The Shamsi Dispensation, during Sultan Shams al-Din Iltutmish's 13th-century rule in Delhi, was

marked by strategic governance and military structures.

The **Migration of Elites** to North India, especially after Chingiz Khan's conquest, leading to a
diverse group seeking refuge and opportunities. This influx reshaped the political landscape,
with individuals of humble backgrounds choosing to stay after plunder campaigns.

Military commanders, mainly migrants, held significant influence, yet Iltutmish's rule saw a
departure from traditional norms. **Selective Patronage** characterized his discerning
approach; elites, regardless of social status, had varied roles. Ambiguities in patronage
decisions existed, influenced by political considerations, adding complexity during transitions of
power.

**Emphasis on Slavery** was a defining feature, relying on both purchased and dynasty-born
slaves, bandagān-i khāss. Manumission was a reward for faithful service, but ties of
dependence persisted. Iltutmish's approach displayed **Political Pragmatism,** favoring socially
'dead' individuals for greater loyalty, countering potential alliances by social elites.

The **Training of Shamsi Bandagan** was crucial to their rise, emphasizing early bonding, skills
development, and corporate identity. Loyalty was instilled through a combination of rigorous
training and personal connections, ensuring a sense of unity and allegiance.

**Formation of Chihalgani,** a cadre within the bandagan-i Shamsi, marked a privileged group.
While traditionally assumed to be forty, scholars like Gavin Hambly argued for a metaphorical
interpretation. The Chihalgani held significant positions, challenging the assumption that all
were high-ranking officials.

**Muizzi and Shamsi Slave Relations** drew parallels, emphasizing the acquisition of Central
Asian slaves. Shamsi slaves, with diverse backgrounds, showcased strategic importance. Their
rise highlighted training, loyalty, and corporate identity, challenging traditional norms.

In terms of succession, Iltutmish's strategic measures aimed at stability, but tensions arose
posthumously. **Military Governance** involved bandagan, khwājas, khums, and musters,
adapting historical methods to address post-Shansabanid challenges.

The Shamsi Dispensation's historical significance lies in its intricate interplay of governance,
military structures, and succession challenges. The formation of Shamsi Bandagan and
Chihalgani exemplifies the adaptability of rulers in navigating the complex political milieu of
13th-century Delhi.
INTERDISPENSATIONAL CONFLICT

Baranī’s text was interesting for the rare repetition of names from one regnal list to another.
Interestingly, military service in the Delhi Sultanate was normatively a one-generation affair:
each ruler dispensed power to a select body of supporters during his (and in the one solitary
instance, her) reign and this dispensation of power replaced the preceding ruler’s cohort.
(Kumar, 2006: 83-114) This was largely because the core cadre in a Sultan’s dispensation
consisted of military slaves. In relying upon bandagān to consolidate his realm, Sultan Iltutmish
was therefore hardly unusual in Sultanate politics. Although slaves of Turkish ethnicity declined
in numbers in the fourteenth century, monarchs like ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Khalajī, Muh+ammad and Fīrūz
Tughluq, still had formidable slave retinues in their dispensations (Jackson, 1990: 340-58;
Jackson, 1999: 174-6, 183, 187). Rather than merely relying upon military slaves, however, the
Delhi Sultans also recruited a variety of other personnel, many of whom were of humble origins,
people that the urbane litterateurs of the Delhi Sultans regarded as ‘social menials’. Persian
chronicler Barani describes these new recruits patronised by Muh+ammad Tughluq in
exaggerated, supercilious terms — ‘lowest and basest of the low and base born’. Clearly, the
urban literati were not impressed with the direction of the Sultan’s patronage and wanted to
underline the assorted humble backgrounds of the new recruits who included individuals and
groups like mahouts (Rukn al-Dīn), Afghans (Balban), ‘new-Muslim’ Mongols (Kayqubād), a
trader (‘Alā’ al-Dīn Khalajī), a wine-distiller, a barber, a cook, and gardeners (Muh+ammad
Tughluq) (Kumar, 2006: 97, 102). Although the recruitment of such personnel appeared as an
inversion of social hierarchy to the cultured elite, the logic in the deployment of slaves and
‘social menials’ actually lay in the incongruity between their high political appointment and their
low social status. As Delhi Sultans 111 Sultanate Capital Cities in The Delhi Riverine Plain
sought to consolidate their authority, they were extremely judicious of recruiting people of high
lineage and entrenched social status. Instead, they sought a body of people whose social
subordination was conducive to the production of a dependent, reliable cohort. Cohesion within
these groups varied and since stakes were high, aspirants seeking to control the Sultanate
made assiduous attempts to cultivate strong, dyadic, personal bonds between themselves and
their servants. Since an aspiring Delhi Sultan’s survival was largely dependent upon tthe
coherence of his dispensation and its capacity to withstand challenge from competitors, it was
also important for the monarch to create a physical space to house his/her cohort. In other
words, the construction of a site that housed the Sultan and his dispensation helped in
maintaining the integrity of the group, providing it protection and distance from its many
competitors in the Delhi plain. In the context of this political world, establishing a distinct
settlement carried deep public, political resonances.

