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 Preface
vii

neuroanatomy and neurophysiology of language. We ­describe the major structures of

the brain, explain how the brain processes and produces language, and discuss sen-
sitive periods in neuroanatomical and neurophysiological development. In Chapter 4,
we describe the many reasons different people study language development. We in-
troduce some major approaches to studying language development as well as some
major language-development theories; we reference these approaches and theories
subsequently in several places in the text. We conclude Chapter 4 by describing how
theories of language development contribute to practice in several areas.
Chapters 5 through 8 provide a developmental account of language acquisi-
tion for four age groups (infancy—Chapter 5; toddlerhood—Chapter 6; preschool
age—Chapter 7; and school age and beyond—Chapter 8). More specifically, in each
of these four chapters, we describe the major language-development milestones
children achieve during the period in question; examine achievements in language
form, content, and use; explain some of the intra- and inter-individual differences
in language development; and discuss methods researchers and clinicians use to
measure language development.
In Chapter 9 we explore language differences. We detail the connection be-
tween language and culture, explain how languages evolve and change, describe
bilingualism and second language acquisition, and explain some theories of second
language acquisition and their implications for practice.
Finally, in Chapter 10, we examine language disorders in childhood. We define
the term language disorder, explain who identifies and treats children with language
disorders, discuss the major types of language disorders, and describe how practi-
tioners treat language disorders.

Key Features of the Text

Each chapter bridges language-development theory and practice by providing stu-
dents with a theoretical and scientific foundation to the study of language develop-
ment. We emphasize the relevance of the material to students’ current and future
experiences in clinical, educational, and research settings.

Multicultural Considerations
Current perspectives emphasize the importance of taking into account multicul-
tural considerations in understanding language development. This text promotes
students’ awareness of the way in which culture interacts with language develop-
ment for children from diverse backgrounds within and beyond the many types of
communities in the United States.

Research Foundations
Current initiatives in the educational, social science, and health communities emphasize
the use of evidence-based practices. Such practices emphasize the importance of re-
search results to making educational and clinical decisions. In keeping with this prem-
ise, we emphasize the research foundations of the study of language development, and
use the most current empirical findings to describe children’s language achievements.

Multidisciplinary Focus
The study of language development is constantly evolving and being influenced by
many diverse disciplines; this multidimensional and multidisciplinary foundation
attracts many students to the study of language development. We introduce exciting
innovations in theory and practice from many diverse areas of research.
viii www.pearsonhighered.com/pence3e

Easy-to-Read Format
Language Development from Theory to Practice is presented in a way that promotes
student learning. First, the chapters are infused with figures, tables, and photographs
to contextualize abstract and complex information. Second, important terms are
highlighted for easy learning and reference. Third, discussion questions are integrat-
ed throughout to provide opportunities to pause and consider important informa-
tion. All these features create opportunities for students to actively engage with the
material in the text.

Pedagogical Elements
The text includes many pedagogical elements:
• Learning outcomes to organize each chapter
• Discussion questions interspersed throughout each chapter
• Video clips relevant to chapter material
• Chapter summaries
• Self-check, multiple-choice quizzes
• Activities that allow students to engage with language Beyond the Book
• Boxed inserts:
• Developmental Timeline: We present milestones for language development,
observable features of these milestones, and approximate ages for the
milestones.
• Language Diversity and Differences: We introduce cultural differences in
language development and describe the observable features of these differ-
ences. We also discuss educational and clinical implications with regard to
cultural differences.
• Research Paradigms: We provide descriptions of various research paradigms
used to inform our understanding of language development.
• Theory to Practice: We discuss some implications of different theoretical per-
spectives for educational and clinical practice.

