Mughal power since three months. At final, Musa
Khan and BaraBhuiyans were defeated and retreated to the river
Lakhya and making the river as his base of defense he began
preparation for the second and final phase of the war with Mughals.
On the contrary, occupying Dakchara and Jatrapur fort, the happy
heart Islam Khan started for Dhaka intended for overthrowing the rest
of the Bhati area. With reaching Dhaka Islam Khan deployed a well-
equipped Mughal army to all strategic positions and posted loyal
admirals based on a topographical assessment to defeat Bara-
Bhuiyans of East Bengal. Musa Khan was also ready for battle; he
stressed the defense of the Lakhya river, where Katrabo, his
headquarters his capital city, and Sunargaon, were laid on. Hence, he
defended the Bandar canal; this canal flows through Sunargaon and
meets the river Lakhya, where it is known as Tribeni Khal; he
constructed two forts on two sides of the canal of Bandar, and he took
his position in one fort. But, surprisingly, Musa Khan did not take
action to protect Khizirpur, which on one side controlled the Lakhya
River and on the other the Bandar canal. He left Khizirpur to be
occupied by the imperialists; he had not realized that Islam Khan
would win half the battle by occupying Khizirpur. Islam Khan sat a
mosque in Khizirpur and held a council of war. It was
decided there that Itimam Khan should take command of Khizirpur,
and that Shah Rukn shouldmarch to Demra Khal (Demra canal)
against Mahmud Khan, Mirza Nathan would go to Katrabo in
opposition to Daud Khan, and Shaikh Abdul Wahid would campaign
for Chaura aligned with Bahadur Ghazi. Islam Khan reiterated his
preceding order to name some loyal admiral at different locations in
Bhati. The imperialists, having made all these precautions, launched an
assault on 12 March 1611. After taking place a great battle and a hand
to hand fight, the fort of Katrabo was occupied by Mirza Nathan and
the imperial fleet; similarly, the place Qadam Rasul and the procession
of Bandar khal were also won by Mughals. All of a sudden, Mirza
Nathan and other admirals fell upon Musa Khan's fort, and upon the
arrival of the elephants near the fort, Musa Khan left the fort without a
battle to save himself and fled.
Also, Mirza Mumin followed his leader Musa Khan for captivating
protection. But in the meantime, the Bandar was filled with the river's
flow-tide, and crossing back for men and horses became difficult.
When zamindars saw the Mughals' pitiful state, they dropped onto the
troops who had already crossed the other side. And again there was a
great war going on, but atlast Musa khan and his allies retreated to
Sunargaon. Sunargaon then was occupied ruled by imperialists and
Musa Khan fled to the island Ibrahimpur [29]. Musa Khan, after this
war, lost his fighting capacity against the Mughal army. Islam Khan
realized there was no longer any need to send expeditions against
him. After the subjugation Bhati, Islam Khan now received the
submission of Bahadur Ghazi (Chaura) and Majlish Qutb (Fathabad).
He also sent expeditions against an ally of Musa Khan Ananta Manikya
of Bhulua (modern Noakhali district), and Bhulua was conquered just
before the rainy season in 1611. After the fall of Bhulua, in his
struggles, Musa Khan lost all hope and saw no other way to protect
him than to surrender to Islam Khan. Thus, finally with the mediation
of imperial officials, Musa Khan along with all his brothers and allies
submitted to Islam Khan; they were kept under the supervision of
Mughals and for their upkeep, each estate of them was given back as
their jagirs.When Musa Khan and his zamindar allies submitted to
Islam Khan, Anwar khan of Baniachangand Pahlwan of Matang were
within their respective territories. They put up a strong fight at fort
Dakchara with Musa Khan but returned to their respective places after
the first phase of thebattle. Islam Khan sent expeditions against Anwar
Kahn and then his brother Husain Khan and they attempted to fall
Islam Khan and the imperialists with several strategies. But after some
severe battles, they had no choice but to surrender to the Mughals
themselves. Similarly, Pahlwan of Matang's decline and fall hiked a
serious battle against the enemy but lost. So Matang, Bara-Bhuiyans'
last stronghold, was caught.

CONCLUSION: N K Bhattasali once expressed with grief: --- It is very

greatly to be regretted that the importance of Isa Khan's struggles
has not even now been seen in its properperspective, — no scholar
has yet turned up even to look up the references given by Mr.
Beveridge or to read through the whole of Akbarnama and other
cognate works to find out if further details of Isa Khan's struggles are
available. (Bhattasali, 1928, p. 39). Happily, we can remark that
historian Abdul Karim has fulfilled the expectation of previous scholars
and boughtBara-Bhuiyans and their glorious history in the daylight.
With the capture of East Bengal of BaraBhuiyans, Islam Khan put an
end to the rival power in the whole of Bengal and easily wonall other
obstacles. He drew up his action plan vigilantly and carried out it with
bravery and commitment, and overcame all challenges with intensity
and determination. Islam Khan had noalternative to the conquest of
Bhati and to be the provincial governor of Bengal for breaking the
strong resistance of Bara-Bhuiyans like lead cast wall against an
imperialist power. Mughalhad no dearth of war equipment that was
needed to put over BaraBhuiyans and their region Bhati. On the other
hand, Bara-Bhuiyans had no elephants and large cavalry except in the
navy,but above all for their motherland, they had indomitable bravery
and patriotism and love of independence. "It should also be noted
that this was an unequal war on the one side, there was
the subahdar of Bengal with the active support of the great Mughal
emperor and on the other hand, there were a few zamindars of a part
of a subah." The main missile of the Bhuiyans was their morale against
the large imperialist forces equipped with modern weapons. Since
some pragmatic strategies can also be traced for the loss of freedom
from the side of Bara-Bhuiyans. It has been stated that by leaving
Khizirpur undefended Musa Khan committed a big mistake. He should
have realized that Khizirpur is more important than protecting both
the Bengalese army and Islam Khan. Musa Khan was supposed to have
occupied and strengthened Khizirpur, because it maintained the
connectivity, on one hand, Katrabo and Chaura and, on the other side,
Sunargaon and the Bandar Canal was maintained by it. Musa Khan
permitted them to capture both the wings of his army and naval
facilities in a position of command and advantage, by enabling the
Mughals to capture Khizirpur. (Karim, History of Bengal, 1992, p. 260)
War strategic policy from both sides and their plan of action also
contributed to obtaining defeat andvictory. Reviewed and observed
from both sides‘ policies that Musa Khan‘s approach seems to have
been defensive while Islam Khan has taken offensive measures. Abdul
Karim truly appreciated that both Musa Khan and Islam Khan were
racing to capture strategically importantpositions, as Musa Khan took
defensive action and Islam Khan was also taking offensive preparation;
and Islam Khan was able to occupy Khizirpur first in the battle. Mughal
army was well-equipped and reinforced with all requirements in the
Bhati campaign against Bara- Bhuiyans, imperialist were superior in
expeditions where zamindars were inferior in numbers and artilleries
except gallant resistance. Despite the higher positions, Mughal
soldiers who werekilled in the battle, their families were given a big
amount of financial supports; and on the eve of commencing battle,
all soldiers were given golden coins and a huge amount of money as
an incentive for fighting. Thus, by a blessing with financial inducement,
the Mughal army did not hesitate to fight Bara-Bhuiyans and they
were not going back to fight to the death. On the contrary, Bara-
Bhuiyans and their soldiers were encouraged and motivated by
grabbing the spirit of patriotism only. Hence, if the Bara-Bhuiyans did
not have patriotism and indomitable courage, they would have
colluded with the Mughals to gain their interests and maintain their
 zamindari without valiant resistance and fighting against the Mughal
imperialism.

Battle of Plassey 1757

BATTLE OF PLASSEY BACKGROUND:

1) Building up of Animosity- After the death of Alivardi Khan, Siraj-ud-
daula succeeded him as theNawab of Bengal. From the very beginning of
his rule, he wanted to check the growing power of the British. He tried to
control the corrupt British officials and as such, became their bitter enemy.
At the time of Siraj-ud-daula’s accession, political uncertainty prevailed in
Bengal. His nawabship was not acceptable to some of his political rivals.
He was surrounded by problems on all sides.
The British meanwhile started fortifying Calcutta without the permission
and knowledge of NawabSiraj-ud-daula. Siraj-ud-daula ordered them to
stop their enhancement of military preparedness butthe Company
refused to do so. The English were also misusing Dastak (free permit)
based on the Mughal Firman, issued to them in 1717 by Farrukhsiyar and
causing huge financial loss to the exchequer of Bengal. Besides, they also
started selling the Dastaks to Indian traders. Another complaint that Siraj
had against the British was that they gave refuge to Krishna Das, son of
Raja Rajballava, his enemy man
(2) Siege of Fort William- Angry Siraj attacked Calcutta on June 16, 1756,
and captured it on 20thJune. His large army and sudden attack surprised
the British. Though the majority of English had already fled to Fulta,
twenty miles lower down the river, but few of them were made captive
and kept in a cell. The British retaliated and captured Calcutta under the
leadership of Robert Clive. Clive also accused the Nawab of conspiring
with the French against the British. But the fact of the matter was that
Robert Clive was himself involved in hatching a conspiracy against the
Nawab.

(3) Intrigues-
Robert Clive decided to use every possible means to bring
about the downfall of Siraj-ud-daula. In this process, he won over the
rebellious nobles of the Nawab to his side. Chief
among them was Mir Jaffar, the Mir Bakshi (Commander-in-chief), Jagath
Seth (Banker), and Amin Chand (trader). Mir Jaffar was promised the
nawabship of Bengal and in return, the British expected a huge amount of
money and important trading privileges and rights.

(4) Battle- A secret agreement was signed between the British, represented
by Lord Clive and Mir Jaffar on June 5, 1757. The circumstances were fast
moving in the direction of a war. The British army and those of the Nawab
finally clashed in the famous battle of Plassey on June 23, 1757. The
Nawab had an army of 50,000 men under the command of Mir Jaffar. As
per the secret treaty signedbetween Mir Jaffar and the British, Mir Jaffar
and other allies did not participate in the battle. They remained mere
onlookers and eventually, the Nawab was left with only 5,000 troops.
Realizing that he had been betrayed, Siraj-ud-daula had no choice but to
withdraw. However, he was soon captured and put to death. The British
lost only 29 soldiers while the Nawab lost about 500 men.

CONSEQUENCES OF BATTLE OF PLASSEY 1757:

Sir Jadunath Sarkar says, “On June 23, 1757, the Middle Ages of India
ended and her modern age began. In the space of less than one
generation, in the twenty years from Plassey (1757-76), the landbegan to
recover from the blight of medieval theocratic rule”. This is a retrospective
reading of the consequences of the battle of Plassey. Luke Scrafton, who
served as the Company’s Resident at the nawab’s durbar after Plassey,
wrote: “The general idea at this time entertained by the servants of the
Company was that the battle of Plassey did only restore us to the same
situation we were in before the capture of Calcutta (by Siraj-ud-daula);
the subah (subahdar) was conceived to be as independent as ever, and
the English returned into their commercial character…” This statement
ignores the fact that substantial restraints on the nawab’s independence
had been imposed by Mir Jafar’s pre-Plassey treaty (June 5, 1757) with
the English. Legally, however, the English did not become political
masters of Bengal in 1757. A few years later the Supreme Court of
Calcutta heldthat only the inhabitants of Calcutta and not those of other
English factory areas were British Subjects. Theoretically, therefore, the
English retained their “commercial character” even after Plassey.

The verdict of Plassey was confirmed by the English victory at Buxar

(1764). During the intervening years, the “commercial character” of the
English became predominantly political because Mir Jafar was weak in
character, Clive’s firmness and ingenuity pushed him into helplessness,
the Marathas lost for some years their military power and political
ascendancy as a result of their defeat at Panipat, and the French suffered
complete shipwreck in South India. In 1757no one could have predicted
the impending misfortunes of the Marathas and the French, but the
establishment of British rule in Bengal could hardly have been anticipated.
“It was the events of thenext ten years which turned a paramount
influence into a new regime”.