These inter-dispensational conflicts also had spatial dimensions. The first time that the capital
shifted from Dihlī-i kuhna was immediately after the death of Iltutmish and the succession of his
oldest son, Rukn al-Dīn, in 1236. Rukn al- Dīn was an ambitious young sovereign and before
his accession had served several years as a governor in his father’s dispensation, first at
Budaun and then Lahore. His household included a large military retinue and secretarial help
and these personnel stayed with him when he became Sultan.(Kumar, 2007: 181-5, 256-9)
Managing such a large household also provides us with a sense of the fiscal resources
available to him as governor and the confidence that it might have allowed him when facing the
challenges of governing Delhi. Writing in the middle of the fourteenth century ‘Is+āmī had very
astutely understood Rukn al-Dīn’s intentions: ‘within three or four months, rather than following
his father’s customs, he followed his own conclusions… I have heard that towards his father’s
slaves, each of whom was a world conqueror, he adopted an angry and arrogant demeanour’.
To establish his independence, Rukn al-Dīn established a new settlement at Kilōkhrī, situated
on a low hillock by the banks of the River Yamuna, a day’s march to the northeast of the old
city. Sultan Rukn al-Dīn augmented his troops here and started a long-distance interference in
the politics of the ‘old city’: he had siblings executed and attempted to attract junior Shamsī
commanders to join the Ruknī dispensation. The Shamsībandagān responded quickly to the
challenge: in the ensuing inter-dispensational conflict, they seized and executed Rukn al-Dīn,
placed a new Sultan on the throne in Dihlī-i kuhna, terminating the brief attempts of a rival
dispensation to construct a new settlement. Inter-dispensational conflicts, in other words,
frequently lead to the founding of a new settlement and the making of a new dispensation. But it
need not. For example, after the death of Rukn al-Dīn, the succeeding two Sultans, Raz+iyya
(1236-40) and Mu‘izz al-Dīn (1240-42) were appointed by the Shamsīs. Both monarchs tried to
raise independent retinues, provoking fresh inter-dispensational conflicts with the Shamsīs.
Neither of the monarchs won their battles nor did they construct a new settlement. They
remained in Dihlī-i kuhna, for all practical purposes prisoners of the old city and its entrenched
elites (Jackson, 1998: 81-97; Kumar, 2007: 261-66).

The period between 633/1236 and 653/1255 in the Delhi Sultanate witnessed a tumultuous
interdispensational conflict, fundamentally altering the dynamics of political authority and power
struggles. Sultan Iltutmish's heirs, namely Rukn al-Din, Raziyya, and Mu'izz al-Din, grappled
with challenges arising from the Shamsi slave system which comprised senior slaves with
territorial commands (bandagān-i khāss), the notables played a crucial role. Juzjani notes that
resistance from the Shamsi slaves was particularly evident during Rukn al-Din's reign,
showcasing the deep loyalty ingrained within the Shamsi hierarchy.

