Concepts in Social and Spatial Marginality

Author(s): Assefa Mehretu, Bruce Wm. Pigozzi and Lawrence M. Sommers

Source: Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography , 2000, Vol. 82, No. 2,
Development of Settlements (2000), pp. 89-101
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Swedish Society for Anthropology
and Geography
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/491067

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 CONCEPTS IN
SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MARGINALITY

by
Assefa Mehretu, Bruce Wm. Pigozzi and Lawrence M. Sommers

Mehretu, Assefa, Pigozzi, Bruce Wm. and Sommers, Lawrence trade liberalization and foreign direct investment
M., 2000: Concepts in social and spatial marginality. Geogr. Ann.,
(FDI) have contributed to recent regional and inter-
82 B (2): 89-101.
national convergence in development (Hanink,
ABSTRACT. The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual 1994, pp. 230-8; Dicken, 1998, pp. 429-60). How-
taxonomy of marginality resulting from two counterposed struc- ever, extreme disparities in levels of living in all ter-
tural conditions within laissez-faire on the one hand and control-
ritorial scales, from local to global, continue to per-
led markets on the other. Marginality is a complex condition of
sist due to both market and non-market factors.
disadvantage that individuals and communities may experience
because of vulnerabilities which may arise from unequal or ineq- Interest in uneven development by geographers
uitable environmental, ethnic, cultural, social, political and eco- and planners which began in the 1930s was moti-
nomic factors. A typology of marginality is based on two primary
vated by the dramatic economic imbalances that
and two derivative forms. The primary forms are contingent and
systemic. The derivative forms are collateral and leveraged. Con- were discovered following the Great Depression,
tingent marginality is a condition that results from competitive in- the Second World War, and the "Winds of Change"
equality in which individuals and communities are put at a disad- for Third World liberation. Each of these momen-
vantage because of the dynamics of the free market whose uncer-
tous changes resulted in significant social and spa-
tain and stochastic outcomes affect them adversely. Systemic
tial dislocations in areas which were then referred
marginality is a socioeconomic condition of disadvantage created
by socially constructed inequitable non-market forces of bias. to as "problem regions" (Friedmann and Weaver,
Collateral marginality is a condition experienced by individuals 1980, pp. 89-94; Scott and Storper, 1992, pp. 3-5;
or communities who are marginalized solely on the basis of their
Massey, 1994, pp. 50-66). The root causes of these
social and/or geographic proximity to individuals or communities
that experience either contingent or systemic marginality. Lever- problem regions varied with structural differences
aged marginality is a contingent or systemic disadvantage that between the principal world economic regions. In
people/communities are made to experience when their bargain- the more developed countries, "problem areas"
ing position in free markets is weakened by dominant stakehold-
were considered as "temporary and self- correcting
ers like transnational corporations which are able to leverage lu-
aberrations" of the market which was otherwise
crative concessions by using the threat of alternative, often cheap-
er and marginalized (contingent or systemic) labour pools to characterized by strong country-wide growth and
which they can potentially take their business. regional convergence (Hirschmann, 1958, pp. 183-
95). It was assumed that communities, territories
and countries would fall in or out of successful par-
Introduction
ticipation in the development process depending on
Studies of unequal development in society andthe impact of lead-lag cycles of economic oppor-
tunity and growth-producing investments (Scott
space have focused on two important issues: the
magnitude of social and spatial disparities in levels
and Storper, 1992, p. 4). Such areas were often re-
of living, and the root causes of unequal develop- ferred to as "depressed" or "distressed" or "lag-
ment. Both of these issues have attracted consider- ging" regions and were presumed to be correctible
able research. However, from a policy perspective, by redistributive national, state and local planned
those problems of disparity that can be redressed by interventions (Claval, 1983, pp. 118-23; Fried-
the market system appear to dominate most of the mann and Weaver, 1980, pp. 114-45). In many cas-
debate. With increasing globalization, transnation- es, especially in less developed countries, "prob-
al corporate (TNC) enterprise has taken on new sig- lem regions" were the result of core-periphery an-
nificance in the distribution of economic growth tagonistic developments in which nodes of growth
whereas the power of the nation-state "as the pri- took advantage of rural peripheries with little or no
mary regulator of its national economic system" political clout (Friedmann, 1988; Blaut, 1994, pp.
has declined (Dicken, 1998, p. 79). In the post- 17-30; Riddell, 1985; Mehretu, 1989). Regional
Fordist era, TNC-induced flexible production, inequality continues to be a problem of develop-

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 ASSEFA MEHRETU, BRUCE WM. PIGOZZI AND LAWRENCE M. SOMMERS

ment in all countries. However, its causes have 114;