Plassey gave the English certain immediate advantages military and

commercial and created a fieldfor the establishment of their political
influence in “three provinces abounding in the most valuable
production of nature and art”. The exclusion of the French from Bengal
strengthened their positionin South Indian struggle. Success
strengthened their self-confidence. As early as 1759 Clive suggested to
Pitt the Elder, a leading member of the King’s government in London, the
advisabilityof establishment of direct control of the crown over the
Company’s possessions in Bengal.

Causes for the battle of Plassey :

1. Misuse of the concession pass (Dastaks): The British had received tax
concessions from the Mughal Emperors. But, servents of the East India
Company were misusing the concessions by openly indulging in private
trade for profit. They refused to pay any taxes to the Nawab. This
resulted in the loss of income to the state, and was opposed by the
Nawab of Bengal. This was themain cause for the battle of Plassey.

2. Shelter to the French and demolition of fortifications of factories: The

British and the Frenchwere rivals. The British captured Chandranagore
from the French. Siraj-ud-Daula gave shelter to some Frenchmen, which
angered the British. Siraj-ud-Daula tried to develop cordial relations with
the British, but soon the relations got strained because the British fearing
the French attack began to fortify their factories in Bengal which was
counter to the interest of Bengal, when Siraj-ud-Daula protested and
demanded for the demolition of all fortifications of factories.

3. Political
cause – Encouragement to the opponents of Siraj-ud Daula:
Siraj-ud-Daula had many rivals. Soon after his succession to the throne, it
was opposed by Shaukath Jung, Ghasti Begum andRajavallabha who put
forward theirclaims to the throne. The British fully supported the
opponents of Siraj-ud-Daulah and ultimately succeeded in bringing his
downfall.

4. Theblack hole incident or tragedy : During ap attack on Kasim Bazar,

the forces of Nawab besieged Fort William (Calcutta). The 146 civilians
comprising of women and children who surrendered to the Nawab’s army
 were taken prisoners and forced into a small dark cell (15’ × 18’) within
the fort and killed in the most inhuman manner. This incident called ‘The
Block hole episodeor Tragedy’ took place on 20th June 1757.

5. Course of the Battle: Peace was concluded between the British and
Siraj-ud-Daula and the treatyof Aligarh was signed in February 1757.
Robert Clive hatched a conspiracy with the commander Mir Jafar against
Sirajud-Daula. When the arrangements were complete, Clive took position
at Plassey (Bhagirathi river). However, when the war broke out, the troops
under Mir Jafar remained inactive and Sirajud-Daula was defeated and he
fled and got killed while trying to escape.

Who Fought in Battle of Plassey

The battle was primarily fought between the East India Company led by
Robert Clive and the Nawab of Bengal Siraj-ud-daula. However, there are
various key people involved in the battle. Questions related to such
people are often asked in UPSC and other government exams. Let’s look
at all the important people involved in the Battle of Plassey:
 Siraj-ud-daula: He was the then Nawab of Bengal. He took upon East
India company because of their misuse of dastaks. The more immediate
cause of the Battle of Plassey was the fortification of Fort Williams by the
East India Company
 Robert Clive: Robert Clive was the commander-in-chief of the army of the
British East India Company. He bribed the key people of the army of
Nawab of Bengal Siraj-Ud-Daula and conspiredwith the bankers and
merchants of Bengal to get him imprisoned and finally killed.
 Mir Jafar - He was the Mir-Bakshi or the military head of an army of
Nawab of Bengal. However, he betrayed Siraj-Ud-Daula upon being
bribed by Robert Clive. It is also one of the major causes of the defeat of
Siraj-ud-daula in the Battle of Plassey.
 Rai Durlabh: He was also one of the commanders of Siraj-ud-daula’s
army, but he also betrayedNawab having being bribed by the East India
Company.
 Jagat Seth: He was the biggest banker of Bengal at the time. He was a
part of the conspiracy thatinvolved the imprisonment and ultimate
killing of Nawab Siraj-Ud-Daulah.
The key people who betrayed Siraj-Ud-Daula during the Battle of Plassey
were Mir Zafar, Rai Durlabh, Khandim Khan. In addition to them, the
people who conspired against Siraj that ultimatelyled to his imprisonment
and death were Manikchand, Aminchand and Jagat Seth.

Results of the battle of Plassey :

1. Britishdomination over Bengal: The British established domination over

the political life of Bengal. Mir Jafar was made the Nawab of Bengal. He
was called a Sovereign but in actual practice he was nothing more than a
puppet of the company. He could be removed from the throne any time,
by the Company.

2. Territorialgains for the British: As a result, the British gained both in

territorial as well as in finances. The Company received the 24 Parganas
and other grants. The trade of the British Company greatly flourished
and it made huge profits. Robert Clive was appointed as the Governorof
Bengal.

3. Establishing political supremacy: The battle of Plassey left a deep

impact on the course ofAngloFrench conflict in Deccan. This battle
laid the foundation for the British supremacy in India.Read

SIGNIFICANCE OF BATTLE OF PLASSEY 1757:

(1) The battle proved to be of great historical significance as it paved
the way for British controlover Bengal and eventually over the whole
of India.

(2) The
battle created greed amongst the British for the wealth of Bengal
and resulted in its plunder.

(3) Thebattle also meant the beginning of the economic miseries for the
Indians. The economic exploitation of the people, which began with
Bengal, ultimately reduced India to a poorer country inthe world.
 The Indian Independence Act 1947

The 1947 Indian Independence Act was enacted by the United

Kingdom's Parliament, and it partitioned British India into two new
sovereign nations, India and Pakistan. The Act obtained Royal Assent on
July 18, 1947, and on August 15, 1947, India and Pakistan were formed,
with theWest (modern-day Pakistan) and East (modern-day Bangladesh)
areas.

The Indian National Congress, the Muslim League, and the Sikh
community reached an agreement with Lord Mountbatten on the 3 June
Plan, also known as the Mountbatten Plan, in the Indian assembly. The
last proposal for independence was this one. The UPSC Indian Polity and
Governance Syllabus includes The Indian Independence Act 1947 which is
described in this article.

Indian Independence Act (1947) - Historical Background

Attlee’s Announcement: The legislation was drafted by the Labour

Government of ClementAttlee. It is based totally at the Mountbatten
Plan or the 3rd June Plan which turned into formulated after the
leaders of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League
agreed to the suggestions of the Viceroy Lord Mountbatten.
The Prime Minister of the UK introduced on 20 February 1947 that
the British Governmentwould grant self-government to British India
by June 1948 at the latest.
3 June Plan: This was also known as the Mountbatten Plan.
The British authorities proposed a plan introduced on three June 1947.
The Indian Independence Act 1947 turned into the implementation of
the 3rd June Plan.
The Act determined to furnish independence to India and
Pakistan with impact from 15thAugust 1947.
The new boundaries of the dominions could be demarcated by the
Boundary Commission.
British suzerainty over the princely states turned into an end. These
states ought to determine whether to enroll in both India or
Pakistan or stay independent. Over 560 states are determined to
merge with India.
Until the brand new dominions’ constitutions could emerge as
 effective, the heads of the nation will be the respective Governor-
Generals who could retain to assent law passes withthe aid of
using the Constituent Assemblies in the name of the king.
This Act obtained the royal assent on 18th July 1947 and entered into
force.

Provisions of Indian Independence Act (1947)

The British authorities left India on Fifteenth August, 1947.

India will be divided into two sovereign provinces of India and
Pakistan and each of thosestates turns sovereign on this very day.
The powers formerly exercised through the British authorities in
India could be transferred toeach of those states.
Punjab and Bengal will be divided and its boundary will be
separated by a boundarycommission headed by Mr. Redcliff.
The Office of the Secretary of State for India will be abrogated.
Provision was made for the Governor-General for every territory,
who was to be named by the Queen of England on the exhortation
of the Dominion government. He was not to act in his individual
judgment or circumspection however will act just as the
constitutional head ofthe state.
 Each Domain must have a sovereign legislature to set the rules. No
legislation passed by theBritish Parliament will automatically apply
to India.
Both countries will have their own Constituent Assembly, which will
also act as a legislativebody.
Until a Constitution is formulated by a Constituent Assembly in any
dominion, it will workas closely as possible with the 1935 Act.
Provincial governors will act as constitutional heads of the provinces.
Reserving the posts of Secretary of State should be discontinued.
Government personnelwishing to resign after the transfer of
power to both dominions must do so.
British domination of the states and tribal territories of India will
end on August 15, 1947.In this case, power will be transferred not
to dominions but left to the states to decide whether they want to
participate in India or Pakistan.
From now on, the relationship of the UK government with India
will be managed throughthe Office of Commonwealth Affairs.
The King of England renounced the title of King and Emperor of India.
Pakistani territories include East Bengal, West Pakistan, Sindh and
British Baluchistan. In the event that the NWFP decides to join
Pakistan in a referendum, this territory will also join Pakistan.

Impact of the Act

The adoption of the Indian Independence Act of 1947 was

significant for constitutionaldevelopment.
As Attlee put it, it was "the fulfillment of the British mission" in India,
"the culmination of along process of events".
Likewise, Lord Samuel described the Law in the House of Lords as
"a peace treaty withoutwar."
Even the Indian leaders hailed the enactment of this Act. For
example, Dr. Rajendra Prasad said that the period of British rule
over India ends today and our relationship with the UK will continue
to be maintained on the basis of equality, goodwill, and mutual
understanding.
The law marked the beginning of a new era of free India, but a
large number of people andleaders were not satisfied with it.
 As Maulana Abul Kalam Azad commented: “August 14 for Muslims
in Pakistan is a day forHindus and Sikhs, it is a day of mourning.
The end of British rule over the Indian states and granting them
access to the Dominion ormaintaining independence poses a
serious threat to the unity of the states in India. Nation.
Despite these shortcomings, it cannot be denied that the Indian
Independence Act of 1947closed the chapter on British rule in
India and marked the beginning of a free India.

Repeal of the Act

The law empowered both provinces to repeal any act of

parliament applicable to them,including the Indian
Independence Act.
Later, India and Pakistan repealed the 1947 Independence
Act by adopting theirconstitutions.
Section 395 of the Indian Constitution and Section 221 of the
Pakistan Constitution of 1956effectively repealed the Act Indian
Independence Act 1947
With the adoption of the Constitution of India, the status of
dominion was also abolished andIndia became a republic.
Interestingly, the British Parliament has not yet contributed to the
repeal of the 1947 IndianIndependence Act.
 Although the new constitution does not have the legal power to
repeal laws, this is done inorder to break the chain of law and
make the constitution an independent legal system.

Conclusion
The adoption of the Indian Independence Act of 1947 was significant for
constitutional development. The law marked the beginning of a new era
of free India, but many people were not satisfied with it. Despite these
shortcomings, it cannot be denied that the Act closed the chapter on
British rule in India.