The conflict saw the emergence of a new bandagan-i khāss, as the influence of the old
bandagan-i khāss diminished rapidly. Unlike their predecessors, the status of the new
bandagan-i khāss members was acquired through holding the Sultan hostage, accentuating the
shifting power dynamics. Middling and junior Shamsi slaves engaged in armed insurrection,
sought higher offices, and formed alliances, highlighting internal strife. This internal conflict
intensified with the dispersal of resources and demands for equality among Shamsi slaves, as
observed by Barani.

Rukn al-Din sought to challenge Shamsi dominance by patronizing individuals outside the
traditional power circle, such as elephant drivers. This move faced staunch resistance from the
Shamsi slaves, accentuating the struggle for authority. Free military notables also played a
significant role, rebelling against the Sultan and directing their opposition towards the Shamsi
bandagan. Collaborations and alliances between free notables and the new bandagan-i khāss
added complexity to ongoing power struggles, contributing to the erosion of corporate sentiment
within the Shamsi bandagan, as eloquently described by Barani.
Despite internal conflicts, the Shamsi lineage persisted, with considerations of raising Iltutmish's
sons underscoring the importance of maintaining the Shamsi dispensation. The reigns of post-
Iltutmish sultans, including Rukn al-Din, Raziyya, and Mu'izz al-Din, reflected the intricacies of
navigating the challenges posed by the Shamsi dispensation. Juzjani's insights shed light on the
motivations, actions, and characterizations of key historical figures during this period,
emphasizing the resistance faced by Iltutmish's heirs and the loyalty within the Shamsi
hierarchy. Barani's perspective provides a nuanced understanding of the weaknesses of
Iltutmish's heirs, challenges to Shamsi dominance, and the decline of corporate sentiment within
the Shamsi bandagan. In essence, this interdispensational conflict period showcased the
complexities of relationships, power dynamics, and political maneuvering in the medieval Delhi
Sultanate, leading to a transformation in power structures with implications for governance and
authority.

Intra-Dispensational Conflict (639-653/1242-1255) in the Delhi Sultanate:

The period from 639 to 653 (1242-1255) in the Delhi Sultanate was characterized by a
significant intra-dispensational conflict, primarily within the Shamsi dispensation. This phase
unfolded in the aftermath of earlier struggles where Shamsi notables, comprising both free
individuals and slaves, vied for pre-eminent power against Iltutmish's successors. While the
Shamsi slaves had generally emerged victorious in these prior conflicts, the subsequent
attempts by Delhi Sultans to extend their influence through a circle of dependents added
complexity to the power dynamics.

1. Decline in Sultan's Authority:

Juzjani's historical account of Sultan Nasir al-Din during this period highlighted a noteworthy
shift. Unlike his predecessors, Nasir al-Din was portrayed as subservient to the army chiefs,
signifying a decline in the Sultan's authority. This departure from the strong, independent image
of earlier Shamsi rulers reflected an evolving power dynamic where the Sultan increasingly
relied on the goodwill of the military elite.

2. Shamsi Princes' Weak Political Positions:

The weak political positions of Shamsi Princes, 'Ala' al-Din Mas'ud and Nasir al-Din, were
evident during Bahram Shah's reign. Unlike earlier monarchs, they lacked personal retinues
upon ascending the throne. The emergence of a new rank of Shamsi bandagan-ikhass during
conflicts after Iltutmish's reign further strengthened the influence of the Shamsi slaves in Delhi.
3. Increase in Competition among Military Slaves:
A crucial factor sustaining the Shamsi lineage during this period was the increase in competition
among military slaves. Juzjani's lament about brothers and friends turning into rivals illustrated
the intense rivalry within the Shamsi bandagan. The quest for pre-eminence among the military
slaves led to conflicts among Shamsi notables, eroding the sentiment of belonging to a unified
house.