be- Marcuse, 1996). Sometimes such cases are
come more complex than simple attribution tomade the more visible when hegemonic containment
functions of the market. produces "spaces of exclusion" as in the case of the
American ghetto (see also Darden, 1989; Wac-
The aim of this paper is to advance a general
framework of uneven development that will have quant,
a 1993; Marcuse, 1996, 1997b; Mehretu et al.,
more universal appeal in its application and will1997;
aid Krivo et al., 1998).
in a more effective approach to policy formulation. The literature on unequal development and so-
The conceptual design for social and spatial mar-cial polarization treats the phenomenon of margin-
ginality applied in this paper encompasses the ality
fol- as a generic concept of socioeconomic disad-
lowing: (1) the definition of unequal developmentvantage in which inequality and inequity are treated
using marginality as an operative concept, (2) a as synonymous. There has not been a systematic at-
the-
ory of marginality which is based on a typology of to differentiate forces of marginality that are
tempt
marginality that includes two primary and twounequal
de- in some respects and inequitable in others
rivative forms, (3) the specification of factors (Mehretu,
of 1991). The objective of this paper is to
suggest a typology of marginality which would en-
vulnerability to marginality, (4) sociospatial struc-
tural determinants of marginality, and finallycompass
(5) most variations of socioeconomic disad-
spatial scales of analysis of marginality. vantage that individuals and communities experi-
ence. This, it is hoped, will lead towards a more ar-
ticulated discourse on marginality as well as policy
Typology of marginality for its redress. For this purpose a typology of two
Marginality is a complex condition of disadvantage
primary and two derivative variants of marginality
which individuals and communities experience
is suggested.
as The two primary variants are called
contingent and systemic marginality, and the two
a result of vulnerabilities that may arise from unfa-
derivative variants are called collateral and lever-
vourable environmental, cultural, social, political
and economic factors. Although most discussions aged marginality (see Table 1). In the following,
of marginality deal with distressed economiceach and of these variants will be defined, and the con-
ecological conditions of life, the concept of mar-
ditions which give rise to each of the variants will
ginality can also be applied to cultural, social be illustrated (Sommers et al., 1999).
and
political conditions of disadvantage (Mehretu and
Sommers, 1992, 1994, 1998; see also Friedmann,
1988, p. 114; Gustafsson, 1994, pp. 13-23; Wac- Contingent marginality
quant, 1996a; Blom, 1998, pp. 164-75; Wacquant, Contingent marginality is a condition that results
1999). Individuals and communities with no dis- from competitive inequality in which individuals
cernible disadvantage in the marketplace may andincommunities are placed at a disadvantage be-
fact experience exclusion from a dominant hegem- cause of the dynamics of the free market whose un-
onic civil society in which socially constructedcertain
de- and often random outcomes adversely af-
viancy is used to rationalize the abbreviation of them. Contingent marginalization especially
fect
affects individuals and communities that are least
rights and privileges (Sibley, 1995, pp. 14-48; Mar-
cuse, 1997b; Wacquant, 1997). The nature of mar- prepared to successfully negotiate the marketplace
ginality found in a specific community or territoryfor reasons of unattractive locations, cultural re-
of a given spatial scale of analysis will depend on
strictions, inadequate labour skills and lack of use-
its political, social and economic history, and on ful
itsinformation about opportunities (Castells,
natural and human resource endowments. General- 1989, pp. 172-97). Contingent marginality is as-
ly, marginality occurs in areas which experience asumed to be endogenous to the laissez-faire market
convergence of political, cultural, economic andsystem and is considered "accidental" or a "tempo-
environmental problems. However, it is conceiva- rary and self-correcting aberration" of an otherwise
ble for communities and regions to experience po- equitable economic framework. It is assumed that
litical and cultural marginality without necessarily
such "aberrations" will be resolved over time by the
showing signs of economic distress. Such margin-"self-adjusting" free market dynamics (Ernste and
Meier, 1992, pp. 263-6; Scott and Storper, 1992,
ality, often insidious, occurs under translucent he-
gemony which prevents people from exercising po- pp. 3-24). Contingent marginality may persist and
litical rights and/or cultural and economicbecome a chronic distress (Micheli, 1996, pp. 41-
freedoms (McDowell, 1995; Sibley, 1995, pp. 90- 5; Mingione, 1996b, p. 12). When this happens,

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 CONCEPTS IN SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MARGINALITY

Table 1. Summary of typology of marginality.

Scale of Analysis

Types of
marginality Macro Micro In situ

Contingent Core/periphery disparities on ac- Ce

count of distance decay, cultural alization b
barriers to diffusion, and market donist
imperfections housing stock and other residential
characteristics.

Systemic Core-periphery disparity resulting Hegemonic containment of inner city Segregation: racial, ethnic, cultur-
from hegemonic (antagonistic and neighbourhoods (red-lining, outcast al, class-based, age-based (restric-
dependency driven) development ghetto) tive residential covenants).
process

Collateral Regional negative contagion ef- Subregional negative contagion effects Small-area negative externalities
fects (negative externalities) from (negative externalities) from marginal- experienced by people who reside
systemically marginalized people ized people on those who do not share in marginalized neighbourhoods
on those who do not share the same the same vulnerabilities (inadequate but do not share the same vulnera-
vulnerabilities (development loans, social and economic infrastructure, bilities (predicament of early gen-
FDI, etc.) pollution, institutional decay) trifyers).
Leveraged TNC-led "downward wage level- Metropolitan housing stock turnovers R
ling", outsourcing, subcontracting, due to differential market bidding be- hous
union-busting using systemically tween low-income and high-income in blo
marginalized low-wage labour households mediated by real estate es- es in
pools in LDCs tablishments (arbitrage in housing mar-
kets)

