12 th Annual International Addiction Science Congress (ASC2018), Razi Convention Centre, Tehran,

Iran September 5-7; http://www.ascongress.ir/En_Default.aspx

Endless Smoking; Test of Terror Management Theory and Risk Perceptions on Smoking
Behavior
Zohreh Mehravipour; Nafise Shemirani; Elahe Mokariyanpour

Abstract

In an effort to help to reduce the number of tobacco consumers, health warning labels on tobacco products
are the recent solution to inform consumers; it is a cost-effective way to disseminate information to the
public on the dangers of smoking and benefits of quitting. The present study included 150 smokers who
took part in two studies; based on terror management theory, the research investigates the impact of
mortality-salient warnings on cigarette packages compared to warnings pain to the someone beloved to
the consumer like a member of the family. Results suggest that individuals with a high self-esteem and
with risky behaviour/smoking attitude undertake risky behaviour/consumption of tobacco cigarettes,
become more negative attitudes toward smoking when the individual source of self-esteem make a
challenge by the reason illustrated on the warning messages. On the contrary, tobacco consumers with
low self-esteem do not the ability to change their behaviour when mortality is salient related to self or
even the someone beloved. Death Warning message on Tobacco Package presumably counteractive.
When the message is oriented toward the self, an increase of consumption is expected meanwhile when is
oriented toward the someone-believed increase in consumption of Tobacco is expected.

Keywords:

Terror management theory; smoking; warning message; mortality salience; self-esteem; someone Beloved

The tobacco epidemic is one of the biggest public health threats the world has ever faced,
killing more than 7 million people a year. More than 6 million of those deaths are the result of
direct tobacco use while around 890 000 are the result of non-smokers being exposed to second-
hand smoke according to new estimates from WHO1. Currently, one person is killed every six
seconds by tobacco2. Current estimates suggest that almost one third of the world population
smoke (Slama, 2004). Around 35% of men and 22% of women in developed countries smoke.
These figures in developing countries are about 50% and 9%, respectively (Mackay, Eriksen,
2002). About 84% of global smokers live in developing countries comprising about 1.3 billion
people (Jha, Chaloupka 2000). In Iran tobacco Company, a governmental organization, with
more than 10 divisions/manufactories throughout Iran, produces about 12 billion cigarette sticks
per year. In addition almost same amount is legally imported (Meysamie Et.al 2012). Meysamie
Et.al. Reported that the average number of cigarettes smoked daily by an Iranian smoker was
13.7 sticks. Subsequently it is estimated that roughly 30 billion cigarette sticks is consumed a
year in Iran. Recent data in Iran shows 62% increase in the manufactured cigarette from the
period of 2000–2004 to 2005–2009 (Meysamie Et.al 2012). In an effort to help to reduce the
number of tobacco consumers, Health Warnin Labels on Tobacco Products is the recent solution
to inform a cost-effective way to disseminate information to the public on the dangers of

1
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs339/en/
2
WHO report on the global tobacco epidemic . The empower package Geneva. World Health Organization; 2008.

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12 th Annual International Addiction Science Congress (ASC2018), Razi Convention Centre, Tehran,
Iran September 5-7; http://www.ascongress.ir/En_Default.aspx

smoking and benefits of quitting3. Health warning labels describe the harmful effects of tobacco
products using text and/ or pictures. The messages in the labels are intended to describe the
harmful physical and psychosocial effects of using tobacco products. In the past, text-only
warning labels have appeared on cigarette packages; the evidence now shows that picture-based
warnings with accompanying the text are more effective. Article 11 of the World Health
Organization’s (WHO) Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) focuses on
packaging and labeling of tobacco products. Article 11 requires that tobacco product packaging
carry health warnings that describe the harmful effects of tobacco use, and that packages also
provide other relevant information to inform people about the harmful effects of tobacco
products. It is recommended that health warning labels on tobacco products cover a minimum of
50% of the front of the pack. The following translational document summarizes what is currently
known about tobacco product warning labels and their key components.

Warning labels serve two main purposes. First, the warnings provide health information
on the risks of using tobacco products. Although it is widely known that tobacco products are
harmful, many people are unaware of the full range of negative effects that they have on health.
Second, warning labels on tobacco products aim to affect product use. This includes reducing use
or encouraging quitting among users, preventing non-users from initiating, and preventing
former users from relapse.

Thereby, many such warning messages remind us of our mortality. How effective are such
warnings in reducing smoking attitudes? Even more, is it possible such the warning messages
may increase smoking rather than decreasing?