Language Movement
Language Movement began in 1948 and reached its climax in the killing
of 21 February 1952, andended in the adoption of Bangla as one of the
state languages of Pakistan. The question as to what would be the state
language of Pakistan was raised immediately after its creation. The
central leaders and the Urdu-speaking intellectuals of Pakistan declared
that URDU would be the state language of Pakistan, just as Hindi was the
state language of India. The students and intellectuals ofEast Pakistan,
however, demanded that Bangla be made one of the state languages.
After a lot of controversy over the language issue, the final demand from
East Pakistan was that Bangla must be the official language and the
medium of instruction in East Pakistan and for the central governmentit
would be one of the state languages along with Urdu. The first
movement on this issue was mobilised by Tamaddun Majlish headed by
Professor Abul Kashem. Gradually many other non- communal and
progressive organisations joined the movement, which finally turned into
a mass movement.
Meanwhile, serious preparation was being taken in various forums of the
central government of Pakistan under the initiative of Fazlur Rahman, the
central education minister, to make Urdu the only state language of
Pakistan. On receipt of this information, East Pakistani students became

Student meeting at Amtala in Dhaka University (1952)

agitated and held a meeting on the Dhaka University campus on 6
December 1947, demanding thatBangla be made one of the state
languages of Pakistan. The meeting was followed by student processions
and more agitation. The first Rastrabhasa Sangram Parishad (Language
Action Committee) was formed towards the end of December with
Professor Nurul Huq Bhuiyan of Tamaddun Majlish as the convener.
The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was in session at Karachi-then the
capital of Pakistan-from 23 February 1948. It was proposed that the
members would have to speak either in Urdu or in English at the
Assembly. DHIRENDRANATH DATTA, a member from the East Pakistan
Congress Party, moved an amendment motion to include Bangla as one
of the languages of the Constituent Assembly. He noted that out of the 6
crore 90 lakh population of Pakistan, 4 crore 40 lakh were from East
Pakistan with Bangla as their mother tongue. The central leaders,
including LIAQUAT ALI KHAN, prime minister of Pakistan, and KHWAJA
NAZIMUDDIN, chief minister of East Bengal, opposed the motion. On
receiving the news that the motion had been rejected, students,
intellectualsand politicians of East Pakistan became agitated. Newspapers
such as the Azad also criticised of thepoliticians who had rejected the
motion.
A new committee to fight for Bangla as the state language was formed
with Shamsul Huq as convener. On 11 March 1948 a general strike was
observed in the towns of East Pakistan in protest
against the omission of Bangla from the languages of the Constituent
Assembly, the absence of Bangla letters in Pakistani coins and stamps,
and the use of only Urdu in recruitment tests for the navy. The movement
also reiterated the earlier demand that Bangla be declared one of the
state languages of Pakistan and the official language of East Pakistan.
Amidst processions, picketing andslogans, leaders such as Shawkat Ali,
Kazi Golam Mahboob, Shamsul Huq, Oli Ahad, SHEIKH MUJIBUR
RAHMAN, Abdul Wahed and others were arrested. Student leaders,
including Abdul Matinand aBDUL MALEK UKIL, also took part in the
procession and picketing.
A meeting was held on the Dhaka University premises. Mohammad Toaha
was severely injured while trying to snatch away a rifle from a policeman
and had to be admitted to hospital. Strikes wereobserved from 12 March
to 15 March.
Under such circumstances the government had to give in. Khwaja
Nazimuddin signed an agreementwith the student leaders. However,
although he agreed to a few terms and conditions, he did not comply
with their demand that Bangla be made a state language. MUHAMMED
ALI JINNAH, the governor general of Pakistan, came to visit East Pakistan
on 19 March. He addressed two meetings in Dhaka, in both of which he
ignored the popular demand for Bangla. He reiterated that Urdu would
be the only state language of Pakistan. This declaration was instantly
protested with the Language Movement spreading throughout East
Pakistan. The Dhaka University Language Action Committee was formed
on 11 March 1950 with Abdul Matin as its convener.
By the beginning of 1952, the Language Movement took a serious turn.
Both Jinnah and Liaquat AliKhan were dead-Jinnah on 11 September 1948
and Liaquat Ali Khan on 16 October 1951. Khwaja Nazimuddin had
succeeded Liaquat Ali Khan as prime minister of Pakistan. With the
political crisis, the economic condition in East Pakistan also deteriorated.
The people of East Pakistan startedlosing faith in the Muslim League. A
new party, the Awami Muslim League-which would later become the
AWAMI LEAGUE-was formed under the leadership of MAULANA ABDUL
HAMID KHAN BHASANI in 1949. There was a growing sense of
deprivation and exploitation in East Pakistan and a realisation that a new
form of colonialism had replaced British imperialism. Under these
circumstances, the Language Movement got a new momentum in 1952.
On 27 January 1952, Khwaja Nazimuddin came to Dhaka from Karachi.
Addressing a meeting at Paltan Maidan, he said that the people of the
province could decide what would be the provincial language, but only
Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. There was an instantaneous,
negative reaction to this speech among the students who responded with
the slogan, 'RashtrabhashaBangla Chai' (We want Bangla as the state
language).
A strike was observed at Dhaka University on 30 January. The
representatives of various political and cultural organisations held a
meeting on 31 January chaired by Moulana Bhasani. An All-PartyCentral
Language Action Committee was formed with Kazi Golam Mahboob as
its convener. At this time the government also proposed that Bangla be
written in Arabic script. This proposal was also vehemently opposed. The
Language Action Committee decided to call a hartal and organise
demonstrations and processions on February 21 throughout East
Pakistan.
As preparations for demonstrations were underway, the government
imposed Section 144 in the cityof Dhaka, banning all assemblies and
demonstrations. A meeting of the Central Language Action Committee

Students gathering on a road in Dhaka University on 22 February 1952

was held on 20 February under the chairmanship of ABUL HASHIM.

Opinion was dividedas to whether or not to violate Section 144.
The students were determined to violate Section144 and held a student
meeting at 11.00 am on 21February on the Dhaka University campus,
then located close to the Medical College Hospital.
When the meeting started, the Vice-Chancellor, along with a few
university teachers, came to thespot and requested the students not to
violate the ban on assembly. However, the students, under
their leaders - Abdul Matin and GAZIUL HAQUE - were adamant.
Thousands of students from different schools and colleges of Dhaka
assembled on the university campus while armed police waited outside
the gate. When the students emerged in groups, shouting slogans, the
police resortedto baton charge; even the female students were not
spared.
The students then started throwing brickbats at the police, who retaliated
with tear gas. Unable to control the agitated students, the police fired
upon the crowd of students, who were proceeding towards the Assembly
Hall (at present, part of Jagannath Hall, University of Dhaka). Three young
men, RAFIQ UDDIN AHMED, ABDUL JABBAR and ABUL BARKAT (an MA
student of Political Science)were fatally wounded. Many injured persons
were admitted to the hospital. Among them ABDUS SALAM, a peon at
the Secretariat, subsequently succumbed to his wounds. A nine-year-old
boy named Ohiullah was also killed.
At the Legislative Assembly building, the session was about to begin.
Hearing the news of the shooting, some members of the Assembly,
including MAULANA ABDUR RASHID TARKABAGISH andsome opposition
members, went out and joined the students. In the Assembly, NURUL
AMIN, chief minister of East Pakistan, continued to oppose the demand for
Bangla.
The next day, 22 February, was also a day of public demonstrations and
police reprisals. The publicperformed a janaza (prayer service for the
dead) and brought out a mourning procession, which wasattacked by the
police and the army resulting in several deaths, including that of a young
man named Shafiur Rahman. Many were injured and arrested. On 23
February, at the spot where students had been killed, a memorial was
erected. In 1963, the temporary structure was replaced bya concrete
memorial, the SHAHEED MINAR (martyrs' memorial).
The East Bengal Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution
recommending the recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages of
Pakistan. The language movement continued until 1956. Themovement
achieved its goal by forcing the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in
adopting both Bangla and Urdu as the state languages of Pakistan. While
the Assembly was debating on the language issue, Member Adel Uddin
Ahmed (1913-1981; Faridpur) made an important amendment proposal,
which was adopted unanimously by the Assembly (16 February 1956).
Both Bangla and Urdu were thus enacted to be the state languages of
Pakistan.
Since 1952, 21 February has been observed every year to commemorate
the martyrs of the Language Movement. With UNESCO adopting a
resolution on 17 November 1999 proclaiming 21 February as
INTERNATIONAL MOTHER LANGUAGE DAY. It is an honour bestowed by
the internationalcommunity on the Language Movement of Bangladesh.

Elections 1954
Elections 1954 held in East Pakistan in March 1954 under the India Act of
1935, and on the basis ofuniversal adult franchise. The contesting parties
in the elections were the ruling MUSLIM
LEAGUE and a five-party alliance called UNITED FRONT. The major
partners of the Front were theAwami Muslim League led by Maulana
Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, the KRISHAK SRAMIK PARTY led by AK
Fazlul Huq, Nezam-e-Islam led by Maulana Atahar Ali, Ganatantri Dal
led byHaji Mohammad Danesh and Khilafat-e-Rabbani Party.
In the elections held from 8 to 12 March, 1285 candidates contested for
304 seats, 5 seats having been won uncontested. Of them, 986 were
Muslim candidates for 228 seats, 101 Hindu candidates for 30 seats, and
151 scheduled caste candidates for 36 seats. The seats for the non-
Muslims were contested by candidates mainly from the Pakistan National
Congress, United Progressive Party andthe Scheduled Caste Federation.
The total electors numbered 1,97,48,568 of whom 73,44,216
(37.19%) cast their votes. The lower turnout was ascribed to poor
communications in rural areas andthe reluctance of conservative Muslim
women to come out of their houses.
The elections resulted in a landslide victory for the United Front which
won 228 seats in a House of309 (including nine reserved seats for
women). On the other hand, the Muslim League, the party in power
directly or indirectly ever since 1937, managed to get only 7 seats. Of the
total of 228 electedFront members, 143 belonged to Awami Muslim
League, 48 to Krishak Sramaik Party, 22 to Nezam-e-Islam, 13 to
Ganatantri Dal and 2 to Khilafat-e-Rabbani Party. Of the non-Muslim
seats, Congress got 25, Scheduled Caste Federation 27, and the United
Front of the Minorities 13.
The United Front campaigned on a 21-point election manifesto that
spoke for recognition of Banglaas one of the state languages of Pakistan,
abolition of zamindari system, nationalising jute trade, introduction of
cooperative farming, rehabilitation of refugees, flood control,
modernising agriculture, reforming the education system, rescinding all
black laws, rationalising the pay scales, erradication of corruption,
separating judiciary from the executive, erection of a monument in
memory of language martyrs, converting Burdwan House into a Bangla
language development institute, declaring 21 February as Shaheed Day
and a public holiday, and establishment of full provincial autonomy.
These popular demands were put up by leaders like AK Fazlul Huq,
HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY, Maulana Bhasani and SHEIKH
MUJIBUR RAHMAN. With the support of left political workers, the United
Front leaders could operate with considerable ease at the grassroots level.
The United Front could fully exploit issues like the killing of students on
21 February 1952, and ever rising prices of essential goods, particularly of
salt and rice. The largescale detention of opposition political workers also
made the people suspicious of the intentions of the Muslim League.
The United Front's victory proved illusory long before the euphoria wore
out. On March 25, East Pakistan governor Choudhury Khaliquzzaman
asked Krishak Sramik Party leader AK Fazlul Huq toform the ministry. But
in the ministry formed on 3 April the Awami Muslim League was left out.
This created a crisis in the Front, and Fazlul Huq was obliged to expand
his cabinet on May 15 to include Abul Mansur Ahmed, Ataur Rahman
Khan, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Abdus Salam Khan and Hashimuddin. The
same day a serious riot between the Bangali and non-Bangali workers of
the Adamjee Jute Mills at Narayanganj caused the death of nearly 1500
workers. The communist activists were held responsible for the tragedy,
and the Fazlul Huq government was blamed for its failure in controlling
the situation. On May 30, the ministry was dismissed and direct
governor's rule was imposed. Around 1600 Front leaders and workers,
including 30 members of the legislature,were put behind the bars. The
Awami League, however, returned to power on its own on 30 August
1956 with Ataur Rahman Khan as chief minister, but only to resign a few
months later.