market forces may fail to bring about redressive ac- ern Scandinavia (Wiberg, 1994; Kousis, 1998;
tion. None the less, so long as the dominant force Preston et al., 1998). More recently, vulnerability
for socioeconomic differentiation remains market- to contingent marginality has often been the result
based, the condition is treated as contingent mar-of behavioural constraints of culture or politics that
ginality (Emste and Meier, 1992, pp. 264-5). limits success in dealing with the new information
Vulnerability to contingent marginality is gener- economy and its related cyber culture (Castells,
ally based on spontaneous disadvantages that de-1989, pp. 172-228; see also Buck, 1996; Gibbs and
velop because of social, cultural, locational and ec-Tanner, 1997). Self-inflicted contingent marginali-
ological limitations in dealing with the market. ty with deliberate intent to refrain from engaging
Such vulnerabilities are either self-inflicted by cul-
mainstream developments is rare, but it does occur,
as in case of the Amish, who opt for simpler lives
tural rigidities and choice of residence, or subject to
the vicissitudes of the market. Such vulnerabilities closer to nature, or, as in the case of ghetto youths,
some of whom may be "unwilling to seize oppor-
are generally regarded as amenable to amelioration
with enhanced preparedness to benefit from oppor-tunities for educational and occupational advance-
tunities of the competitive market. Perhaps the bestment" (Knox, 1994, pp. 302-5).
known non-random factors of vulnerability to con-
tingent marginality are poor relative location and
deficient natural resources (Claval, 1983; Wiberg, Systemic marginality
1994; Brown and Hirschl, 1995; Schwarzweller Systemic marginality results from disadvantages
and Davidson, 1997; Kousis, 1998; Tesitel et al., which people and communities experience in a so-
1999). Environmental liabilities such as rugged ter- cially constructed system of inequitable relations
rain, poor soil, rainfall deficiency and a short grow- within a hegemonic order that allows one set of in-
ing season, especially when combined with poor dividuals and communities to exercise undue pow-
relative location, can intensify contingent margin- er and control over another set with the latter man-
ality. Post war concerns about unequal develop- ifesting one or a number of vulnerability markers
ment were focused on such regions as the US Ap- based on class, ethnicity, age, gender and other sim-
palachia, southern Italy, western Ireland and north- ilar characteristics (Sibley, 1995, pp. 49-114; Mar-

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 ASSEFA MEHRETU, BRUCE WM. PIGOZZI AND LAWRENCE M. SOMMERS

cuse, 1997a; Gotham, 1998; Squires, 1999; Wac-matizes the gypsies all over Europe, Turks in Ger-
quant, 1999). Unlike market-based inequalities,many, Africans in the United Kingdom, France, It-
systemic marginality does not lend itself to reform aly and Sweden, the Sami (Lapps) in northern
Scandinavia, West Indians in the UK and Asians
policies of the welfare state (Painter, 1995). This is
because systemic marginality is a deliberate social throughout Europe (Buck, 1996; Wacquant, 1996b;
construction by the dominant class to achieve spe- Cannan, 1997; Pred, 1997; Van Kempen and Bolt,
cific desirable outcomes of political control, social1997; Anderson, 1998; Deurloo, 1998). In Eastern
exclusion and economic exploitation (Gans, 1993;Europe factors of vulnerability are largely mutable,
Mingione, 1996b, pp. 3-40). Systemic marginality with culture playing a much more significant role
is of particular significance in countries that have(Tesitel et al., 1999). In the case of former Yugo-
experienced pervasive inequity and oppression un-slavia, systemic marginality that led to violent in-
der colonial and/or neocolonial regimes in the lesster-ethnic conflict and "ethnic cleansing" was trig-
developed world (Friedmann, 1988, pp. 108-44;gered by religious history which put Moslem Bos-
Blaut, 1994, pp. 17-43). The application of apart- nians and Kosovars in deadly conflict with Chris-
heid in colonial South Africa and Rhodesia and the tian Serbs.
use of tribal-based exclusionary marginalization in In developing countries, ethno-cultural factors
Rwanda, Ethiopia and the Sudan offer excellent ex-of vulnerability to systemic marginality operate on
amples of social constructions resulting in system-two planes. The first plane is characterized by po-
ic marginality (Palmer, 1977; Holtzman, 2000, pp.sitional polarities that exist between colonial (set-
1-22). tler) and indigenous populations especially in those
Vulnerability to systemic marginality, unlikesituations where the former continues to exercise
that of contingent marginality, is neither randompolitical hegemony and/or economic control. Al-
nor self-inflicted. It is a product of social construc-though official exclusionary ethnic homelands no
tion of stereotypes that uses both mutable and in-longer have statutory sanction, spaces are still be-
delible markers like culture, ethnicity, immigration ing contested to challenge the spatial fixtures of
status, gender and age to exclude and marginalize"undeserved" privilege. Ethnic Chinese minorities
(McDowell, 1995; Sibley, 1995, pp. 14-48; Bhalla in Malaysia and Indonesia, and European minority
and Lapeyre, 1997; Pred, 1997). Ethnic-based mi-settlements in South Africa and Zimbabwe are of-
nority status has been of particular significance toten cited as unstable conditions, as they are based
vulnerability because of its visible and indelible oron a system that makes the majority as well as the
unalterable markers (Gans, 1993; Blaut, 1994, pp.minority vulnerable to systemic marginality (Palm-
1-49; Massey, 1994, pp. 212-48; Harris, 1995, pp. er, 1977; Callaghy, 1988; Roscigno and Bruce,
21-55; Marcuse, 1996; Wacquant, 1996a; Min-1995; Wild, 1997). Tensions resulting from such
gione, 1996b, pp. 275-369). Although much polarities sometimes explode into violence, as in
progress has been made on integration, as David the deadly riots against Chinese businesses and
Sibley points out, there are still contested spacesshopkeepers in Indonesia in 1999, or the pressure
that often exclude vulnerable communities. This on European large landowners in Zimbabwe and
has given rise to discourses on "purified suburbs", South Africa to give up real estate for distribution
"boundary consciousness", "guardians of main- among smallholder African farmers. The second
stream values", "border crossings" and the "outcast plane is characterized by internal tribal cleavages
ghetto" (Sibley, 1995, pp. 32-48; see also Wac- sometimes exacerbated by religion. In some Asian
quant, 1993, 1997; Tosi, 1996; Marcuse, 1997a;
and African countries such tribal sentiments, which
Krivo et al., 1998; Mignione, 1998). had remained dormant after the independence eu-
Ethnicity, an indelible factor of vulnerabilityphoria,
to are beginning to appear with real or bogus
claims for self-determination and recompense. In
systemic marginality, is generally prevalent in most
countries. In North America it affects African examples like Kashmir in India and the Tamil re-
Americans and to some extent, Hispanics, Asians gion of Sri Lanka, secessionist or irrendentist sen-
and Native Americans (Darden et al., 1987; timents which have gone against the prevailing na-
Darden, 1989; Fainstein, 1993; Gans, 1993; Jar- tional policy of sovereignty have been suppressed
gowsky, 1994; Knox, 1994, pp. 302-20; Roscigno with deadly force. In the case of Africa, postmod-
and Bruce, 1995; Marcuse, 1996; Kwong, 1997). In ernist tribal and clan divisions and conflict, claim-
Western Europe, vulnerability to systemic margin- ing politics of self-determination, have compro-
ality is based largely on indelible markers. It stig-
mised the fledgling state apparatus as a secular and