Based on terror management theory (e.g., Greenberg, Solomon, & Pyszczynski, 1997;
Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski, 1991), Mortality of Saliant creates the potential for
extreme anxiety (or terror) because of being helplessly exposed to this threat. In order to manage
this distress, Terror Management Theory TMT postulates that investment in cultural worldviews
and self-esteem serves to buffer the potential for death anxiety (Burke, Martens, Faucher, 2010).
Keeping a positive self-esteem can give a feeling of security and function to buffer people from
the deeply-rooted existential fear when mortality is made salient (Pyszczynski et al., 2004). To
the extent that smoking is a source of self-esteem, mortality-salient on-pack warnings would thus
ironically cause more positive attitudes towards smoking (Hansen et al., 2010) and lead to
greater willingness to take risks (Miller, Taubman–Ben-Ari.O, 2004) and smoke more. The
warnings message available on the cigarette pack which are related to death makes mortality
salient then individuals who built their self-esteem on smoking would adopt a positive attitude
towards smoking after being provided with mortality-salient warning messages (Hansen et al.,

3
Institute for Global Tobacco Control, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, USA, www.jhsph.edu/igtc,
www.globaltobaccocontrol.org

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12 th Annual International Addiction Science Congress (ASC2018), Razi Convention Centre, Tehran,
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2010) because awareness of mortality motivates self-esteem striving (Pyszczynski, Greenberg,

Solomon, Arndt, & Schimel, 2004).

Based on terror management theory, the present study will investigate the impact of
mortality salience of self (MSS) warnings on cigarette packages compared to the awareness of
the death of a loved one as mortality salience of a loved one (MSLO). Here, loved ones refer to
family's spouse, children, parents, siblings and other important family members (Wang, 2014). In
the present research, we hypothesize that warning messages may have different effects on
smoking attitudes, depending on:

1. How salient mortality is in the messages if it is oriented to the Mortality Salience

of Self (MSS) or the Mortality Salience of Loved Ones (MSLO), and

2. How strongly recipients base their self-esteem on smoking.

Specifically, we propose that terrifying illustrations but not directly death warnings
message oriented to someone beloved in life (such as ‘‘Smoking brings your daughter death”)
are effective in reducing attitudes towards smoking to a greater degree more than people base
their self-esteem on smoking.

Hansen et al. in their study states that such warnings message challenge the very reason
for smokers particularly for those who believe that smoking allows them to feel valued by others
or to boost their positive self-image. In this study we put their positive self-image in challenge by
giving them a reason this is your attitude put your beloved in danger (such as ‘‘according to the
WHO the most being orphan children of cigarret smokers are not the work children and smoke as
their parents did”).

to buffer
MS Anxiety Anxiety: Invest in
self-esteem

Showing positive
Take a Risk;
atittude toward
Smoking more
smoking

A comparable research for the buffer function of self-esteem among tobacco consumers
has been shown that death-related warnings were not effective and even ironically caused more
positive smoking attitudes among smokers who based their self-esteem on smoking. Similarly, it
has been demonstrated that the effects of mortality salience on risk taking while driving

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12 th Annual International Addiction Science Congress (ASC2018), Razi Convention Centre, Tehran,
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inductions led to more risky driving than the control condition among individuals who perceived
driving as relevant to their self-esteem (Taubman Ben-Ari, Florian, & Mikulincer, 1999; see also
Jessop, Alberty, Rutter, & Garrod, 2008). Studies have shown that besides coping with the
primitive fear of one’s own biological death, human beings constantly confront the fear of
eternal separation from a loved one through death (Bowlby, 1982; Stroebe, 2002). This
separation anxiety can be experienced more intensely, and for a longer period, than the fear of
one’s own death. Among all the mortality salience studies, only a few have explored the effect of
MSLO (Greenberg et al. 1994; Davis & McKearney 2003; Bonsu and Belk 2003; Wang, 2014).
Studies have shown that simply analogizing MSLO with MSS is not in itself sufficient (Wang,
2014). For example, when asking participants to think about the death of a close friend from
cancer, Liu and Aaker (2007) found only a small percentage (9%) of participants expressed
anxiety and fear over their own death, whereas a majority (72%) of participants entertained
concrete thoughts about their personal visions of life. Nevertheless, the question that arises here
is this: To what extent is MSLO in IRAN where people are the most emotionally complex have
affected.

Research by Yuri Miyamoto suggests that cultural differences influence emotion

regulation strategies. For example, ethnographic accounts suggest that American mothers think
that it is important to focus on their children's successes, and Chinese mothers think it is more
important to provide discipline for their children (Miller, Wang, Sandel, Cho, 2002). While the
emotions themselves are universal phenomena, they are always influenced by culture. How
emotions are experienced, expressed, perceived, and regulated varies as a function of culturally
normative behaviour by the surrounding society. Therefore, it can be said that culture is a
necessary framework for researchers to understand variations in emotions (Richeson, Boyd,
2005). In the study, we assumed that if the warning is terrifying but oriented to the one beloved
in IRAN where people are the most emotionally complex (Yekta-Steininger, 2010), smoking
attitudes moderate the effect of Mortality Salience.