Election of 19
r4
5
Povincial
Provincial Election of 1954
Formation of United Front
Defeat and Decline of Muslim League in East Bengal

East Pakistan as a Province After 1947

On the day of Pakistan’s creation, (14 august 1947) the first provincial
government of East Bengal was formed by the Muslim League. As a
leader of the Muslim League, Khawaja Nazimuddin became the first
Chief Minister of East Bengal. When Jinnah died in September 1948,
Nazimuddin became the Governor General of Pakistan Nazimuddin chose
his follower, Nurul Aminas the new Chief Minister of East Bengal
List of Governors-General of Pakistan –
Muhammad Ali Jinnah- 14 August 1947 -11 September 1948
(died in office) Khawaja Nazimuddin- 14 September 1948-17
October 1951 (became prime minister)Ghulam Muhammad-
17 October 1951 - 7 August 1955 (dismissed)
Iskander Mirza- 7 August 1955 - 23 March 1956 (became president)
List of Prime Ministers of Pakistan
-Liaquat Ali Khan- 14 August 1947 - 16 October 1951 (assassinated)
-Khawaja Nazimuddin - 17 October 1951 - 17 April 1953
-Mohammad Ali Bogra - 17 April 1953 - 12 August 1955
-Chaudhury Mohammad Ali- 12 August 1955 - 12 September 1956
-Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy- 12 September 1956 - 17 October 1957
-Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigar- 17 October 1957 - 16 December 1957
-Feroz Khan Noon- 16 December 1957 - 7 October 1958
-Nurul Amin- 7 December 1971 - 20 December 1971
List of Chief Ministers EB/EP
-Khawaja Nazimuddin: 15 August 1947 – 14 September 1948
-Nurul Amin- 14 September 1948 – 3 April 1954
-Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul HuQ: - 3 April 1954 – 29 May 1954
-Abu Hussain Sarkar: 20 June 1955 – 30 August 1956
-Ataur Rahman Khan: -1956 – 1958

Regime of Nurul Amin (1948 to 1954) and the resistance in East Bengal -
During his time,the zamindari system was abolished - Language
Movement of 1952 took place during his time - Demand for provincial
autonomy started during his time - He deferred the provincial elections
to 1954 which was due to be held in 1951. In the provincial elections, he
lost his power to the United Front - People of East Bengal showed their
political strength through ballot against the Muslim League and Nurul
Amin
Formation of the United Front - Jukto Front/United Front was an
alliance of the opposition parties to contest the provincial elections in
the East Bengal during 8-12 March 1954.The United Front had four major
parties - Awami Muslim League, Krishak Sramik Party, Nizam-e-Islam, and
Ganatantri Dal. They were united against the Muslim League - The
decision toform a United Front initially endorsed on 14 November 1953
in the council session of the Awami Muslim League in Mymensingh -
Subsequently it emerged as an effective political platform tounite
diverse political groups in East Bengal. The leading role was played by
A K Fazlul Huq, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, and Maulana Abdul
Hamid Khan Bhasani.

Causes behind United Front: During the early period of Pakistan, East
Bengal witnessed - - economic disparity between the two wings - poor
representation of the people of East Bengal in the government and
administration - Politico-cultural repression pursued by the ruling elites
of Pakistan - Deprivation of Bengalis from due participation in decision-
making process All these
led to politics of regionalism in East Bengal and political forces of East
Bengal gradually pushed tolaunch new political platforms

Manifesto of the United Front

United Front’s 21 Point election manifesto adopted in November 1953,

included: - full regionalautonomy - provinces to exercise all
administrative powers except for defense, foreign affairs and currency -
recognition of Bangla as a state language - release of political prisoners -
transformation of the Burdwan House into Bangla Academy - construction
of Shaheed Minar - declaration of 21 February as a public holiday, etc -
more autonomy for Dhaka and Rajshahi universities - rights for industrial
workers as per principles of ILO - nationalisation of jute - guarantee of fair
prices for commodities - public support for cooperatives and cottage
industries, etc.

1954 Elections: voters and seats

Elections held on the basis of adult franchise. Those who were 21 years on
1 January 1953 were voters. Total number of voters was 197, 39,086 (about
1.97 Crore). But seats were fixed on the basisof separate electorates:

-The number of seats was 309

-Muslims 237 (including 9 for women)
-Hindus 69 (30 General+36 Scheduled Castes +3 women)
-Buddhists 2, and - Christians 1

954 Elections: candidates

Candidates contested from different sections and religions Total 1275

candidates contested in the elections among them 986 candidates for
228 Muslim seats (Excluding 9 women seats), 101 candidates for 30
Hindu general seats, 151 candidates for 36 Scheduled Caste seats, and 37
candidates for 9 seats reserved for Muslim women. Pakistan National
Congress, United Progressive Party and the Schedule Caste Federation
were the main contenders for the non- Muslim seats. United Front
candidates captured all the seats reserved for women Voter turnout for
Muslim constituencies was only 37.6% due inadequate transport and
communication facilities.Turnout of women voters was also poor due to
conservative outlook in the society. The Communists did not campaign
with their party banner. They preferred to contest as nominees of the
United Front and won 15 seats

Results of 1954 Elections

The election result surprised everyone because the United Front won
absolute majority. United Front won 215 seats out of 237 Muslim seats.
The ruling Muslim League got only 9 seats.All 5 Ministers of the Muslim
League Ministry including the Chief Minister Nurul Amin were
defeated. Causes of the defeat of Muslim League Numerous reasons for
the debacle of the Muslim League
-The party got detached from the mass people since 1947
-Many dedicated leaders and workers left ML to form new parties
-Muslim League was responsible for the disparity between East and West
Pakistan
-Economy of East Bengal deteriorated during 1947-1954
-Prices of essential commodities rose sharply
-The Muslim League government was responsible for the massacre of the
21 February 1952
-In the elections, voting for United Front meant implicit support for the
autonomy of East Bengal

Rise of new political elites

-The results of 1954 elections were a signal to the end of the dominance
of the older national elitein the politics of East Bengal
-It also meant the decline of the Muslim League in East Bengal
-Landowners had given away to a younger generation of professional
university
-trained elites; this new group was comprised of lawyers, journalists,
teachers andbusinessmen

United Front Government

The architects of the victory of UF in 1954 elections were A K Fazlul Huq
(Krishak-Sramik Party),Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, and Maulana
Bhasani (Awami League). Suhrawardy and Bhasani did not take part in
the elections. A K Fazlul Huq was invited to form the government on
3 April 1954 but a rift surfaced at the very outset on formation of the
cabinet. The pre-election unity and solidarity were soon evaporated.
Eventually, on 15 May, Fazlul Huq arrived at an understanding with
Awami Muslim League and he now formed a 14-member cabinet with 5
members from the Awami League. Fall of the United Front Government:
The UF cabinet lasted for only 14 days. Muslim League could not digest
its defeat in the elections.They resorted to conspiracies to dismiss the
United Front government. In the third week of May, there were bloody
riots between Bengalee and non-Bengalee workers in different mills and
factories in East Bengal. The United Front government was blamed
for law and order situation. Fazlul Huq’s interview by New York Times
correspondent John P Callaghan was misquoted. It was published in a
distorted form that he wanted independence of East Bengal.
Eventually, the United Front government was dismissed on 29 May
1954. Governor's rule was imposed in the province which lasted till 2
June 1955. Thereafter, the United Front disintegrated within a year or so.
The causes of disintegration were clashes of personalities, intra- alliance
disagreements and dissension, and divergent party programmes, etc. But
the UF’s victoryconfirmed the EB’s aspiration for autonomy which was
proved by the subsequent events.

Law mates Pakistan

Introduction: Thr first constitution was introduced in Pakistan on 23

March 1956.23rd March as you know is an important day in the
history of Pakistan. You would recall that on 23rd March 1940 The
Lahore Resolution was presented for approval in the annual session
ofML held at Lahore. So when this constitution was introduced it
was decided that it should be
introduced on such a day of historical importance. Therefore on
23rd March this constitutionwas introduced.

Details: The 1956 Constitution of Pakistan had 234 articles and 6

schedules in which the whole constitutional framework and
principles for governance and power management have been
outlined. This Constitution describes Pakistan as Islamic Republic of
Pakistan that is the official title of the Pakistani state. If we look at
the provisions of the constitution we will find that there is an impact
of Govt of India Act1935 and the 1st Interim constitution of 1947on
this constitution. Some of the articles of the Indian Act of 1935 and
the 1st Interim constitution have been incorporated in this
constitution with some adjustments and modifications here and
there and in certain cases language is very similar if not the same. So
in a way there is some continuity from the previous document to
this document. Although it is different from the previous one in
most respects but there in some continuity.

Features: And now we will discuss the basic features of The 1956
Constitution, so that youhad an idea of what kind of constitutional
system came into being with the introduction of the Constitution.
What kind of state institutions were created, what kind of
relationship Of different state institutions with each other with the
public at large, how the power was distributed and how the power
was to be exercised.

Parliamentary System: The 1st significant feature of the 1956

Constitution is that it provides for a parliamentary system of
govt.under the parliamentary system of govt the executive authority
is vested in the president but he exercises the executive authority on
the advice of the PM except in the matters which are left to the
discretion of the president. To simplify this statement, under the
parliamentary system you draw a distinction between the functions
of the head of the state and head of the govt.President is the head
of the state and his powers are limited, he performs certain limited
functions underhis discretion but most of his powers are exercised
by the head of the govt and that is the PM So the PM and his
cabinet are the executive heads of the state. He is the head of the
state and PM is the head of the govt. and he exercises these powers
as prescribed in the constitution although in theory those powers
may be assigned to the president. There are certain functions which
head of state performs usually these are limited functions cerem-
monial functions The précised nature of the powers of the president
under parliamentary system may vary from constitution to
constitution; some constitutions give more powers to the president
and some constitutions less. However the guiding principle is that
the powers of the president would be limited and in most cases
ceremonial with the exception of certain discretionary powers( a
power in his own judgment)which he exercises i.e. certain non
controversial appointment are made by the president, key and
important appointments and certain other powers; but the real
authority of govt of running the administration day to day affairs of
the state is the job of the PM.The runs the govt and that is what was
provided in The 1956 Constitution of Pakistan. In this casethe
president was to be elected; there was an elected president and he
was to be elected by themembers of the NA and Pas for a period of
5 years. And the minimum age for the president was 45 years. And
under this constitution the office of the president could only be held
by a Muslim that was a condition provided in the constitution. The
president was part of the legislative process of the state. All laws
passed by the parliament were to be presented to the head of the
state that was president for his approval. He could sign those; he
could refuse or reject those laws. If he signs then those laws become
part of the constitution. He can return the laws for reconsideration to
the NA.He has the power to reject a law passed by the NA.andin that
case the assembly can again pass that law with or without changes.
Then the options of the president in parliamentary system is limited
to say no
Prime Minister: The real power is exercised by the prime minister
who was appointed underthis system by the president. But there was
a condition on that the constitution provided that the president
would appoint a person as PM who in his opinion commanded the
support of the majority in the NA.So if in the NA a party has got a
clear majority then the president is bound to ask the leader of that
party to form a govt.but if no party has no clear majority then
president has some discretion in inviting the leader of a party or of a
coalition to form a govt.But the overriding principle is that the
person who is appointed PM must command the majority support in
the NA. A follow up of this principle is that if the PM looses majority
in the parliament that PM cannot hold on to his office as PM. Under
the 1956 Constitution the president could remove the PM but this
power was to be exercised only if the president was sure that the PM
doesn’t have the majority in the NA. In this respect that is whether
the PM has the majority support or he has lost the support the
president was to be the sole judge. If president is convinced that for
one reason or the other the PM has lost the confidence of the NA
then he could ask the PM to resign. But there is a convention
constitutional convention that he could ask the PM to demonstrate
his support on the floor of the house. But under 1956 Constitution,
President was not obliged to ask him to show his strength. He could
if he convinced can remove the PM. PM was the person who would
run the govt under the 1956 Constitution with the help of a cabinet,
cabinet of ministers and whole cabinet ministers some time there
are state ministers or deputy minister so the cabinet as a whole
including PMwere responsible to the NA,It mean that they were
answerable to the NA,the members could question them about their
policies and in the ultimate analysis the PM and his cabinet must
enjoy the support of the majority members and if that is not the case
the NA could remove the PM and his cabinet through what is known
as vote of no confidence. This means that if majority of the members
of the NA voted against the PM he could not continue either he
would resign or the president remove him and ask the person who
now command the majority to form the govt.and if no govt can be
set up then the president can go for general elections. So this was
the situation under the 1956 Constitution that was the parliamentary
system of govt.In fact, this was the system functioning before 1956
Constitution was enforced that is under the 1947 Interim
Constitution.