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 CONCEPTS IN SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MARGINALITY

single by
neutral infrastructure, causing it to be usurped mothers with children (see also Massey,
1994,
"war-lordism" resulting in cycles of violence withpp. 175-248; Christopherson, 1995; Mc-
Dowell,
catastrophic outcomes as exhibited in Liberia, Si-1995; PRB, 1996, p. 18). In developing
erra Leone, Rwanda, Sudan, Ethiopia, countries,
Angola, the plight of women and children from
Congo and Somalia. Some attempts at resolving culture-based vulnerabilities is crucial. Women are
such issues along with moves for unilateral relegated
decla- to domestic chores whose demand on
ration of independence as in western Sahara theirand
time and energy never ceases. Women not
Eritrea may have been thought of as an expedient only receive less food than men but they eat foods
solution for redress of long-fought causes,that buthave
theless nutritional value (Leghorn and Park-
disastrous border war between Ethiopia er, and its Women also bear more than their share of
1981).
former province of Eritrea following the independ- work burdens in farming and home-making. They
ence of the latter has dashed those hopesalso (Abbai,
spend significant amounts of their time and en-
1999). ergy performing routine activities such as fetching
Immigration status is one of the most insidious water, gathering firewood and doing the laundry, all
factors of vulnerability for marginalization and ex- of which require head- or back-loaded weights
ploitation worldwide. In many countries, opposi- which are carried over long distances on foot (Me-
tion political parties have often used immigration hretu and Mutambirwa, 1999).
as a rallying force to galvanize nationalist and
sometimes jingoistic sentiments (Harris, 1995, pp.
85-131; Kwong, 1997, pp. 139-59; Pred, 1997). Collateral marginality
Immigrants, legal or undocumented, who arrive Collateral marginality is a derivative form of dis-
seeking employment, face a variety of discrimina- advantage which depends on the existence of con-
tory pressures. Those without residency status are tingent and/or systemic marginality. Collateral
subject to random cruel treatment by immigration marginality is a condition experienced by individ-
authorities and law enforcement bodies as well as uals or communities who are marginalized prima-
those who employ them. Immigrants also become rily on the basis of their social or geographic prox-
convenient scapegoats for causing local problems imity to individuals or communities that experi-
and are often subjected to stereotyping, exploita-ence either contingent or systemic marginality.
tion and even violence (Pred, 1997; Van Kempen, Generally, individuals or communities who are col-
1997). Recent successes in the anti-immigrant leg-laterally marginalized may not, in themselves,
islation in France, Austria and California have share
ex- vulnerability markers, but they suffer margin-
posed immigrant communities to political and eco-
ality by contagion as a function of their presence in
a social or geographic milieu that is pervasively
nomic marginalization with little in the way of mit-
igating conditions (Harris, 1995, pp. 186-214;
disadvantaged by contingent or systemic forces.
Mingoine, 1966b, pp. 29-34). Examples of collateral marginality vary over a
great range depending on how they are formed. To-
Age and gender are also important factors of vul-
nerability to systemic marginality. Households wards one end are extreme examples where reli-
with many children and those headed by a single gious missionaries and humanitarian operatives
such as in Rwanda, southern Sudan or East Timor
parent, often a female parent, have been more likely
to be marginalized (Buck, 1996). According tomay a render themselves vulnerable to contingent
study by the Population Reference Bureau (PRB, health and physical dangers in order to make a pos-
itive difference in the lives of disadvantaged com-
1996), 50 per cent of the people in the United States
who are below the poverty income level are not munities.
of At the other end are poor but majority
working age; 40 per cent are under age 18, andcommunities
10 in rich countries that are hostile to im-
provements for the minorities in their midst who
per cent are over age 65. It is also observed that the
poverty rates of families increase with the number experience systemic marginality. In doing so they
jeopardize social and capital investment in their
of children in a family. Over 53 per cent of families
with five or more children under age 18 are in pov-own (majority) self-interest. At the macro scale,
erty. Gender inequity is a persistent problem that concerns about collateral marginality may discour-
affects employment and income potentials. Fe- age European and North American Foreign Direct
male-headed households are especially vulnerable Investment (FDI) and tourist flows into peripheral
regions like tropical Africa, the Middle East and
to marginality. In the United States, the highest per-
centage of households below the poverty line is for South Asia. At the micro scale, in metropolitan