Acknowledgments
We extend our thanks to our family members, friends, and colleagues who support-
ed us throughout this revision. Among these persons are the Pence family, the Pow-
ell family, the Turnbull family, and the Justice and Mykel families. We are indebted
to them for their interest in and support of this text.
We are grateful to a number of experts who reviewed this manuscript: Eileen
Abrahamsen, Old Dominion University; Karin M. Boerger, University of Colorado–
Boulder; Julie Dalmasso, Western Illinois University; Martin Fujiki, Brigham Young
University; and Shannon Hall-Mills, Florida State University.
Brief Contents
Chapter 1 Language Development: An Introduction 1
Chapter 2 Building Blocks of Language 32
Chapter 3 Neuroanatomy and Neurophysiology of
Language 65
Chapter 4 The Science and Theory of Language
Development 94
Chapter 5 Infancy: Let the Language Achievements
Begin 122
Chapter 6 Toddlerhood: Exploring the World and
Experimenting with Language 158
Chapter 7 Preschool: Building Literacy on
Language 195
Chapter 8 School-Age Years and Beyond: Developing
Later Language 227
Chapter 9 Language Diversity 262
Chapter 10 Language Disorders in Children 290

Glossary 319
References 331
Name Index 354
Subject Index 360

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Contents
1 Language Development: An Introduction 1
LEARNING OUTCOMES 1
WHAT IS LANGUAGE? 2
Language Defined 2
Language as a Module of Human Cognition 5
HOW DOES LANGUAGE RELATE TO SPEECH, HEARING, AND
COMMUNICATION? 6
Speech 7
Hearing 10
Communication 12
WHAT ARE THE MAJOR DOMAINS OF LANGUAGE? 16
Form, Content, and Use 16
Components of Form, Content, and Use 17
WHAT ARE SOME REMARKABLE FEATURES OF LANGUAGE? 20
Acquisition Rate 20
Universality 21
Species Specificity 22
Semanticity 22
Productivity 22
WHAT ARE LANGUAGE DIFFERENCES AND LANGUAGE DISORDERS? 23
Language Differences 23
Language Disorders 28
SUMMARY 30
BEYOND THE BOOK 31

2 Building Blocks of Language 32

LEARNING OUTCOMES 32
WHAT IS PHONOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT? 33
Phonological Building Blocks 34
Influences on Phonological Development 37
WHAT IS MORPHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT? 38
Morphological Building Blocks 38
Influences on Morphological Development 40
WHAT IS SYNTACTIC DEVELOPMENT? 43
Syntactic Building Blocks 43
Influences on Syntactic Development 48
WHAT IS SEMANTIC DEVELOPMENT? 51
Semantic Building Blocks 51
Influences on Semantic Development 56

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WHAT IS PRAGMATIC DEVELOPMENT? 57

Pragmatic Building Blocks 57
Influences on Pragmatic Development 62
SUMMARY 63
BEYOND THE BOOK 64

  3 Neuroanatomy and Neurophysiology of

Language 65
LEARNING OUTCOMES 65
WHAT ARE NEUROANATOMY AND NEUROPHYSIOLOGY? 66
Terminology 69
Neuroscience Basics 70
WHAT ARE THE MAJOR STRUCTURES AND FUNCTIONS OF THE HUMAN
BRAIN? 74
Cerebrum 75
Brainstem 80
Cerebellum 81
HOW DOES THE HUMAN BRAIN PROCESS AND PRODUCE LANGUAGE? 81
Semantics 82
Syntax and Morphology 83
Phonology 84
Pragmatics 85
WHAT ARE NEUROPHYSIOLOGICAL AND NEUROANATOMICAL SENSITIVE
PERIODS? 86
Sensitive Periods Defined 86
Neuroanatomical and Neurophysiological Concepts Related to Sensitive
Periods 87
Sensitive Periods and Language Acquisition 88
SUMMARY 92
BEYOND THE BOOK 92

4 The Science and Theory of Language

Development 94
LEARNING OUTCOMES 94
WHO STUDIES LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT AND WHY? 95
Basic Research 97
Applied Research 98
WHAT ARE SOME MAJOR APPROACHES TO STUDYING LANGUAGE
DEVELOPMENT? 99
Approaches to Studying Speech Perception 100
Approaches to Studying Language Production 101
Approaches to Studying Language Comprehension 105
WHAT ARE SOME MAJOR LANGUAGE-DEVELOPMENT
THEORIES? 106
Questions Language Theories Should Answer 106
Major Language-Development Theories 107
Nurture-Inspired Theory 110
Nature-Inspired Theories 111
Interactionist Theories 113
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xiii