Experimental Designs

Q1: Do terrifying picture and death-related warnings the one with the Mortality Salience
of Self (MSS) available on the cigarette packages encourage more smoking?

Q2: How strongly do recipients base their self-esteem on smoking?

Hypothesis:

In the present research, we assessed whether smoking-based self-esteem and presented

fear-evoking warning were either related to self-death or beloved death messages on cigarette
packages. After a delay , we measured smoking attitudes. From the perspective of TMT,

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12 th Annual International Addiction Science Congress (ASC2018), Razi Convention Centre, Tehran,
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reminders of personal death motivate attempts to bolster self-esteem, we predicted that mortality
salience would cause more positive smoking attitudes for individuals who build their self-esteem
on smoking. Therefore, death-related anti-smoking warnings should be less effective in
changing smoking attitudes the more that people base their self-esteem on smoking (Hansen,
Et.al. 2010). In contrast, death to someone beloved oriented (but self-esteem related) anti-
smoking warnings should more effective, and they will smoke less than before.

Method

Participants and design

G Power suggested 134 population as the minimum to ensure a diverse sample; 150
(participants 50 female and 100 male and the mean age of the participants were 30.97) who were
smokers took part in the study recruited via advertisements across different bus terminals. Ages
ranged from 21 to 45 years (M = 30.61, SD = 6.88). 60% of the participants smoke 5 minutes
after they wake up.

Participants were divided randomly into two groups (mortality salience-SELF/Control

Condition vs. mortality salience-BELOVED/Control Condition) both groups, the amount of
smoking per day and the scores on the scale of self-esteem. The two conditions did not differ in
the amount of smoking per day, t (150) = 1.21, p = .23.

Materials and procedure

After providing some demographic data based on some subset of key questions from the
Global Adult Tobacco Survey (GTAS ), participants completed a series of questionnaires. The
first questionnaire measured to what degree participants based their self-esteem on smoking were
adapted from Taubman Ben-Ari et al. (1999) and Hansen et al. (2010) – that is, consisting of 13
questionnaires such as “Smoking brings out unwanted aspects of my character. Smoking allows
me to receive evaluation about my capability. Smoking hurts my social relationships”. In
addition, participants were asked to fill out a 10-item Rosenberge self-esteem (RSES) that
measures global self-worth by measuring both positive and negative feelings about the self. The
scale is believed to be uni-dimensional. All items are answered using a 7-point Likert scale
format, ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree, included following examples like, “On
the whole, I am satisfied with myself.” or “At times I think I am no good at all.” or “I feel that I
have a number of good qualities.”

For each statement, participants indicated their agreement on the Likert (Derrick, White,
2017) type scale ranging from 1 (do not agree at all) to 7 (agree completely). We calculated a
mean smoking-based self-esteem index for each participant (Cronbach’s a = 0.704). After this

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12 th Annual International Addiction Science Congress (ASC2018), Razi Convention Centre, Tehran,
Iran September 5-7; http://www.ascongress.ir/En_Default.aspx

scale, participants worked on a filler questionnaire. Next, participants were randomly assigned to
one of two (MSSB/control or MSS group/control).

In the mortality salience-beloved condition, the picture for the MSSB illustrated how
someone beloved feel pain/injured due to the self-smoking.

For another condition, mortality salience-SELF, mortality was made salient by using
graphic death pictures on cigarette packs shows how smoking can result in a slow and painful
death. Then they asked to the MS treatment (Rosenblatt et al., 1989) describes a questionnaire
containing two items:

1. “Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of your own death arouses in
you” and “Jot them down, as specifically as you can.”

2. “What do you think will happen to you physically when you die?”

In the other version, the warnings were related to someone beloved death (i.e., ‘‘How
family tobacco can be smoking victims - our children died young! no child should have to
endure!”). Then they were asked to describe two items:

1. “Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of your beloved (child or parent
or wife/husband) death arouses because of your smoking” and “Jot that down, as specifically as
you can.

2. “What do you think will happen to your emotion and the soul if they die because of
your smoking?”