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 ASSEFA MEHRETU, BRUCE WM. PIGOZZI AND LAWRENCE M. SOMMERS

communities in Western Europe and North Amer- areas allowing the exposure of their labour pools
with little protection. Such compacts often enable
ica, the fear of collateral marginality is what drives
TNCs to secure lucrative deals by allowing them to
the politics of hostility and exclusion of minorities
and immigrants. This often leads to a variety of leverage
dis- more developed country (MDC) labour
criminatory urban real estate practices such as with those of less developed countries (LD-
pools
Cs) or LDCs with other LDCs (Dicken, 1998, pp.
steering, redlining and arbitrage (Hartshorn, 1992,
pp. 264-5; Knox, 1994, pp. 255-8; McGregor 259-76).
and
McConnachie, 1995; Marcuse, 1997b; see also Ro-Leveraged marginalization is a more recent phe-
scigno and Bruce, 1995; Coulton et al., 1996; Krivo
nomenon that has appeared with post-Fordist flex-
et al., 1998). ible production in which MDC workers are forced
to compete with low-wage peripheral workers in
poorer MDC regions or in LDCs. An important fac-
Leveraged marginality tor in the new international division of labour is the
Leveraged marginality, like collateral marginality,enhanced ability of TNCs to leverage concessions
is a derivative form of contingent or systemic from dis- MDC workers by threatening to take manu-
advantage that people/communities experience facturing jobs to off-shore locations where wages
when their bargaining position as wage earnersare in low and sometimes controlled by the local elite
and suppliers to advanced enterprises is weakened who work in compact with TNCs. This of course
by transnational corporate agents who leveragehas lu- been aided by major technological advances
crative concessions by using the prevalence of al- have helped flexible production which has not
that
only forced Fordist firms into vertical disintegra-
ternative, often cheaper, substitutes for labour sup-
tion of organization of production but also reduced
plies or intermediate inputs in less prosperous com-
munities to which they can potentially take their the collective bargaining power of high-wage la-
business (Castells, 1989, pp. 172-228; Dicken, bour as down-sized firms realized opportunities to
1998, pp. 26-78; Porter and Sheppard, 1998,relocate pp. in areas with low wages and less protected
459-492). The meteoric rise in the power of tran- labour (Martinelli and Schoenberger, 1991, pp.
snational corporations (TNCs) has made it possible 117-24; Gans, 1993; Buck, 1996; Micheli, 1996;
for them to wield tremendous influence in reshap- Sassen, 1996; Dicken, 1998, p. 260).
Vulnerability to leveraged marginality depends
ing the spatial organization of industrial activity. In
so doing, they are highly advantaged by existing on location and levels of living. In rich countries
disparities in economic and political development like the USA, Canada and those in Western Europe,
as they seek to maximize their returns through im- leveraging is usually realized by TNCs when they
proved efficiency, markets and raw materials. try Be- to bid down wages and benefits in high-wage
cause of their global reach, TNCs are able to lever-
and union-strong regions like the US Midwest with
age a profitable arrangement for themselvesthreats by of relocating enterprises to less unionized
demonstrating their ability to be more flexibleregions
and in the US South or LDC locations in Latin
spatially mobile and to create competitive bidding America or East Asia. Thus firms like Nike, Lee,
Reebok or Arrow, which have a history of produc-
between countries or regions that want their invest-
ment (Dicken, 1998, pp. 270-7). The loss in oppor- tion in places like Maine, Oregon or North Caroli-
tunity benefits experienced by labour pools na, in awill threaten the labour in those locations with
the real possibility of moving that production to
country or region because of the increased bargain-
countries like Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand or Pa-
ing leverage that TNCs apply to extract better deals
lends itself to leveraged marginality. Leveraged
kistan. This is a form of systemic leveraged mar-
marginality is contingent when the leveraging is
ginality because concessions are being leveraged in
done between two equally competitive conditions MDCs due to impoverished labour pools in LDCs
such as workers in Western Europe competing whichfor may be subject to control by their govern-
the same jobs as those in the United States. In ments.
such Thus leveraged marginality is realized when
developed countries, TNCs deal directly with systemic
un- marginality experienced in LDCs is uti-
ions or local governments in trying to obtainlized
the to indirectly compromise the bargaining pow-
best concessions by leveraging one region against
er of labour in MDCs. The competitive bidding that
ensues would result in the "down-levelling" of
the other. Leveraged marginality is systemic when
leveraging is made possible by TNC dealings withwages and benefits in rich countries (Barf, 1995;
corrupt and undemocratic state operatives in poor
Dicken, 1998, pp. 270-7). The process may also re-

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 CONCEPTS IN SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MARGINALITY