One House Parliament: The 2nd important feature of this

constitution is that it created one house parliament which was
named as the National Assembly. It had one chamber one house,
traditionally in federal systems of govt there are two houses one for
the representationof the constituent units of a federation and 2nd
for the representation of the people. However under the 1956
Constitution one house that is NA was provided; the reason was that
with the integration of the province of West Pakistan in October
1955 that we have already discussed that there were two provinces
of Pakistan East Pakistan and West Pakistan. So since there were two
provinces they decided to form one house the other principle
agreed to was parity or equality between the two provinces or which
are describe sometime two wings of Pakistan. Parity means that both
provinces have equal representation in the NA.So because of
integration of East Pakistan and because of the principle of parity
only one house was createdNA consisted of 310 members out of
these 300 were general seats and 10 were reserved for women and
the general seats were to be elected directly on the basis of universal
adult franchise and on that time it meant that the people of age 21
or above have the right to vote and ultimately in 1957 the NA opted
for joint electorate previously separate electorate as inherited from
the British India, but in 1957 he principle of joint electorate was
adopted. Thissingle house Assembly had all legislative powers in law
making in respect for the subjects that were either assigned to the
federal govt or were in the concurrent list. That we will discuss
slightly later and after law has been passed by the NA it would go to
the president forhis signatures and as I have describe couple of
minutes ago president could either sign it return it or reject it. But
the Assembly has all the legislative powers. So for as financial
powers are concerned the budget that is the income and
expenditures for the federal govt hadto be passed by the NA.and
the NA had the powers o accept or reject it or reject particular
request for funds in the budget it had the power to do that with the
exception of consolidated fund list. There are certain items of
expenditures for the state of Pakistan. That cannot be changed
through simple majority that is consolidated fund list and I give you
couple of examples for example salary of the president under the
1956 Constitution was the part of the consolidated fund list, salaries
of the judges of the Supreme court and the high court that is
superior judiciary, salaries of the members of the federal public
service commission and there are certain other you know important
offices for which funding is provided and if they want to change
these there had to be a special procedure. So with the exception of
this consolidated fund list rest of the budget could be rejected
straight away if the assembly wanted. The general tradition in the
parliamentary system is if the budget is rejected by the NA, it is
consider to be a vote of no confidence in the cabinet and
consequently govt collapses. So the assembly had the financial
powers to assert its authority. The overriding authority of the
assembly was that it had the control over the executive that is the
PM and thecabinet and I have describe that how the NA could
remove the PM from the office and had the powers to ask questions,
move resolutions, adjournment motions, criticize the govt or make
suggestions or proposals for the govt.So the govt was responsible to
the NA by the Constitution of 1956.

Federal System: The 3rd feature of the 1956 Constitution was the
federal structure. This constitution established federation in Pakistan
and this federation at that time comprised twoprovinces which were
East and West Pakistan plus other areas which were under the direct
control of the federal govt. The powers were distributed between
the centre and the provinces. Three lists of powers or subjects were
given in the constitution one which consider the federal list of
conclusive items which were the exclusive concern of the federal
govt.which means that the NA can legislate all the subjects which
mentioned in the federal list. The 2nd was the provincial list and
provincial assembly could make laws for provincial list. Third list was
concurrent list which included the items for which the NA and
provincialassembly could legislate. However if the NA had made a
law it had priority over the law made by the provincial assembly.
This principle of division of subjects into three categories was
adopted from the 1st Interim Constitution and the Govt of India Act
1935.But the only difference was the subjects have three lists.

Provincial Structure: This constitution provided for a provincial

structure, each province had a provincial legislature elected directly
by the people and even in the provinces parliamentary system was
introduced that is the CM would be the head of the govt.CM is to be
responsible to the provincial assembly. The way through PM is
responsible to the NA.Thegovernor would be appointed by the
president in consultation with the PM.This governors functions were
ceremonial; the provincial executive power was exercised by the CM
not by the governor. In this federal that Pakistan adopted centre was
strong although provincial autonomy was given to the provinces but
centre was strong. Traditionally centre in Pakistan has been strong
going back to the British period. So the tradition of the strong centre
was existed because there were certain powers with the centre that
enabled it to step in the provincial domain. For example emergency
powers, if there were a threat to political or economic stability due to
internal or external reasons let say war from outside or for certain
development within Pakistan that threaten stability of the country
the federal govt could exercise emergency powers. It means that if
federal govt exercises emergency powers the domain and the
autonomy of the provinces could be restricted. There was another
power which allowed the centre to step in the provincial domain or
in the provincial field. If for some reason there is a constitutional
breakdown in a province that the provincial govt cannot
function or central govt has come to the conclusion that provincial
govt and CM cannot function in accordance with the constitution
then president could ask the governor to take over the
administration. So sometimes this could be called as presidential rule
and the federalgovt in Pakistan did exercise this power to change
govt.Although provincial autonomy was there but centre was strong
under the 1956 Constitution.

Independent Judiciary: The next feature of the constitution was the

establishment of an independent judiciary. When you have a written
constitution as was the case with the 1956 constitution and when
you have a federal system of govt then you need an independent
judiciary. The judicial system started with the Supreme Court on the
top then each province had a high court then there are lower courts
under the high courts but the term superior is used only for SC and
provincial high courts. The superior judiciary had to play an
important role so far as the interpretation of the constitution was
concerned, if there was any problem, if there is a dispute between
various govts, provincial govt central govt or different provincial
govts then the matter could be taken to the high court or the SC of
Pakistan. Superior judiciary also have powers with reference to
fundamental rights given in the constitution or ifsome citizen have
complaints against govt the superior judiciary have power to issue
writs which means that it could order the govt to do certain things or
it could order the govt not to do certain things, it could order the
govt through Hybeas Corpus to produce the person before the court.
So that the court can adjudicate the matter. So there was an
independence judiciary in the 1956 Constitution.

Fundamental Rights: Another important feature of the constitution

pertain to Fundamental Rights under the constitution every citizen
irrespective of caste creed or area, they are provided with certain
basic and civil and political rights, certain protections and securities
areoffered by the constitution to all citizens. The constitution
provided for certain political rightscivil rights for example some of
the rights like freedom of press, personel freedom, freedom to
express your views ,freedom of religion to practice a religion and to
form political organizations, these are all basic rights which are
provided in the 1956 Constitution.
However Fundamental Rights are not unconditional because the
rights of the one person become the obligation of the other person,
rights and duties go together, my right is your duty and your right is
my duty. Therefore grant of FR doesn’t mean that a person can do
what he wants, within the parameters of the constitution FR are to
be exercised and under special circumstances the state can suspend
those rights. If there is state of emergency due toany reason the
govt through the president can suspend the civil and political rights
and to exercise extraordinary power. So in other word FR are to be
exercised but within the definedlimits. And if a person thinks that
his rights are violated by a person or by the govt he can goto the
judiciary for the rehabilitation and restoration of the rights. So in
away judiciary also play the role of a protector of civil and political
rights; primarily it is the duty of the govt to look after the rights of
the citizens.

Directive principles of State policy: There are certain principles given

in the constitution asthe guidelines as the directives for state policy
making for the rulers who are holding state positions in govt.There
are certain principles which should serve as guidelines. This
constitution provided these principles I may mention one or two
here to show that what kind of these principles were one basic
principle was that the state would create conditions to enable the
Muslims to live in accordance with the teachings and principles of
Islam. There were other principles for providing employment, jobs
and looking after the interests of the people. These directive
principles were only advisory in nature that is one could not go to
thecourts that one or two principles are not implemented and court
should issue an order. So
these could not be challenged in the courts. But these were only
guidelines and advisory innature.

Islamic Character: The next feature was its Islamic character. The
name of the state under the Constitution of 1956 was The Islamic
Republic of Pakistan. The preamble of the constitution is based on
the Objective Resolution. The Objective Resolution had outlined the
basic principles of those constitutional framework and all those
principles are incorporated inthe preamble. Preamble of a
constitution outlined the goal, objectives and the aspirations and
desires about the political system you want to create. Therefore like
the OR the preamble which is always in the beginning of the
constitution, in fact any constitution starts with a preamble where
you declare your intention as to the type of system you wish to
create, So preamble therefore is very important to understand the
ultimate goals. The sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to
Almighty Allah alone and then you find the texts of the OR in the
preamble where the framers tried to put together the basic notions
of Islamic polity as well as the modern state notions like the
democracy and rights. So the sovereignty of Allah was in the
preamble of the constitution of 1956 and it continued to be in the
subsequent constitutions. You also have several other provisions in
the constitution which link Pakistani political system and constitution
to the principles and teachings of Islam. The constitution says that
there will be no law in Pakistan that is in conflict with the principles
and teachings of Islam and all the existing laws were to brought in
conformity with the provisions of Islam.For this purpose a
commission was to be appointed that was to look into the existing
laws and see if they are in conflict with the existing laws and
teachings of Islam. If found some conflict that law has to be changed.
So the emphasis on Islam was very clear. So for as the issue whether
any law is Islamic or not the NA had the ultimate power to make or
not to make a law. There was no supra national assembly body to
decide that ,the assembly was to make laws and make sure that the
existing laws would not violate the teachings and principles of Islam.
The other alternative was that one could go to the superior if one
finds that there is a conflict between the Islamic laws and the
 ordinary laws of the state of Pakistan. This emphasis reflected the
nature of the Pakistan Movement and the desire of the Pakistani
leadership as reflected in the OR to identify that the state of Pakistan
with Islam.

Working of the Constitution: Before I conclude let me say a few

words about the workingof the constitution. This constitution was
introduced on 23rd March 1956 and functioned till7th October
1958.OnOctober 7th the military took over power under the
leadership of the then commander in chief General Ayub Khan who
abrogated the constitution along with thethen president Iskander
Mirza and assume power under martial law and this brought an end
to the 1956 Constitution. This brings an end to our discussion about
the 1956 Constitution.

Six-Point Movement in East Pakistan

The Six-Point Movement in erstwhile East Pakistan, spurred in 1966, is

commonly acclaimed by analysts to be the foundation of Bangladesh’s
independence. The movement’s main agenda was to
realize a policy-prescription of six demands put forward by then firebrand
Bengali politician Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman in February 1966, to end the already apparent
exploitation of East Pakistan by theWest Pakistani rulers. Mujib’s staunch
advocacy for the emancipation of Bengalis, which was rooted in the six-
point agenda, would soon earn him the title of Bangabandhu – friend of
the Bengalis.

What context led to the six-point: East Pakistan was facing a dire situation
after being subjected tosystemic discrimination on a regional basis, year
after year. Economic subjugation was one of the factors that led to the
dissatisfaction of the Bengalis of East Pakistan. Discrimination in the
allocation of federal funds and foreign exchange, and in the matter of
recruitment to public services by the central government, were starkly
visible immediately after the founding of Pakistan. Bengali economists
and the politicians started to raise questions about the discriminatory
policies that had resulted in disparities in the economic developments of
the two wings of Pakistan. In short, there was one country, two economies.
What were the six points: On February 5, 1966 in Lahore, Mujib revealed
the six-point formula for regional autonomy for the federating provinces
of Pakistan. Alongside regional autonomy, a major thrust of the six-point
was to regionalize economic management. The six points of the formula
were: 1) a form of federal government, a parliamentary system directly
elected via one- person-one-vote, 2) two separate reserve banks and
currencies for the two wings of Pakistan, 3) Other than defence and
foreign policy all issues will be dealt by the federal provinces, 4) a
paramilitary force for East Pakistan, 5) fiscal affairs, much as taxation and
resources allocation, willbe state responsibility, and, 6) monetary and
trade policies, such as foreign reserve maintenance andestablishing trade
links, will be handled separately by the two wings.
How six-point was translated into a political movement: Mujib convened a
meeting of the then most organized political party of East Pakistan, the
Awami League, on March 18-20, 1966, in whichthe six-point formula was
endorsed. A booklet on six-point demand was also published. Between
March and May 1966, Mujib and his colleagues campaigned extensively
throughout East Pakistan. The Awami League, communicated the six-
point amongst the people and soon mobilized a mass movement. The
rulers of Pakistan saw the six-point as a scheme for secession. Pakistan’s
military ruler general Ayub Khan started applying a heavy-handed
strategy to counter the six-point demand. While campaigning in 1966,
Mujib was repeatedly arrested on false charges. Activists, including
students and protestors, were also arrested.
When was the tipping-point: The Six-Point Movement took an
important turn on June 7, 1966,when the Awami League called a
nationwide strike across the East Pakistan. The response to the
call was overwhelming. People from all walks of life defied the authorities
and observed the “7 Junesix-point strike.” The armed forces opened fire
at the protests in different places. 11 people were killed in Dhaka and
Narayanganj city. Soon after, the Awami League decided to further
intensify the movement. The movement now had the overwhelming
support of the population of East Pakistan.
Why is six-point precursor to Bangladesh’s independence: The six-point
movement had far- reaching impacts on the political developments in the
then Pakistan. The movement created a political awakening among the
Bengalis for emancipation and self-rule. The six-point agenda wouldgo
on to provide the framework of independence for Bangladesh in the next
5 years.