Because mortality threats can only be found when death-related thoughts have been
removed from conscious awareness, either by delay, by distraction, or by subliminal presentation
of the mortality threats (Greenberg, Arndt, Simon, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 2000; Goldenberg
& Arndt, 2008; Greenberg, Pyszczynski, Solomon, Simon, & Breus, 1994; Pyszczynski,
Greenberg, & Solomon, 1999), participants recieved 15-minute distribution after the mortality
salience surveys. Subsequently, smoking attitudes were collected with five items that were
answered on respective 7-point Likert scales (Hansen, Et.al. 2010) consisting of, I do enjoy
smoking. Smoking is important for me. I do intent to smoke less in the future. I intent to quit
smoking in the future. I am going to smoke a cigarette directly after this study. Finally,
participants were thanked, debriefed, and given credit.

Result

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12 th Annual International Addiction Science Congress (ASC2018), Razi Convention Centre, Tehran,
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Primary analyses revealed that the two groups (mortality salience-SELF vs. mortality
salience-Beloved) did not differ significantly regarding smoking attitudes: 53.10, SD = 3.30 vs, t
(75) = .282, p = .779, and smoking-based self-esteem: Mean = 27.06, SD = 13.38 vs, t (75) =
.043, p = .966.

To test the hypothesis, the smoking-based self-esteem moderates the effect of mortality
salience self MSS group A or one beloved MSSB group B on smoking attitudes; after the
evaluation of manipulation for each group, participants’ self-esteem scores splinted into two
groups – the high self-esteem level 2 and the low which indicated as level 1, as seen in Figure 1.

In group A (MSS/control) (high/low self-esteem), smoking attitude for the control

condition and participants with high self-esteem smoking attitude scores was statistically
significant, with MSS high self-esteem = 9.600, t (75) = 18.827, p = 0.00. Indicating a clear
interpreter of the condition, smoking attitude for the control condition and participants with low
self-esteem smoking attitude scores was not statistically significant, with MSS low self-esteem =
.4500, t (75) = 1.000, p = 0.374.

In-group B (MSSB/control) (high/low self-esteem), smoking attitude for the control

condition and participants with high self-esteem smoking attitude scores was statistically
significant, with MSSB high self-esteem = 10.58, t (75) = 31.56, p = 0.003. On the other hand,
smoking attitude for the control condition and participants with low self-esteem smoking attitude
scores was not statistically significant, with MSS Low self-esteem = .34, t (75) = 1.0, p = .331.
Comparing Table 1, 2 and 3.

Figure1.Comparing two Groups MSS & MSSB

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Table 1. Comparing the smoking attitude and MSSB with high self-esteem and the control
condition

Table 2. Comparing the smoking attitude and MSS with high self-esteem and the control
condition

Table 3. Comparing the smoking attitude and MSS with low self-esteem and the control
condition

Discussion

This study indicates that warning messages on cigarette packages can be effective in
inducing anti-smoking attitudes (Hancen et al. 2010). However, the effect depends on the
intercourse of smoking-based self-esteem and mortality saliencem even if it is based on the dead

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self or a beloved one who received the painful effect of the message. For individuals with a high
smoking self-esteem, death-related warning messages caused more positive smoking attitudes
among tobacco consumers; in contrast, a positive attitude towards smoking would not buffer
against existential terror. Thus, relative to high smoking self-esteem participants, participants
with a high smoking self-esteem indicated higher smoking attitudes when mortality of salient
was oriented to the self. By contrast, warning messages that were not related to the dead-self, but
were oriented to a loved one reduced smoking attitudes more for individuals with a high smoking
self-esteem. To the degree that warning messages undermine the high smoking-based self-
esteem, smoking may be devalued (Hancen et al. 2010). Interestingly, unrelated death warnings
toward loved ones were not effective and caused more negative smoking attitudes among
tobacco consumers and individuals kept smoking to the same degree as before.

Surprisingly, more female recipients (75%) recorded lower self-esteem than the male. In
sum, consistent with the terror management theory (Greenberg et al., 1997; Solomon et al.,
1991& Hancen et al. 2010), the impact of warning messages on cigarette packs depended (1) on
the degree to which self-esteem was based on smoking and (2) on the salience of death in the
warnings. This study suggests that a differential strategy should be applied as warning message
on tobacco package depended on the degree that the individual (male and female) based their
self-esteem on smoking attitude to avoid the negative consequences of smoking (Hancen et al.
2010). In general, risky behavior can be changed easily for the individual who build their self-
esteem highly on the risky behavior (Cigarette Consumption). Thus, to the degree that smoking
is a source of self-esteem in order to buffer the anxiety caused by the risky action, some
individuals are used to undertake the risky action more, so considering cigarette recipient’s death
may make people more smoke. Although high self-esteem and the smoking attitude based on
self-esteem increases smoking behavior, but we do not consider this as a negative factor; by
making the risky behavior into a rational challenge (causing pain and suffer to one beloved), the
challenge can be turned into an opportunity (a significant drop in smoking).

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