Professional Documents
Culture Documents
43. The Revolution and Europe: The War and the “Second”
Revolution, 1792 385
44. The Emergency Republic, 1792–1795: The Terror 389
45. The Constitutional Republic: The Directory, 1795–1799 400
46. The Authoritarian Republic: The Consulate, 1799–1804 405
Index I1
Suggestions for Further Reading Online at www.mhhe.com/palmerhistory11e
List of Chapter Illustrations
The Parthenon 12
Ruins of the Roman Forum 14
Roman Emperor Caesar Augustus 15
St. Augustine 18
Hagia Sophia 22
Medieval Spanish Monastery 27
Medieval Peasant 31
Symbol of Florentine Wool Guild 35
The Meeting of St. Anthony and St. Paul by Sassetta 43
Thomas Aquinas by Fra Bartelemo 44
European Crusaders at Antioch 47
Religious Procession of Medieval Flagellants 54
Renaissance Italian Bankers 57
Renaissance Italian Wool Merchants 58
Procession of the Three Kings to Bethlehem by Benozzo Gozzoli 59
Lorenzo de’ Medici Examining a Model of His Villa 60
Portrait of a Condottiere by Giovanni Bellini 62
Detail from Zacharias in the Temple by Domenico Ghirlandaio 64
Portrait of a Family by Lavinia Fontana 66
Florentine Council Debating on War with Pisa by Giorgio Vasari 68
Niccoló Machiavelli 69
Erasmus of Rotterdam by Hans Holbein, the Younger 73
Interrogation of the Jews 78
Martin Luther and His Wife Catherine by Lucas Cranach, the Elder 81
Siege of Munster, Germany, in 1534 83
John Calvin 87
Queen Elizabeth I 90
Pierre de Moucheron and Family 92
St. Ignatius Loyola by Peter Paul Rubens 96
Detail from An Episode in the Conquest of America by Jan Mostaert 103
European Meeting with an African Council in Guinea 106
Slaves Processing Diamonds in Brazil 106
The Aztec Language in the Latin Alphabet 109
The Silver Mines at Potosí 110
Jakob Fugger by Albrecht Dürer 111
Study of Two Black Heads by Rembrandt van Rijn 112
The Four Estates of Society: Work by Jean Bourdichon 114
xiv
List of Chapter Illustrations xv
xxii
List of Chronologies, Historical Interpretations and Debates, Maps, Charts, and Tables xxiii
xxv
xxvi Preface
of human societies and the meaning of individual identities or selfhood. “Modern” ways of
life have developed in diverse historical contexts, and they are now evolving more rapidly
and in more places than ever before. This book affirms that every culture and historical era
have made important contributions to the collective history of human beings, but it focuses
primarily on developments in Europe, even as it traces the growing European involve-
ments with other peoples, economies, and political systems far beyond the relatively small
continent of Europe itself. The narrative stresses the influence of European societies on the
emergence of “modern” institutions and social practices, yet it also notes the worldwide
exchanges that have contributed to the increasingly global culture of the contemporary
era. Europeans were never the only influential “actors” in the global creation of moder-
nity, but they were often present wherever the transitions to modernity were taking place.
These historical transitions generated violence and oppression and political conflicts as
well as social, cultural, and economic progress; and it is the combined effects of these
modern developments on all human lives (and the natural environment) that provide the
essential rationale for historical studies and for this new edition of A History of Europe in
the Modern World.
Another important new feature in this edition appears in a series of brief excerpts from
the writings of historians who have helped to shape the modern interpretations of notable
historical events. Historical knowledge is never simply fixed or final, because historians
constantly find new sources to analyze; or they develop new perspectives to explain long-
known persons and conflicts; or they draw new comparisons between events and problems
in different cultures and historical eras. This new edition thus includes an introduction to
exemplary “Historical Interpretations and Debates,” thereby giving readers concise sum-
maries and comparisons of diverse perspectives on past cultures and events. The excerpts
that express key themes in these debates come from a wide range of works, including
both “classic” historical studies and recent reinterpretations. The purpose of the excerpts
is to introduce readers to influential debates about key issues and to show how historians
develop or revise their analytical themes. Well-informed historical thinking requires both
knowledge about past events and the critical evaluation of divergent historical interpreta-
tions. The themes of the various debates therefore provide an additional “entry” into the
multiple spheres of historical thought and into the constant expansion and revision of his-
torical knowledge.