1970 Election of East Pakistan and Its Results

1970 general election was the first in Pakistan state. The Election was held
on the basis of adult anduniversal franchise. This election was held in two
rounds: first on December 7 in 1970 and then on 17 January in 1971. The
political parties which took part in that election were: Awami League,
Pakistan People's Party (PPP), National Awami Party- NAP (Wali Khan),
different groups of Muslim League, Jammat-e-Islami,Jamiate Ulama-e-
Islam, J amiate Ulama-e-Pakistan, Nizam-e- Islam, Pakistan Democratic
Party (PDP) etc. Of these parties, two main parties were Awami League
under the leadership of Bangabandhu, and Pakistan People's Party under
the leadership of Julfikar Ali Bhutto.
The main issue of Awami League's election manifesto was its 6-point
program. The slogans of Pakistan People's Party were: 'Islam is our belief,
democracy is our state system and socialism is oureconomy'. The themes
of the People's Party's publicity were: 'strong centre', 'Islamic socialism'
and continued opposition to India. On the other hand, Muslim League
and other Islamic parties like PPPhighlighted Islamic constitution, strong
centre and opposition to India.
Election Results

The results of 1970 general elections are presented in the tables below.
Election Results to the East Pakistan Provincial Legislature
The general election of 1970 was held in a fair, peaceful and disciplined
environment. In the resultof the election, Awami League won 160 out of
162 regional seats of the national assembly. Along with the 7 reserved
seats for women, Awami League won a total 167 seats out of 313. In the
provincial assembly of East Pakistan, Awami League won 288 regional
seats out of 300.In the restof the 12 seats, independent candidates won
9, Pakistan Democratic Party won 2 and Jamat-E- Islami won 1 seat.
Including the 10 reserved seats for women, Awami League won 298 seats
in theprovincial assembly.
On the other hand, Julfiquar Ali Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party won 83
out of the allotted 138 seats. Muslim League (Kaium Khan) won 9, Muslim
League (council) won 7, Jamiat-e- Ulama-e Islam won 7, National Awami
Party-NAP (Wali Khan) won 6, Jamaiat-e-Ulama-e Pakistan won 7, Jamat-
E-Islami won 4, Muslim League (Convention) won 2 and non-party
candidates won 13 out ofthe remaining 55 seats.
In the reserved 6 seats for women in West Pakistan PPP won 5 and
NAP (Wali Khan) won theremaining one, including the reserved seats
for women PPP won a total of 88 seats.
As Awami League won the absolute majority in 1970 general elections, it
made the Pakistani rulingelites apprehensive about losing power.
Through the winning of AL's absolute majority in the elections, Bangali
got the rights to attaining the state authority and the assurance of
drafting constitution based on 6-points. Both were unacceptable to the
Pakistani ruling elites. As a result, right after the publication of the
election results, palace conspiracy began. Julfiqar Ali Bhutto, the leader of
Pakistan People's Party got actively implicated in the conspiracy being
orchestrated by civil-military bureaucracy elites.
Pakistani military janta continued to negotiate with the majority party
leader, Bangabandhu SheikhMujibur Rahman, while troops and weapons
were being brought in from West Pakistan. The Pakistani ruling elites
could not cordially accept the victory of AL. They became perturbed at
Bangabandhu's uncompromising stand about 6-points. So having made
up their mind for a militarysolution to the rising problem, they took time
for preparation until 25 March 1971.
President Yahyia Khan called the National Assembly session on 3 March,
1971. After the elections,he had labeled Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, the 'future Prime Minister' of Pakistan. But all this was an eye-
wash. Inside, there was a strong conspiracy to nullify the verdict of the
election.

Sheikh Mujib's March 7 Speech - English Text

My dear brothers . . .

I have come before your today with a heavy heart.

All of your know how hard we have tried. But it is a matter of sadness that
the streets of Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rangpur and Rajshahi are today
being spattered with the blood of my brothers,and the cry we hear from
the Bengali people is a cry for freedom a cry for survival, a cry for our
rights.

You are the ones who brought about an Awami League victory so you
could see a constitutional government restored. The hope was that the
elected representatives of the people, sitting in the National Assembly,
would formulate a constitution that would assure that people of their
economic,
political and cultural emancipation. But now, with great sadness in my
heart, I look back on the past23 years of our history and see nothing but a
history of the shedding of the blood of the Bengali people. Ours has been
a history of continual lamentation, repeated bloodshed and innocent tears.

We gave blood in 1952, we won a mandate in 1954. But we were still not
allowed to take up the reins of this country. In 1958, Ayub Khan clamped
Martial Law on our people and enslaved us forthe next 10 years. In 1966,
during the Six-Point Movement of the masses, many were the young
men and women whose lives were stilled by government bullets.

After the downfall of Ayub, Mr. Yahya Khan took over with the
promise that he would restoreconstitutional rule, that he would
restore democracy and return power to the people.

We agreed. But you all know of the events that took place after that I
ask you, are we the ones toblame?

As you know, I have been in contract with President Yahya Khan. As

leader of the majority part in the national Assembly, I asked him to set
February 15 as the day for its opening session. He did not accede to the
request I made as leader of the majority party. Instead, he went along
with the delay requested by the minority leader Mr. Bhutto and
announced that the Assembly would be convened on the 3rd of March.

We accepted that, agreed to join the deliberations. I even went to the

extent of saying that we, despite our majority, would still listen to any
sound ideas from the minority, even if it were a lone voice. I committed
myself to the support of anything to bolster the restoration of a
constitutional government. When Mr. Bhutto came to Dhaka, we met. We
talked. He left, sing that the doors to negotiation were still open.
Moulana Noorani and Moulana Mufti were among those West Pakistan
parliamentarians who visited Dhaka and talked with me about an
agreement on a constitutional framework.

I made it clear that could not agree to any deviation from the Six Points.
That right rested with the people. Come, I said, let us sit down and resolve
matters. But Bhutto’s retort was that he would not allow himself to
become hostage on two fronts. He predicted that if any West Pakistani
members ofParliament were to come to Dhaka, the Assembly would be
turned into a slaughterhouse. He added that if anyone were to participate
in such a session, a countrywide agitation would be launched from
Peshawar to Karachi and that ever business would be shut down in
protest.

I assured him that the Assembly would be convened and despite the
dire threats, West Pakistanileaders did come down to Dhaka. But
suddenly, on March I, the session was cancelled.

There was an immediate outcry against this move by the people. I

called for a hartal as a peacefulform of protest and the masses redial
took to the streets in response. And what did we get as a response?

He turned his guns on my helpless people, a people with no arms to

defend themselves. These werethe same arms that had been purchased
with our own money to protect us from external enemies.
But it is my own people who are being fired upon today. In the past,
too, each time we the numerically larger segment of Pakistan’s
population-tried to assert our rights and control ourdestiny, the
conspired against us and pounced upon us.

I have asked them this before : How can you make your own brothers the
target of your bullets?
Now Yahya Khan says that I had agreed to a Round Table Conference on
the 10th. Let me point outthat is not true.

I had said, Mr. Yahya Khan, your are the President of this country. Come
to Dhaka, come and see how our poor Bengali people have been mown
down by your bullets, how the laps of our mothers and sisters have been
robbed and left empty and bereft, how my helpless people have been
slaughtered. Come, I said, come and see for yourself and then be the
judge and decide. That is whatI told him.

Earlier, I had told him there would be no Round Table Conference. What
Round Table Conference,whose Round Table Conference? You expect me
to sit at a Round Table Conference with the very same people who have
emptied the laps of my mothers and my sisters?

On the 3rd, at the Paltan, I called for a non-cooperation movement and

the shutdown of offices, courts and revenue collection. You gave me full
support. Then suddenly, without consulting me oreven informing us, he
met with one individual for five hours and then made a speech in which
he trend all the blame on me, laid all the fault at the door of the Bengali
people!

The deadlock was created by Bhutto, yet the Bengalis are the ones facing
the bullets! We face theirguns, yet its our fault. We are the ones being bit
by their bullets- and its still our fault!

So, the struggle this time is a struggle for emancipation, the struggle this
time is a struggle for independence! Brothers, they have now called the
Assembly to assassin on March 25, with the streets not yet dry of the
blood of my brothers. You have called the Assembly, but you must first
agree to meet my demands. Martial Law must be withdrawn; the soldiers
must return to their barracks; the murderers of my people must be
redressed. And …. Power must be handed over to theelected
representatives of the people.

Only then will we consider if we can take part in the National Assembly or
not! Before these demands are met, there can be no question of our
participating in this session of the Assembly. Thatis one right not give to
me as part of my mandate from the masses.

As I told them earlier, Mujibur Rahman refuses to walk to the Assembly

trading upon the fresh stains of his brothers’ blood! Do you, my brothers,
have complete faith in me….? …. Let me the tellyou that the Prime
Ministership is not what I seek. What I want is justice, the rights of the
people ofthis land. They tempted me with the Prime Ministership but the
failed to buy me over. Nor did the succeed in hanging me on the gallows,
for your rescued me with your blood from the so-called conspiracy case.
That day, right here at this racecourse, I had pledge to you that I would
pay for thisblood debt with my own blood. Do you remember? I am read
today to fulfill that promise!

I now declare the closure of all the courts, offices, and educational
institutions for an indefiniteperiod of time. No one will report to their
offices- that is my instruction to you.

So that the poor are not inconvenienced, rickshaws, trains and other
transport will ply normally-except serving any needs of the armed
forces. If the army does not respect this, I shall not be responsible for
the consequences.

The Secretariat, Supreme Court, High Court, Judge’s Courts, and

government and semi-governmentoffices shall remain shut. Only banks
ma open for two hours daily for business transactions. But no money shall
be transmitted from East to West Pakistan. The Bengali people must stay
calm during these times. Telegraph and telephone communications will
be confined within Bangladesh.
The people of this land are facing elimination, so be on guard. If need be,
we will bring everything to a total standstill……. Collect your salaries on
time. If the salaries are held up, if a single bullet isfired upon us
henceforth, if the murder of my people does not cease, I call upon you to
turn ever home into a fortress against their onslaught. Use whatever you
can put your hands on to confront this enemy. Ever last road must be
blocked. We will deprive them of food, we will deprive them ofwater.
Even if I am not around to give you the orders, and if my associates are
also not to be found,I ask you to continue your movement unabated.

I say to them again, you are my brothers, return now to the barracks
where you belong and no one will bear any hostility toward you. Only do
not attempt to aim any more bullets at our hearts: It willnot do any
good! ….. And the seven million people of this land will not be cowed
down by you or accept suppression any more. The Bengali people have
learned how to die for a cause and you will not be able to bring them
under your yoke of suppression!