4. Corporate Character Breaking Down:

Barani emphasized the breakdown of the corporate character within the Shamsi bandagan. The
initial concept of equality and brotherhood gave way to intense competition for power and
resources. The death of the master triggered conflicts among the slaves, leading to a fractured
and competitive Shamsi dispensation. This breakdown in unity had profound implications for the
internal cohesion of the Shamsi elites.

5. Struggle for Sultanate's Political Relevance:

Despite the internal conflicts, the Shamsi lineage persisted because, until 653/1255, a delicate
balance of power existed among contenders. As long as a Shamsi member occupied the
throne, the Delhi Sultan retained political relevance. Malik 'Izz al-Din Kushlu Khan's attempt to
usurp power and become Sultan was thwarted, reinforcing the enduring connection between the
Shamsi lineage and the throne.

6. Conflict between Ulugh Khan and Raihan's Groups:

The intra-dispensational conflict took a new turn with a notable clash between two major groups
led by Ulugh Khan and Raihan. Barani's account highlighted the power struggle between these
factions of Shamsi slaves. Ulugh Khan's supporters, distinct from Raihan's associates, formed a
stable coalition, introducing a new level of internal solidarity. This clash underscored the shifting
alliances and internal dynamics within the Shamsi dispensation.

7. Emergence of Ghiyasi Dispensation:

Ulugh Khan's supporters heralded the emergence of the Ghiyasi dispensation. Military
commanders reoriented towards Ulugh Khan, recognizing his patronage over the Delhi
Sultanate. This marked a departure from previous Shamsi dispensations, as Ulugh Khan's
followers acknowledged their status derived from their new master rather than allegiance to the
Delhi Sultan. The rise of the Ghiyasi dispensation represented a significant transformation in the
power structure of the Shamsi elites.

8. Shift in Shamsi Elite's Focus:

During Iltutmish's reign, Shamsi notables primarily led plunder raids outside Delhi. However,
between 639 and 653, there was a notable shift in focus. Delhi became less relevant to many
Shamsi notables, marking a significant change in the organization of the Sultanate. Some
Shamsi elites sought autonomy and territories, contributing to the decline of the Shamsi
dispensation. This shift in focus had repercussions for the traditional roles and objectives of the
Shamsi elites within the Delhi Sultanate.
In conclusion, the intra-dispensational conflict during the period of 639-653/1242-1255
witnessed a profound transformation in the Shamsi bandagan, marked by increased
competition, internal strife, and the emergence of new power dynamics. The views of Juzjani
and Barani provide crucial insights into the evolving political landscape and the changing nature
of the Shamsi dispensation, shedding light on the breakdown of corporate character, struggles
for political relevance, and the emergence of new dispensations within the Delhi Sultanate.

Certainly, the Ghiyasi Dispensation, spanning from 652 to 664 (1254-1266) in the Delhi
Sultanate under Sultan Ghiyasaddun Balban, represents a transformative period marked by the
ascendancy of the Ghiyasi bandagan, a group of slaves and military servants, to positions of
significant political influence. This dispensation was characterized by a continued struggle for
control following the eviction of Raihan in 652, with Raihan and Qutlugh Khan persisting in their
battle for influence over Sultan Nasir al-Din. Matrimonial tensions and the asymmetrical union
between Nasir al-Din and Ulugh Khan's daughter added complexity to the political dynamics,
leading to strategic conflict resolution strategies.

Balban's approach to resolving conflicts involved diplomatic explanations, as highlighted by

Juzjani, who emphasized that negotiations were not rooted in animosity between in-laws but
rather responses to Raihan's hostility. The strategic use of matrimonial ties contributed to the
Ghiyasi Dispensation's consolidation. The conflicts extended to involve Sultan Nasir al-Din's
family, notably with Qutlugh Khan marrying the Sultan's mother, creating a crisis that escalated
the power struggle. Qutlugh Khan's exile and subsequent seeking of sanctuary with the
Mongols underscored the intensity of the conflicts.