This book describes major events such as the religious wars of earlier centuries, the
Scientific Revolution, the French and Russian Revolutions, the Industrial Revolution, the
development of European imperialism, the twentieth-century world wars and globaliz-
ing economy, the spread of democracy and the challenges it has faced, the collapse of
European-dominated empires, the continuing search for an international order, and the
emergence of the European Union. All of these broad developments are analyzed with
references to specific examples or people, and there are transnational comparisons in the
discussion of every historical era.
The visual components have been revised to include new images and illustrations,
especially in the later chapters on contemporary European history. Like other kinds of
sources, the images and artwork from past cultures provide important historical informa-
tion. Knowing how to “read” and critically evaluate illustrations, paintings, and photo-
graphs is essential for analytical thought and for cross-cultural comparisons. The brief
captions that accompany the illustrations thus connect the visual themes to the book’s
historical narrative and interpretations. Other key features of the new edition include new,
easier-to-read maps, which are presented in new colors. The maps and charts show the
changing boundaries, populations, and economies of different regions or nations as they
have changed across the centuries; and each chapter includes a chronological timeline that
summarizes the most notable events. The revised entries in the comprehensive Sugges-
tions for Further Reading, long a valued feature of this book, provide up-to-date listings of
useful Web sites as well as the titles of significant new scholarly publications on specific
national histories and the themes of transnational historical research. For this edition, the
Suggestions for Further Reading can be found on the Online Learning Center at www.
mhhe.com/palmerhistory11e.
The changes in A History of Europe in the Modern World have been introduced to
make this new edition more accessible and to tighten its analytical focus, but not to weaken
the prose style, content, or analytical qualities that have long appealed to both teachers
and students of European history. Readers will therefore find that the book reaffirms a
strong belief in the value of historical knowledge and historical perspectives for anyone
who wishes to live a well-informed and engaged life in the changing modern world. It
achieves its purpose whenever it gives readers new insights into the meanings of European
xxviii Preface
or modern history and whenever it helps readers gain new perspectives on their own lives,
cultures, and social experiences.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It is a pleasure to acknowledge the contributions and assistance of the many people who
have worked on the production of this book. Special appreciation goes to the editors
and staff of McGraw-Hill, Inc., which has published this book since its seventh edi-
tion. Publishing expertise and essential support at McGraw-Hill have been provided by
numerous talented people, including Penina Braffman, Erin Melloy, Lisa Bruflodt, Lisa
Preface xxix
Pinto, Alexandra Schultz, Adina Lonn, and Matthew Busbridge. Erin Guendelsberger
and Kala Ramachandran managed editorial details with efficiency and wide-ranging
skills; and Mickey Cox brought valuable insights to each phase of the planning for this
revised edition. David Tietz helped to collect new illustrations, and Rachel Olsen and
Diana Chase assisted in organizing manuscript materials. Equally important, Maximil-
ian Owre, an historian of modern Europe and the associate director of the Program in
the Humanities and Human Values at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill,
contributed his knowledge and careful research to the updated Suggestions for Further
Reading and the summaries of useful Web sites, which appear for this edition in the
Online Learning Center at www.mhhe.com/palmerhistory11e.
This new edition has also benefited from the expert advice of reviewers who offered
ideas for revisions and for new features to improve the book. Insightful comments came
from Marc Baer, Hope College; Catherine Graney, Bergen Community College; Mary
R. O’Neil, University of Washington; David J. Proctor, Tufts University; Leonard N.
Rosenband, Utah State University; Barbara Syrrakos, The City College, City University
of New York; and Brian Weiser, Metropolitan State University of Denver. None of these
individuals are responsible for any of the book’s shortcomings, but all have added to its
strengths. Other colleagues, teachers, and family members provided valuable assistance
and advice in numerous discussions about the book; and a particular “thank you” goes to
Gwynne Pomeroy for her exceptional role in facilitating the work on every aspect of this
new edition.