To assist the families of the martyred and the injured, the Awami League
has set up committees thatwill do all they can. Please donate whatever
you can. Also, employers must give full pay to the workers who
participated in the seven days of hartal or were not able to work because
of curfews.
To all government employees, I say that my directives must be followed. I
had better not see any ofyou attending your offices. From today, until
this land has been freed, no taxes will be paid to the government any
more. As of now, the stop. Leave everything to me. I know how to
organize movement. But be very careful. Keep in mind that the enemy
has infiltrated our ranks to engage in the work of provocateurs. Whether
Bengali or non-Bengali, Hindu or Muslim, all is our brothers and it is our
responsibility to ensure their safety.
I also ask you to stop listening to radio, television and the press if these
media do not report news ofour movement. To them, I say, “You are our
brothers. I beseech your to not turn this country into a living hell. With you
not have to show your faces and confront your conscience some day?

If we can peaceably settle our differences there is still hope that we can
co-exist as brothers. Otherwise there is no hope. If you choose the other
path, we may never come face one another again. For now, I have just
one thing to ask of you: Give up any thoughts of enslaving this country
under military rule again!” I ask my people to immediately set up
committees under the leadership of the Awami League to carry on our
struggle in ever neighborhood, village, union and subdivisionof this land.

You must prepare yourselves now with what little you have for the struggle
ahead.

Since we have given blood, we will give more of it. But, Insha’Allah, we
will free the people of thisland!

The struggle this time is for emancipation! The struggle this time is for
independence!

Be ready. We cannot afford to lose our momentum. Keep the

movement and the struggle alivebecause if we fall back the will come
down hard upon us.

Be disciplined. No nation’s movement can be victorious

without discipline.Joy Bangla!

 The Declaration Of Independence

“This may be my last message, from today Bangladesh is independent. I

call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with
whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation tothe last. Your fight
must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is
expelled from the soil of Bangladesh and final victory is achieved.”

Bangabandhu spread the declaration and was reached to many. The wife
of M.R. Siddiqi was givenan urgent message over telephone from
Bangabandhu received through the wireless operators of Chittagong.
[ Sheikh Mujib: Triumph and Tragedy by S. A. Karim]

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE FROM KALURGHAT (March 26, 1971)

Soon after the Pakistani army crackdown on the night of March 25,
1971,the first declaration ofindependence was made over the radio by
M. A. Hannan.

According to the English language newspapers from around the flashed

around the world on newswires on the evening of March 26, 1971 and
the world came to know about the independence of
Bangladesh from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s original message received in
Calcutta on the morning of March 26 and from broadcasts from Swadhin
Bangla Betar Kendro on the evening of March 26.

The following world press also reported on 26th March:

The Statesman and The Times of India from India; Buenos Aires Herald
from Argentina; The Age,The Sydney Morning Herald from Australia; The
Guardian from Burma; The Globe and Mail fromCanada; Hong Kong
Standard from Hong Kong; The Jakarta Times from Indonesia; Asahi
EveningNews from Japan; The Rising Nepal from Nepal; The Manila
Times from the Philippines; The Straits Times from Singapore; The
Pretoria News from South Africa; The Bangkok Post from Thailand; The
Daily Telegraph, The Guardian, The Times of London from the United
Kingdom; and, Baltimore Sun, The Boston Globe, Chicago Tribune,
Christian Science Monitor, Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, The
Philadelphia Inquirer, San Francisco Chronicle and The Washington Post
from the United States.

Bangabandhu dictated the declaration through telegram, A telegram

containing the text of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s declaration reached
some students in Chittagong. The message was translated toBangla by
Dr. Manjula Anwar. The students failed to secure permission from higher
authorities to broadcast the message from the nearby Agrabad Station of
Radio Pakistan.

The Kalurghat Radio Station’s transmission capability was limited, but

the message was picked up by a Japanese ship in Bay of Bengal. It was
then re-transmitted by Radio Australia and later by the British
Broadcasting Corporation.

Announcement of the declaration of independence:

Awami League leader M.A. Hannan aired the declared the

independence on behalf of Bangabandhu : (Signed by
Bangabandhu):
Abul Kashem Sandeep translated the message to broadcast.
“Today Bangladesh is a sovereign and independent country. On Thursday
night West Pakistani armed forces suddenly attacked the police barracks
at Razarbagh and the EPR headquarters at Pilkhana in Dhaka. Many
innocent and unarmed have been killed in Dhaka city and other places of
Bangladesh. Violent clashes between EPR and Police on the one hand and
the armed forces of Pindion the other, are going on. The Bengalis are
fighting the enemy with great courage for an independent Bangladesh.
May God aid us in our fight for freedom. Joy Bangla.”

Pakistani sources:

Siddiq Salik had written that he heard about Mujibor Rahman’s

message on the radio whileOperation Searchlight was going on.
[ “Witness to Surrender” ]

The Statesman published from New Delhi on March 27, 1971 and
explained the two messagesreceived on March 26:

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made two broadcasts on Friday following the

Pakistani troops move tocrush his movement, says UNI.

Announcement of the declaration of independence by Major Zia on

behalf of Bangabandhu, Thereare Major Zia declared the independence
on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

# Maj. Gen. Hakeem A. Qureshi in his book The 1971 Indo-Pak War: A
Soldier’s Narrative, givesthe date of Zia’s speech as 27 March 1971.

# MASSACRE by Robert Payne, Publisher : The McMillan

Company New York.# J. S. Gupta The History of the

Liberation Movement in Bangladesh

# India, Pakistan, and the United States: Breaking with the Past By Shirin
R. Tahir-Kheli ISBN 0-87609-199-0, 1997, Council on Foreign Relations.
pp 37
Major Zia’s declaration of independence on behalf of Bangabandhu was
made controversial over anVery few people heard this declaration and
Major Zia’s famous “Ami Major Zia Bolchhi”.

“Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence.”
The speech is regarded asthe de facto declaration of independence
although a formal declaration came on March 26, 1971

Zia followed the suggestion, and made a second speech, where he

mentioned that he was speakingon behalf of our great national leader
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

It was impractical to think of the declaration of independence without

mentioning name of Bangabandhu. His name carries more value than any
political party. The sky is the limit to measurethe popularity of Sheikh
Mujib and the landslide victory of 70’s election was its reflection only.

Zia read out the declaration on behalf of Bangbanandhu. Formation of

Mujib Nagar Governmentcarries the historic significance.
 Mujibnagar Government: First Milestone of'Bangladesh'

April 17, Mujibnagar Day. On this day in 1971, the first Bangladesh
government, widely known asthe 'Mujibnagar government was formed
by the elected leaders of Bangladesh as the rightful constitutional, logical,
and realistic step forward toward the full realization of our dream of an
independent country of our own.

The observance of Mujibnagar Day in a befitting manner now warrants a

special significance, especially in the backdrop of a sinister and ominous
move by a certain quarter to distort our historyof the war of
independence. On this day, the country and the people of Bangladesh
should always gratefully cherish the memories of the freedom fighters
and those political leaders who led them with deep affection and
profound regard and firm determination and conviction.

The formation of the Mujibnagar government and its pronouncement to

the world at large on April17, 1971, is really a red-letter event in our
national history, especially after the thumping victory ofthe Awami
League in the elections of 1970 under the leadership of Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

The 167 MNAs and 293 MPs who composed the Constituent Assembly
fulfilling their constitutionalobligation to the electors, gave a true shape
and constitutional perspective on this day, making the dream of an
independent Bangladesh a reality. From this point of view, Mujibnagar
day (April 17) is a landmark in our struggle for independence as well as in
our national history.

The Mujibnagar government was formed at the Baidyanathtala mango

grove of Meherpur, a formerSubdivision of Kustia district following the
April 10 proclamation of independence order of Bangladesh. The oath-
taking was witnessed by hundreds of foreign journalists who had
assembled there to hail the birth of a new nation.

The president of the new nation was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur

Rahman; Syed Nazrul Islam became the acting president in the absence of
Bangabandhu; Tajuddin Ahmed, the Prime Minister;
M. Mansur Ali, the Finance Minister; M. Quamruz Zaman, the Home,
Relief and Rehabilitation Minister; and Khandakar Mustaque Ahmed,
Foreign Affairs and Law Minister. General M. A. G.Osmani, a retired
colonel and MNA elected from Awami League, was made the C-in-C of
the Bangladesh armed forces.

Herculean task
It was a Herculean task. Organizing civil administration and the freedom
fighters, securing arms forthe latter and training them, mobilizing
international support for the liberation war through intense diplomatic
action, ensuring speedy communication and effective coordination of
various activities at hundred different levels, above all, keeping the
morale of the freedom fighters high throughout the dark, difficult, and
strenuous days of the war, called for extraordinary wisdom, dedication,
patience, foresight, courage, and tenacity on the part of the Mujibnagar
government and all those connected with it.

The formation of the Mujibnagar government had great significance for

the fact that the great menwho gave leadership to this great event in
the absence of our supreme leader and continued the armed struggle
for the following eight months, having allowed no breach in the unity of
their people, which was one of the cornerstones of our total liberation
war, fought valiantly involving everyone, and above all kept our leader
alive in the minds of every freedom fighters as if he was fighting side by
side with them.

The creation of April 17 in fact, gave the total war effort a fuller meaning.
It cemented the unity of the people, brought the world closer to the
existence of freedom fighters, made the war efforts bloom in their full
focus, and realized the presence of Bangladesh in the comity of nations. It
was ineffect a formal introduction to the rest of the world of the nature of
the political leadership that was set to guide the nation into a concerted
and organized war of national independence.

That Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the paramount leader of

the country, both in its struggle for constitutional legitimacy and military
triumph, was given political and moral sanctionby everything that
happened on April 17, 1971, in a spot of territory that was to be forever
transformed in the annals of politics.
Bangabandhu never preached revolution

Bangabandhu had never preached revolution and political terrorism had

never been part of his platform. Therefore, when the assault of the
Pakistani military machine came, it remained for him toinform his
associates that a long and hard struggle on the battlefield had become
necessary. The declaration of independence he made moments before his
arrest by the Pakistani military forces forced upon his associates the need
for armed struggle. And that was proof that while he awaited uncertain
and terrible incarceration, he had briefed his associates on what needed
to be done. The dispersal of the leadership out of Dhaka as the army went
into action was a sign that there was to beno turning back from the
course Bengalis had set for themselves. And thus the formation of the
Mujibnagar government was undoubtedly a rightful constitutional as well
as logical and realistic step by the trusted and capable associates of the
great leader.

The establishment of the Mujibnagar government was an absolute

necessity for another reason. Had it not been put in place, it is reasonably
certain that diffuse guerilla movements would have spawned all over the
country without any form of central control. The danger inherent in such
politics lies in
an absence of legitimacy. And in Bangladesh's politics then, the absence
of the Mujibnagar government would only have given the freedom
struggle a clearly secessionist hue, to the immensedelight of the
Pakistanis and the consternation of a Bengali population directly in the
military's lineof fire. Seen in such light, the presence of Acting President
Syed Nazrul Islam and Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed with their
colleagues deep in Meherpur in April 1971 was a clear, unequivocal
statement of intent: that the elected representatives of the people of
Bangladesh had taken it upon themselves to give shape and substance
to independent statehood for them.

It was thus that the global community was left with hardly a choice.
The initiation of the war of national liberation, given the fact that it was
being waged by a leadership privy to the electorallyacknowledged
support of the nation, could not be dismissed as an insurrection or a
secessionist enterprise. Moreover, the military's misadventure
(swooping upon Bengali political aspirations through an exercise of
brazenness) assisted the cause not a little.

Flight to India

The killing of unarmed civilians, the razing of villages and townships, and
the atrocities against women only strengthened the provisional
government's cause. In the months between March and December 1971,
the flight of ten million to India convinced the global community of the
necessityand the righteousness of the Bengali cause and helped the
Mujibnagar government to inform the world that there was no
alternative to an independent Bangladesh.