mercantilist
suit in the segmentation of the labour force and in-(often crony capitalist) regulatory and
interventionist
troduce a bipolar occupational structure that would state as is the case with many of
favour professionals such as engineers and those in Latin America, South Asia and Africa
others
that can be absorbed by high-technology-based (Wild, 1997,
in- pp. 257-80).
dustries while marginalizing those who continue to structural duality that differentiates
The second
depend on low-skilled manufacturing jobs which
contingent and systemic marginality is the degree
will be down-sized and subject to pressures to
of dependence of the national economy on endog-
"down-leveled" wages (Benko and Dunford, enous1991,
market inducements for its dynamics. This
pp. 3-23; Castells, 1991, pp. 172-228). duality has its roots in the sources of decision-mak-
Vulnerability to leveraged marginality ing ininpoor
the modernization of the national economy.
economies takes a different form. In poor Inregions
more industrialized economies, the inducements
such as Eastern Europe, South-east Asia,areLatin largely the result of endogenous economic and
America and Africa, TNCs may deal with the technological
state developments. In such countries, the
decision to engage in modem production enterpris-
apparatus itself, which, in the interest of improving
es arises largely
its competitive bidding to attract FDI, exposes its in response to the potential de-
labour pools to indirect control by imposing mandregu-
by the national population that is ultimately
latory restrictions on collective bargaining. Since of the development process. In the
the beneficiary
most LDCs are hungry for investment, TNCs USA, exer-
Canada and Western Europe, endogenous
cise considerable power in bidding one region or
systems dominate, and the advancement of the gen-
country against another for better concessions
eral welfarein
of the home country is the primary ra-
tionale forof
rents and wages. The core-periphery structure modernizing the economy. On the other
most LDC economies allows easier compacts hand, inbe-
situations where the inducements for the
tween political elite in LDCs and TNCs forindustrial
profit- development are external, most "mod-
ernizing"
able arrangements for the latter, even though theforces have little or no relevance for fun-
damental national priorities. Mobilization of re-
compact may increasingly feminize and marginal-
source312-
ize the LDC labour pools (Dicken, 1998, pp. endowments and the related technological
14). transformation in most poor countries have been
largely the result of enclave development to pro-
duce commodities for overseas markets. This was
Structural implications of marginality supported by a staple theory of development which
The prevalence and magnitude of contingent and stipulated that less developed countries should spe-
systemic marginality depends on the intersection of cialize in the production of export commodities
three structural dualities in a country's socioeco- like coffee, fibres, tropical fruits and minerals in
nomic system which are: (1) competitive vs. con- which they have comparative advantage (Todaro,
trolled market mechanism, (2) endogenous vs. ex- 1994, pp. 407-46). More recently, traditional raw
ogenous market dependency, and (3) neutral vs. material staple exports of LDCs have been joined
vested regulatory state (Painter, 1995). by FDI-driven export processing zones (EPZs) and
The first structural duality that differentiates the tax-free zones (TFZs) whose outputs are largely
contingent and systemic marginality concerns the for export (Hanink, 1994, pp. 230-8; Dicken, 1998,
role of competitive vs. controlled markets in the pp. 130-2). In addition to being dependent on ex-
overall allocation of scarce resources. Generally, in ternal inducements, such industries show little
more advanced economies, free market forces play promise for linkages with other industries in the
a greater role in the allocation of scarce resources countries in which they are located. Export staples,
whereas in controlled economies, especially those EPZs and TFZs are attracted to poor regions and
with colonial histories, extra-market forces ema- countries because of availability of cheap unskilled
nating from a heavily regulatory state are more labour pools. The inducements have little to do
dominant. Consequently, marginality in free mar- with internal priorities to improve the basic needs
kets tends to be accidental or contingent, as is likely of the poor populations; nor do they have a long-
the case in more developed economies such as the term transformational role as most such industries
USA and Western Europe. In contrast, in poor are characterized by poor linkages to local markets
countries with weak laissez-faire systems, margin- and local industries (Wong and Chu, 1984; Dicken,
ality tends to be systemic with controlled markets, 1998, pp. 130-2, 245-59).
external functional links of dependency, and a neo- The third structural duality that differentiates

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 ASSEFA MEHRETU, BRUCE WM. PIGOZZI AND LAWRENCE M. SOMMERS

contingent and systemic marginality pertains to pendent

the (Friedmann and Weaver, 1980, pp. 114-
dichotomous role of the state in exchange relations.18; Riddell, 1985; Wild, 1997, pp. 257-80; Peet
and Hartwick, 1999, pp. 107-14).
The state plays a significant role in the triangulation
between its own regulatory institutions and those of The spatial form of contingent marginality is
the entrepreneurial class and industrial labour. generally described by distance-decay functions of
Generally, in free enterprise systems, government, unequal distribution of development indicators like
which is generally democratic, is expected to play income per capita declining over distance from the
a more neutral and, of late, increasingly weakened centre of growth. Distance-decay patterns may be
role in the market-negotiated equilibrium between distorted by local environmental, cultural and eco-
the entrepreneurial class and industrial labour.nomicAc- limitations that invite localized contingent
cording to the conventional mode of regulation, in
marginality, but the overall pattern is indicative of
free markets the state monitors macro-economic a decline in development variables with distance
indicators and enforces regulatory provisions to fa-
from the centre of development. Contingent mar-
cilitate a free and orderly engagement in the mar- ginality is exemplified by the decline of income per
ketplace (Painter, 1995). This is assumed to pro-capita with distance from metropolitan areas out to
duce competitive efficiency with possibly unequalrural hinterlands of any major city in Europe and
but equitable distribution of development benefits the United States.
in society and space. The marginality that is deriv- The spatial form of systemic marginality is more
ative of this is contingent. On the other hand, in complicated. First, although distance-decay may
controlled markets, the state apparatus, whose generally apply to macro-spatial patterns in the dis-
character often manifests autocratic, crony capital-
tribution of development indicators, the linear form
ist, clientelistic and kleptocratic tendencies, be-
of the decay in contingent marginality is not
haves in a highly coercive manner in mediation be-
present here. The decay in systemic marginality
tween business and labour (Callaghy, 1988; Barf, tends to be more discontinuous with significant
1995; Wild, 1997, pp. 266-80; Peet and Hartwick, truncation of the function with distance from the
1999, p. 111). In most developing nations, the state
metropolitan core to the rural periphery. It is exem-
forms strategic collusion with TNC and national plified by sharp qualitative and quantitative breaks
entrepreneurial agents to take advantage of cheap in physical and social environments as one travers-
labour, land, minerals and utilities, with additional
es from the centre of a typical modern and techno-
benefits from tax relief, and lax work place safety logically sophisticated primate city in Latin Amer-
and pollution standards (Barf, 1995; Dicken, 1998, ica and Sub-Saharan Africa to the rural margins
pp.250-1). Thus systemic marginality results when where life can be abruptly traditional, poor and
the regulatory state creates conditions that compro-technologically backward. Mexico City and Nairo-
mise the operation of free markets and expose pro- bi, Kenya serve as good examples.
ductive factors, especially labour, to coerced com-
pliance.
Marginality and spatial scales of analysis
For the purpose of empirical analysis, the spatial
Spatial patterns of marginality forms of contingent and systemic margins can be
The spatial forms of contingent and systemic mar- divided into four spatial scales of inquiry (Som-
ginality are also characterized by two contrasting mers et al., 1999). The first scale is termed
patterns of regional development and spatial inter- megaspatial and refers to international relations in
action. Contingent marginality, operating within production that differentiate the core economically
the context of the modernization framework, is as- developed countries from the peripheral countries
sumed to embrace convergent and diffusionist dy- of the less developed world within the context of
namics of development opportunities and rewards contingent or systemic marginality. Megaspatial
(Myrdal, 1957; Hirshmann, 1958; Peet and Hart- contingent marginality applies to regions in the less
wick, 1999, pp. 65-85). On the other hand, system- developed countries whose poverty can be ex-
ic marginality, operating within the centre-periph- plained by classical market theory, comparative ad-
ery mode, is likely to have less free and more fil- vantage, technological backwardness and space-
tered and controlled channels of information diffu- time lags in diffusion of innovation. The historical
sion and exchange of ideas unilaterally determined evidence for this includes the rise of the newly in-
by the core on which the periphery is essentially de- dustrializing countries (NICs) whose "Asian Mira-