Finally, I deeply regret that the revisions for the latest edition of this book have
been developed without the insights of my two deceased colleagues and co-authors,
R. R. Palmer and Joel Colton. The distinguished historical works of both Professor Palmer
(who died in 2002) and Professor Colton (who died in 2011) have long attracted wide
attention on both sides of the Atlantic, partly because of their remarkable knowledge of
modern events and partly because of their exceptional ability to write clear, analytical
prose about the diverse historical issues that they examined. Their long collaboration on
this narrative, which until this edition was always entitled A History of the Modern World,
became an outstanding example of how intellectual partnerships can enhance historical
knowledge, expand historical perspectives, and connect the history of specific conflicts or
people with the broadest historical developments of modern times. In revising this new edi-
tion of a book that has often been known as simply Palmer-Colton, I have sought always to
build on the high quality of their previous work, even as I changed the structure or content
of various chapters and also introduced new perspectives, sources, and images. I learned
from each of these historians about the nature of intellectual work, academic friendships,
and human communities; and my many conversations with Joel Colton in recent years
deeply enriched my personal life as well as my understanding of the past. This book thus
continues to convey the far-reaching intellect and insights of Professors Palmer and Colton
in a narrative that has been updated to include changing themes in modern historical schol-
arship and changing perspectives on modern European history.
Lloyd Kramer
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Geography and History
History is the experience of human beings in time, but that experience takes place also in
geographic space. Geography describes and maps the earth, but geographers also study the
cultural practices that shape human interactions with the environments in which they live.
The universe, of which our planet earth and our solar system form but a small part,
is now thought to be at least 12 billion years old. Most scientists believe the earth is about
4.6 billion years old. Yet the entire history (and prehistory) of humankind goes back only
3.5 to 5 million years, or perhaps only 2 million years, depending on how humans are
defined. What we call history—the recorded cultures and actions of human beings—began
with the invention of early forms of writing only about 5,500 years ago.
Oceans and continents have moved about over time, changing in size, shape, and loca-
tion. The continents as we know them took on their distinctive forms less than 100 million
years ago. Dinosaurs, which became extinct some 60 million years before the first humans
even emerged, could walk from North America to Europe (as we now call
these continents) on solid land in a warm climate. It is only a few thousand
years since the end of the most recent glacial age. That Ice Age, which Ice Age
began about 2 million years ago and reached its coldest point only 20,000
years ago, was caused by a slight shift in the earth’s orbit around the sun. Water froze into
ice 1–2 inches thick and covered the northern parts of the planet (in North America as far
south as present-day Chicago and in Europe across large parts of the British Isles and the
nearby mainland). The melting of this ice produced the coastlines, offshore islands, inland
seas, straits, bays, and harbors that we know today, as well as some of the large river sys-
tems and lakes. The process of change in the earth’s surface continues. Niagara Falls, on
the border between the United States and Canada, has been receding because the ongoing
cascade of water erodes the underlying rock. The ocean’s tides and human construction
erode our shorelines as well, and most scientists believe current patterns of global warm-
ing will gradually change the oceans and coasts in much of the world.
Oceans presently cover more than two-thirds of the earth’s surface, and many
large land areas in the remaining third are poorly suited for habitation by human beings or
most other animal and plant organisms. One-tenth of the land remains under ice, as in
Antarctica and Greenland; much is tundra; much is desert, as in the Sahara; and much land
lies along the windswept ridges of high mountains. Like the oceans, these regions have
been important in human history, often acting as barriers to movement and settlement.
Human history has therefore evolved in relatively small, scattered sections of the earth’s
total surface.
Researchers have found persuasive material evidence to show that
human beings originated in Africa. Humans belonging to the species Homo Origins of human
erectus, the Latin term used by anthropologists and others to denote the beings
upright, walking predecessors of modern humans, seem to have migrated
from Africa about 1.8 million years ago, perhaps because of environmental pressures or
perhaps because of simple curiosity. Our own species Homo sapiens, the Latin term con-
noting increased cognitive and judgmental abilities, emerged about 150,000 years ago.
When humans went beyond merely utilitarian accomplishments and demonstrated aesthetic
and artistic interests as well as advanced toolmaking (about 35,000 years ago), we refer to
1
2 Geography and History
them as the subspecies Homo sapiens sapiens. They were the remaining survivors of a very
complex human family tree.