The provisional government undertook the onerous responsibility of

moulding international opinionin Bangladesh's favour: the effort was
assisted a great deal by the momentum of the declaration of allegiance
to the national struggle by Bengali diplomats stationed in Pakistani
missions abroad.
Placing the entire diplomatic efforts in the hands of a well-respected
personality like Justice AbuSayeed Chowdhury was yet another factor
for the success of the efforts of the Mujibnagar government in
mobilizing world opinion in our favour.

The speeches and statements made by the Acting President, late Syed
Nazrul Islam, Prime Ministerlate Tajuddin Ahmed and other leaders of the
exiled Mujibnagar government at the formal oath- taking ceremony and
other subsequent occasions were widely appreciated the world over as
those reflected really democratic and progressive principles of the new
government. The guiding principles and the state policies announced
from time to time by the exiled government were all fully democratic
based on universal human rights principles and other widely accepted
internationalnorms and protocols.

Finally, the formation of the Mujibnagar government was the real birth
of a new nation -- a nationimbued with the spirit of democratic value,
nationalism, secularism, and socialism, obtained fromthe call of a man
whose stature as a statesman had surpassed any of his time and most of
his predecessors, who united the Bengali speaking people of a piece of
land to one man and raised a nation of indomitable courage and
splendour, so powerful and splendid in its commitment that it
went head on to face a fiercely equipped army of Pakistan, bare-handed
bred with the courage of conviction and valour and strength of
insurmountable will of head, heart and unity to be independent and
ready to shed the last drop of blood of every individual born on this soil
then called East Pakistan.

Dr. Tawfiq-e-Elahi Chowdhury BB who as the Sub-Divisional officer (SDO)

of the then MeherpurSub-Division, under the Kustia district played the
most critical role in organizing the Mujibnagar Ceremony has termed it
as a "Milestone of our national history" saying that it gave "life and
legitimacy" to the national liberation movement both internally and
internationally.

Dr. Chowdhury expressed his extreme annoyance at the recent trend of

distorting the history of ourliberation war aiming to divide and confuse
the new generation: "I am sure the new generation willgo back to the
sources of history and find out the real history and the truth shall
prevail," he expressed his firm conviction.

Almost similar sentiment has been expressed by Mr. Mahbubuddin

Ahmed, BB who led the guard of honour given to the members of the
Mujibnagar Cabinet on that auspicious day. Mr. Mahbub who was Sub-
Division Police office of Jhenaidah (SDPO) at that time was very critical of
the recentmove by a section of our so-called intellectuals to distort the
history of our liberation war.

However, the nation should gratefully remember the heroic courage,

conviction, and determination of the politicians, the freedom fighters, and
the people in general who sacrificed their everything forthe cause of an
independent country of our own. Equally firm determination, selfless
sacrifice, and adeep sense of patriotism are now also needed for the
protection and proper implementation of the spirit of our liberation war
against the designs of a section of our people who are engaged in doing
everything possible to re-establish the so-called nationalism based on
religion. Reaffirmation of strong conviction and united endeavour, as in
1971, is possibly the real need of the hour.

Formation of Mujibnagar Government and It’s Activity

Mujibnagar Government the government constituted at Mujibnagar to

conduct the Bangladesh war of liberation, formed on 10 April 1971 after
the declaration of independence on 26 March 1971. TheMujibnagar
government headed by tajuddin ahmad took oath on 17 April 1971 at
Mujibnagar. This government had also been known as Mujibnagar
Government in-exile, as the activities of the government had been
conducted from outside of the territory of Bangladesh.
Formation of Mujibnagar Government and It’s Activity

Background

The Awami League won by the absolute majority in the general election
of Pakistan in 1970 under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman. The people of East Pakistan voted for the Awami League to be
free from the oppression of the Pakistani rulers. But the rulers of the West
Pakistan started hatching plots not to hand over the power to the Awami
League. The then Pakistan President and the Military Chief Mohammad
Yahia Khan suspended the session of the national assembly on 1 March
1971 sine die. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for Ashhojog Andolon on 2
March protesting the decision. In a historic speech delivered at the
Racecourse on 7 March 1971, Bangabandhu called for a decisive struggle
to achieve the liberation and independence. The Pakistan army swooped
on the civilians on 25 March. Bangabandhu declared the independence
on the early hours of 26 March. The formal campaign of the liberation war
began after the formation of the Mujibnagar government and the
approval of the constitutional declaration on 10 April.

Mujibnagar Government

The first official government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh,

popularly known as theMujibnagar Government, was formed on
April 10, 1971.

The newly formed government took oath on 17th April, 1971 in the then
Meherpur district.

The venue of the oath was a mango forest in Baidyantala which was
renamed by the provisionalgovernment.

Why Mujibnagar Government was formed?

To ensure the equality, human dignity and social justice for the

people of Bangladesh.To organize the civil administration.

To keep the unity of the general people irrespective of classes or

professions including ArmedForces, Police & EPR.

To organize the freedom fighters.

To arrange the training of freedom fighters.

To keep the freedom fighter’s

morale high.Formation of

Mujibnagar Government

The formation of the Mujibnagar Government was very important in the

history of liberation.Tajuddin Ahmed played a significant role.

On 1st April, 1971, he and Barrister Amirul Islam went to India and on
3rd April, he met the thenIndian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. He
explained the overall situation that was prevailing in Bangladesh.

On 17th April, 1971, Syed Nazrul Islam hoisted the National flag in
absence of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Professor Md.
Yusuf Ali read out the announcement of independent Bangladesh at
the oath taking ceremony.
Some local singers sang the National Anthem "Amar sonar Bangla, ami
tomay valobashi". The oathtaking program was witnessed by a 10,000
strong crowd which included contingents of the EPR, Ansar and Freedom
fighters. A press statement was issued after the inauguration of the
government.

Panel of Mujibnagar Government

President: Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Vice President: Syed Nazrul Islam (Acting President in absence

of Bangabandhu)Prime Minister: Tajuddin Ahmed

Finance Minister: M. Mansur Ali

Home, Relief and Rehabilitation Minister: A.H.M.

QamaruzzamanForeign and Law Minister:

Khondoker Mostaq Ahmed Commander-in-Chief:

Colonel Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani Other

Members

Major General Abdur Rab: Chief of Staff

Abdul Mannan: Chief of the Department of Press,

Information, Radio and FilmYusuf Ali: Chief of the

Department of Relief and Rehabilitation

Matiur Rahman: Chief of the Department of

CommerceAmirul Islam: Chief of the

Volunteer Corps

Advisory Committee

An advisory committee of 6 members was formed to provide necessary

suggestions and guidance tothe government of Independent Bangladesh.

Maolana Abdul Hamid Khan

BhashaniProfessor Mozaffer

Ahmed

Comrade Moni

SinghSri

Monoronjon

Dhar

Tajuddin Ahmed & Khondoker Mostaq Ahmed were

on the committee.Activities of Mujibnagar

Government

The government ran the administration by the Bangalee officials. There

were 12 ministries or divisions in it. Those were the Ministry of Foreign
affairs; the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry ofIndustry and Commerce;
the Cabinet Secretariat; the General Administration; the Health and
Welfare Division; the Relief and Rehabilitation Division; the Engineering
Division; the Planning Commission; the Controlling Board for Youth and
Reception Camp etc.

The Mujibnagar government established Bangladesh mission in various

important cities (Calcutta,Delhi, London, Washington, New York) of the
world. These missions campaigned for having support in favour of
Bangladesh from the world community.

The government appointed Justice Abu Sayed Chowdhury as a special

envoy. He tried his best toget support of world leaders and the public
as well in favour of the Liberation War.

The government divided the country into 11 sectors. Besides, some sub-
sectors and 3 Brigade forceswere formed.

During the liberation war, the leaders of that government would give
guidance to the people of thiscountry.The government divided the
country into 11 sectors
The provisional president and the Prime Minister would keep the whole
country motivated throughtheir speeches over the radio.

Mujibnagar government contacted the United Nations, European

countries, the USA, Russia andother powerful nations to mobilize
public opinion in favor of the Mujibnagar government to get
international recognition and support.

Under the leadership of Mujibnagar government, the freedom fighters

fought in the battle fields to liberate the country from the occupation of
the Pakistani forces. Many of them sacrificed their lives for the cause of
the mother land.

Features of the Constitution (1972) of Bangladesh

• Written constitution - the constitution of

People’s Republic of Bangladesh is a written

document. It was formally adopted by the

Constituent Assembly on 4th November 1972. It

contains 1 preamble, 153 articles and 4

schedules.

• Rigid constitution - the constitution of Bangladesh is rigid in nature.

An amendment can be passed only by the

votes of two thirdmajority of members of

the Parliament.
• Unitary government - Bangladesh is comparatively a small Nation.

According to Article 1 of the Constitution,

Bangladesh is describedas a unitary People’s

Republic. In such a system, the sovereign

authority of the entire nation lies with the central

government.

• Constitutional head - according to the

constitution, the Presidentholds a very high

position, yet he is only a nominal or titular or

constitutional head. He is elected by the

members of the House of

the Nation. He is elected for a period of 5 years. He can be reelected

as well. If he wishes toresign he needs to submit his

resignation letter to the House of the Nation.

• Prime Minister - Bangladesh has a Parliamentary form of

Government. Here the government is run by the cabinet of

ministers headed by the Prime Minister. The real

executive power isexercised by the cabinet,

headed by the prime Minister. Here the Prime

Minister is the actual head. He enjoys the sole

authority of running the government. Other

ministers are appointed on the recommendation

of the Prime Minister. He is elected for a term of 5

years. However if the loses the confidence in the

House, then he hasto resign, which leads to the

collapse of the entire government.

• Unicameral legislature - Article 55 of the

constitution provides for aunicameral legislature for

Bangladesh. It has only one House which

is known as the House of the Nation or Jatiya

Sansad. Initially it had315 seats, however at

present it has around 350 seats.

• Sovereignty of the people - the constitution of

Bangladesh treats thepeople as a source of all

authority. People have the right to select

their own government through the process of

voting. The government remains responsible and

accountable to the people forall its acts.

• Fundamental Rights - Part 3 of the Constitution

of Bangladesh enumerates 18 fundamental

rights for the people of Bangladesh. The

enjoyment and enforcement of these rights have

been guaranteed by the constitution. No

authority can make any law which is inconsistent

with the provisions of the fundamental rightsand

if any such law is made, then it shall be void to

the extent of inconsistency. some of the major

fundamental rights enjoyed the people are

freedom of speech and opinion, freedom of

thought, right to religion, right to property, etc.

The constitution also

specifies that necessary restrictions can be

imposed on such rightsas and when required.

• Independence of the judiciary - the constitution

of 1972 ensuresthe independence of the

Judiciary. Firstly, provision was made thatthe

Chief Justice would be appointed by the

President, and other Justices of the Supreme

Court would be appointed after consultation with

the Chief Justice. Appointment of Subordinate

Judges and Magistrates was also to be exercised

with consultation of the Supreme Court. Secondly,

a judge could not be removed from his office

except by an order of the President passed to a

resolution of Parliament supported by the two

third majority of

members of the Parliament. Again, the

security of tenure of theSubordinate Judges

was vested in the Supreme Court.

• Supreme Court - The Supreme Court is the

highest court (or thecourt of highest order) in

Bangladesh. It is the guardian and protector of

the Constitution as well as the protector of the

fundamental rights enjoyed by the people. The

area of jurisdiction of the Supreme Court is

divided into three categories - original

jurisdiction, appellate jurisdiction and writ

jurisdiction.

• Universal Adult Franchise - the system of Universal

Adult Franchiseis operational in Bangladesh. All

citizens of 18 years and above have the right to vote

irrespective of their caste, creed, colour, sex,

religion, etc. Apart from that, the main idea

followed in Bangladeshis one vote one policy.

• Local administration - the local administration of

Bangladesh is divided into a number of levels.

Here the district is divided into sub

districts, the Sub District is divided into blocks, the

blocks are further divided into rural governments

and rural councils.

• Party system - at the time of independence of

Bangladesh, there were a few political parties.

However, at present Bangladesh has a multi

party system at work