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 CONCEPTS IN SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MARGINALITY

cle" and "Asian Tigers" have been cited aslands.

demon-In many cases, this is maintained by physical
strating successful impulses of investment andcapital
social structures of containment of the margin-
from rich developed countries that gave rise alized people within a nation. Historical examples
to FDI-
led globalization of industry (Dicken, 1998, are Native
pp. American reserves in North America,
"Tribal Trust Lands" in colonial Zimbabwe, and
131-43). On the other hand, megaspatial systemic
margins come under a different theoretical con-
"Bantustans" in South Africa. More recently, sim-
struct in which a system of monopoly capitalism,
ilar problems have developed from territorial dis-
driven by TNCs and operating within a core-pe-
putes with undercurrents of "ethnic cleansing"
riphery structure which maintains dependent suchrela-
as in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and the
tions with LDCs, uses the margins as sources Congo, of and East Timor in Indonesia.
cheap labour and raw materials worthy of exploi- The third scale of marginality in space is termed
microspatial. Microspatial margins are distressed
tation but with little hope for sustained endogenous
capital formation. The world systems theory, localities
with- within relatively small territories such as
in which this is articulated, refutes the notion, put
metropolitan regions. Microspatial marginality can
also be divided into contingent and systemic vari-
forth by modernization theory, that core-periphery
relationships lead to the development of bothants.core
Contingent micromargins are those resulting
and periphery. Instead, it maintains that thefrom
systemcompetitive markets in which metropolitan
is inherently exploitative of the poor countries
margins are a reflection of the economic bipolari-
(Wallerstein, 1992; Blaut, 1994; Shannon, zation
1996;associated with cyclical markets and chang-
Peet and Hartwick, 1999, pp. 107-22). es in regimes of accumulation (Castells, 1989, pp.
The second scale of marginality in space 172-228;
is mac- Marcuse, 1996; Tosi, 1996, pp. 89-90).
rospatial and applies to regional or nationalContingent
dispar- micromargins are of particular signifi-
cance
ities in levels of living between central (core) in more developed economies where capital
loca-
tions of economic activity and peripheralhas and re- increasingly footloose and often unco-
become
mote locations and/or areas with poor naturalordinatedre- and "anarchical", which may lead to
sources (Friedmann and Weaver, 1980, pp. 140-3;
"capital switching" to take advantage of new op-
Massey, 1994, pp. 50-66). When macrospatial portunities to maximize returns (Gottdiener, 1994,
marginality is a product of market forces, pp.the96-100).
out- On the other hand, systemic micro-
come is treated as competitive inequality in marginal
which areas result largely from social vulnera-
the vulnerability factor is locational, cultural and/
bilities which are often aggravated by hegemonies
or ecological, giving rise to contingent macrospa-
associated with the dominant political and cultural
order (Gottdiener, 1994, p. 105). Although vulner-
tial marginality. Since' competitive inequality is a
free-market characteristic, contingent marcrospa-
ability factors such as history, age and gender are
tial marginality is assumed to be, at least theoreti-
important in systemic microspatial marginality, the
cally, ultimately convergent. Examples ofmost common forms are those based on ethnocul-
contin-
gent macrospatial marginal areas are northernturalEng-
distinctions and immigration status. In Europe
land, western Ireland, the Massif Central in and south-
North America, systemic microspatial margin-
ern France, the Mezzogiorno of Italy, and are usually located in the centres of major
al areas
Appalachia, the Ozarks, parts of the Deepmetropolitan
South, areas (Coulton et al., 1996; Wac-
and northern Michigan in the United Statesquant,(Fried-1996a; Marcuse, 1997a). Although systemic
mann and Weaver, 1980, pp. 140-59; Claval,
micromarginality is often attributed to factors that
1983). The history of underdevelopment are of these
internal to poor urban communities as exempli-
areas, of course, has shown that povertyfied canbybe-
the "culture of poverty" debate, it is the sys-
come endemic with little sign of convergence. temic external forces, including "social gatekeep-
Sys-
temic macrospatial marginality is produced er" by an
agencies, that seem to be more responsible for
inequitable and often a hegemonic orderthe phenomenon (Roscigno and Bruce, 1995;
which
uses politics and culture to prevent the market Micheli,
from1996; Tosi, 1996; Wacquant, 1993, 1996a;
operating equitably in society and over space. Marcuse,
Sys- 1997a). Systemic microspatial marginal-
temic macrospatial marginal areas are intentionality is revealed in those areas in which there is a con-
gerrymandered spaces which are created either vergence
to of many of the stereotypical factors of
appropriate land and resource assets and/orvulnerability.
contain In some North American examples,
communities within exclusionary zones factors such as of vulnerability such as ethnicity play the
"tribal" lands, native reserves and ethnic home- role of an "anchor" factor joined by others like im-