The great Ice Age lowered the seas by hundreds of feet and froze huge quantities of
water. The English Channel became dry. Land bridges opened up between Siberia and
North America over what we now call the Bering Strait. Hunters seeking game walked
from one continent to the other. When the glaciers melted, forests sprang up, and many of
the open areas in which humans had hunted disappeared, providing added motivation for
movement.
Our human ancestors spread eventually to every continent except Antarctica. In doing
so, human groups became isolated from each other for millennia, separated by oceans,
deserts, or mountains. Wherever they wandered, they evolved slightly over time, develop-
ing superficial physical differences that modern cultures have defined as the
characteristics of various racial groups. But “race” is a cultural idea rather
Race: a cultural than a mark of biologically significant differences. All human beings
concept belong to the Homo sapiens species, all derive from the same biological
ancestry, and all are mutually fertile. Only a very few human genes are
responsible for physical differences such as skin pigmentation, in comparison to the vast
number of genes that are shared by all members of the human species.
The basic anatomy and genetic makeup of modern humans has not
changed over the last 100,000 years. Geographic separation accounts for
Geography and the emergence over shorter time periods of distinctive cultures, which can
culture be seen, for example, in the different historical and cultural development
of the pre-Columbian Americas, Africa, China, India, the Middle East, and
Europe. On a still smaller time scale, geographic separation also explains differences in
languages and dialects.
Geographic distances and diversity of climate have also produced differences in flora
and fauna, and hence in the plants and animals upon which humans depend. Wheat became
the most common cereal in the Middle East and Europe, millet and rice in East Asia, sor-
ghum in tropical Africa, maize in pre-Columbian America. The horse, first domesticated in
north-central Asia about 4,500 years ago, was for centuries a mainstay of Europe and Asia
for muscle power, transportation, and fighting. The somewhat less versatile camel was
adopted later and more slowly in the Middle East, and the Americans long had no beasts
of burden except the llama. Such differences did not begin to diminish until early modern
travelers crossed the oceans, taking plants and animals with them and bringing others back
to environments where they had never lived before.
Although much remains obscure about the origins of life, and new discoveries and
calculations are always displacing older hypotheses, paleontologists studying plant and
animal fossils (including human ones) have used techniques such as radiocarbon dating
to transform our knowledge of the earth and of the earliest human beings. In geography,
aerial and satellite photography and computer technology have enabled us to refine older
conceptions of continents and oceans. And astrophysicists are now studying vast amounts
of new data about the universe, which have been sent to them from powerful telescopes
mounted on unmanned spaceships.
Cartography, the art and science of mapmaking, has evolved rapidly, but we tend to
forget how our maps often remain conventional and even parochial. It was Europeans and
descendants of Europeans who designed our most commonly used maps, which are oriented
North-South and West-East from fixed points in their horizons, and which therefore reflect
their own European cultural assumptions. Similar biases can be found in the maps of other
Geography and History 3
cultures too. The Chinese for centuries defined and visualized their country as the “Middle
Kingdom.” In the early modern centuries maps drawn in India typically represented South
Asia as forming the major part of the world. One such map depicted the European continent
as a few marginal areas labeled England, France, and “other hat-wearing islands.”
Changing conceptualizations of the globe continue in our day. A map drawn and
published in contemporary Australia, demonstrating the Australian perspective from
“down under,” shows South Africa at the top of the map and Capetown at the very tip, the
large expanse of contemporary African nations in the middle, and the various European
countries crowded at the bottom, the latter appearing quite insignificant. The European-
invented term “Middle East” has been called into question, and this region of the world is
perhaps better designated as Western Asia. Even the traditional concept of Europe as one
of the seven continents (Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, South America, Australia,
and Antarctica) is now questioned. Why, for example, should the Indian peninsula be a
“subcontinent” when it roughly matches the size and exceeds the population and diversity
of the European “continent” (at least that part of the “continent” that lies west of the for-
mer Soviet Union)? Europe itself is, of course, actually a peninsula, in a way that the other
continents are not. Some geographers ask us to consider it more properly as part of Asia,
the western part of a great “Eurasian landmass.” Defined in these terms, Europe becomes
more of a cultural conception, arising out of perceived differences from Asia and Africa,
than a continent in a strictly geographical sense.
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Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.