As the Ghiyasi Dispensation took root, Ulugh Khan, later Sultan Balban, strategically
consolidated his authority. This involved a meticulous composition of his retinue, prominently
featuring the Shamsi bandagan-ikhass, such as Malik Taj al-Din Sanjar Tarkhan, Malik Kishli
Khan, and Malik Badr al-Din Nusrat Khan Sungar. Balban's innovative approach included the
inclusion of Afghans in his military cadre, signaling a departure from traditional power structures.

The appointment of Minhaj-i Sirāj Jūzjāni as the jurist of the realm and Ziya' al-Mulk Tāj al-Din
as the wazir highlighted the formation of a secretarial class aligned with Ulugh Khan's
dispensation. The Ghiyasi Dispensation also witnessed the plebeianization of nobility, with
Balban recruiting individuals from diverse backgrounds, including Afghans, Khalajis, and
Mongols, further contributing to the dynamics of power.

The climax of the Ghiyasi Dispensation occurred in 664/1266 when Ulugh Khan, now Sultan
Ghiyasaddun Balban, seized the throne. This marked the realization of twelve years of careful
political maneuvering, dismantling the old Shamsi political order. In summary, the Ghiyasi
Dispensation, as observed in the provided text, unfolds as a period of intricate power struggles,
strategic conflict resolution, and transformative political dynamics, ultimately reshaping the Delhi
Sultanate under the leadership of Sultan Balban.
The Shamsi Dispensation, marked by struggles for power among Shamsi notables and slaves,
witnessed significant transformations. Juzjani's account emphasizes the declining authority of
Sultan Nasir al-Din, reflecting a departure from the strong, independent image of earlier Shamsi
rulers. The weakened political positions of Shamsi Princes during Bahram Shah's reign and the
emergence of a new rank of Shamsi bandagan-ikhass further contributed to the evolving power
dynamics.

One critical factor sustaining the Shamsi lineage was the escalating competition among military
slaves, as highlighted by Juzjani's lament about the breakdown of unity within the Shamsi
bandagan. The quest for pre-eminence led to internal strife and conflicts among Shamsi
notables, eroding the sentiment of belonging to a unified house.

Barani's perspective adds depth to the analysis, emphasizing the breakdown of the corporate
character within the Shamsi bandagan. The shift from a sense of equality and brotherhood to
intense competition for power and resources resulted in a fractured and competitive Shamsi
Dispensation.

Amidst these intra-dispensational challenges, a noteworthy aspect is the rise of the

maulazadgan. The descendants of slaves sought not only political office but also aimed to
establish themselves outside the direct realm of the state. The text suggests that these
maulazadgan posed challenges to the established order, indicating a desire for influence and
power that may have led to conflicts within the ruling elite.

The maulazadgan's ambitions went beyond seeking official positions, marking a shift in the
political dynamics of the Delhi Sultanate towards the end of the thirteenth century. These
descendants of deracinated elites challenged the authority of the powerful Delhi Sultan,
potentially leading to internal conflicts and power struggles within the ruling elite.

The emergence of new power centers, the resistance against established authorities, and
changes in patronage systems are highlighted in the text. The maulazadgan, being the second-
generation descendants of slaves, engaged in competition for political influence, potentially
leading to internal tensions and conflicts within the ruling elite.

In summary, the intra-dispensational conflict from 639 to 653 witnessed not only the
transformation within the Shamsi Dispensation but also the challenges posed by the rising
influence of the maulazadgan. These challenges signaled a shift in the political landscape of the
Delhi Sultanate, contributing to internal conflicts and power struggles within the ruling elite. The
intricate interplay of these factors reflects the complexities of this pivotal period in the
Sultanate's history.