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 ASSEFA MEHRETU, BRUCE WM. PIGOZZI AND LAWRENCE M. SOMMERS

migration status, gender and age to produce some gions, it is possible to realize economic conver-
gence with reduction in both contingent and sys-
of the worst cases of systemic microspatial margins
(Mingione, 1966b; Hill, 1983, pp. 91-8; Darden ettemic vulnerability throughout the world. Howev-
al., 1987, pp. 67-108; Knox, 1993, pp. 27-9; Knox,
er, it is more likely that both contingent and sys-
1994, pp. 255-8; Cadwallader, 1996, pp. 366-8; temic marginality will intensify. The new interna-
Marcuse, 1996, pp. 176-216; Wacquant, 1996b;
tional division of labour (NIDL) and related post-
Marcuse, 1997b). Fordist flexible production will deepen the effects
of the conventional social factors of vulnerability
The fourth and final spatial scale of marginality
is termed in situ. The term microperipherality has like race, "tribe", ethnicity, age, gender and immi-
also been applied to address this phenomenon gration status. As patterns in Europe and the United
(Blom, 1998). This refers to unequal development States have shown, NIDL will increase the pressure
within very small geographic units, like census on the unions whose bargaining power will be com-
tracts or city blocks, in which poor and marginal- promised by TNCs which are able to leverage con-
ized households and prosperous households may cessions and take advantage of post-Fordist (flexi-
share neighbourhoods. Both contingent and sys- ble manufacturing) and neo-Fordist (high-technol-
temic in situ margins can be found in urban neigh- ogy information age) regimes of production and ac-
bourhoods. However, the dominant form of in situ cumulation (Castells, 1989, pp. 172-228; Marti-
nelli and Schoenberger, 1991; Jessop, 1992). When
marginality appears to be systemic. In situ margins
are a consequence of many vulnerability factors such developments expose majority populations to
leveraged marginality, systemic marginality tends
such as ethnicity, immigration status and single fe-
to increase for local minorities and "immigrants"
male parent households. Large disparities in levels
who are scapegoated for the job losses or TNC "as-
of living can be found within systemic in situ mar-
ginalized places. Contingent and systemic in situsaults on the Fordist social compromise" (Jessop,
margins may apply to cases of well-to-do house- 1992, p. 30; Harris, 1995, pp. 85-131; Painter,
1995, p. 141; Kwong, 1997; Pred, 1997).
holds that are residual from better days in neigh-
bourhoods in which older residents have main- This paper suggests a theory of marginality
tained the quality of their housing stock either by on two clear-cut and counterposed factors of
based
choice (contingent) or due to hegemonic exclusionmarginality. The distinction is drawn between con-
(systemic). Purely contingent in situ marginal tingent and systemic sources of marginality be-
cause each comes from a totally different dynamic
dwellings may also be the result of countervailing
developments of enclaves of better neighbour- of free versus controlled situations. Policies de-
hoods within blighted regions of inner cities, often
signed to redress contingent marginality may be in-
as a result of urban renewal programmes and/or herently inappropriate for dealing with places that
gentrification (Knox, 1994, pp. 258-61; McGregor
experience systemic marginality. For example, at a
and McConnachie, 1995; Cadwallader, 1996, micro
pp. scale, an enterprise zone which is designed
367-6, Marcuse, 1997b). to redress contingent marginality in an inner city
district is likely to succeed if the root causes of mar-
ginality in the district are market-related. The same
Conclusion
design would have little or no impact if the district's
disadvantage is rooted in non-market systemic
Unequal development will continue to be an impor-
tant policy issue especially because of currentcauses. At the mega scale, neoliberal generic poli-
trends in the polarization of society and space cies
withto liberalize and deregulate markets, as has
structural changes in the global economy and been
thepushed by the International Monetary Fund
rapid switching of the international division of(IMF)
la- in a variety of structural adjustment pro-
bour from the old to the new (Castells, 1989, pp.
grammes all over the world, are not likely to bring
172-228; Dicken, 1998, pp. 238-40). The chang- about comparable results in both free market and
controlled economies. Policies for structural ad-
ing international economic scene has also pro-
duced a more complex configuration in unequal de-
justment must first and foremost take into account
velopment requiring an equally complex policy fundamental
re- dichotomies in process and structure
sponse. between contingent and systemic setbacks in the
economy of poor regions.
With increasing globalization of the world econ-
omy, expanding frontiers in industrial production,Conceptually, the division of marginality into
and high rates of development in many poor re- contingent and systemic also allows further nuanc-

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 CONCEPTS IN SOCIAL AND SPATIAL MARGINALITY

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