HOW DO LANGUAGE-DEVELOPMENT THEORIES INFLUENCE

PRACTICE? 116
Linkage of Theory to Practice 116
Instruction in English as a Second Language: Theory and Practice 117
Practices Language Theories May Inform 118
Evidence-Based Practice: Linking Theory, Science, and Practice 119
SUMMARY 120
BEYOND THE BOOK 121

5 Infancy: Let the Language Achievements

Begin 122
LEARNING OUTCOMES 122
WHAT MAJOR LANGUAGE-DEVELOPMENT MILESTONES OCCUR IN
INFANCY? 123
Infant Speech Perception 123
Awareness of Actions and Intentions 127
Category Formation 128
Early Vocalizations 129
Additional Milestones 134
WHAT ARE SOME OF THE EARLY FOUNDATIONS FOR LANGUAGE
DEVELOPMENT? 134
Infant-Directed Speech 135
Joint Reference and Attention 136
Daily Routines of Infancy 139
Caregiver Responsiveness 140
WHAT MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS IN LANGUAGE FORM, CONTENT, AND USE
CHARACTERIZE INFANCY? 141
Language Form 142
Language Content 143
Language Use 143
WHAT FACTORS CONTRIBUTE TO INFANTS’ INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS IN
LANGUAGE? 144
Intraindividual Differences 144
Interindividual Differences 145
HOW DO RESEARCHERS AND CLINICIANS MEASURE LANGUAGE
DEVELOPMENT IN INFANCY? 147
Researchers 147
Clinicians 154
SUMMARY 156
BEYOND THE BOOK 157

6 Toddlerhood: Exploring the World and

Experimenting with Language 158
LEARNING OUTCOMES 158
WHAT MAJOR LANGUAGE-DEVELOPMENT MILESTONES OCCUR IN
TODDLERHOOD? 159
First Words 159
Gestures 160
Theory of Mind 162
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WHAT MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS IN LANGUAGE FORM, CONTENT, AND USE

CHARACTERIZE TODDLERHOOD? 163
Language Form 165
Language Content 174
Language Use 180
WHAT FACTORS CONTRIBUTE TO TODDLERS’ INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS IN
LANGUAGE? 181
Intraindividual Differences 182
Interindividual Differences 182
HOW DO RESEARCHERS AND CLINICIANS MEASURE LANGUAGE
DEVELOPMENT IN TODDLERHOOD? 184
Researchers 184
Clinicians 190
SUMMARY 194
BEYOND THE BOOK 194

7 Preschool: Building Literacy on Language 195

LEARNING OUTCOMES 195
WHAT MAJOR LANGUAGE-DEVELOPMENT MILESTONES OCCUR IN THE
PRESCHOOL PERIOD? 196
Decontextualized Language 196
Theory of Mind 197
Emergent Literacy 198
WHAT MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS IN LANGUAGE FORM, CONTENT, AND USE
CHARACTERIZE THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD? 203
Language Form 204
Language Content 206
Language Use 210
WHAT FACTORS CONTRIBUTE TO PRESCHOOLERS’ INDIVIDUAL
ACHIEVEMENTS IN LANGUAGE? 215
Intraindividual Differences 215
Interindividual Differences 216
Effects of Peers and Siblings 217
HOW DO RESEARCHERS AND CLINICIANS MEASURE LANGUAGE
DEVELOPMENT IN THE PRESCHOOL PERIOD? 219
Researchers 219
Clinicians 223
SUMMARY 225
BEYOND THE BOOK 226

8 School-Age Years and Beyond: Developing Later

Language 227
LEARNING OUTCOMES 227
WHAT MAJOR LANGUAGE-DEVELOPMENT MILESTONES OCCUR IN THE
SCHOOL-AGE YEARS AND BEYOND? 228
Shifting Sources of Language Input 228
Acquisition of Metalinguistic Competence 231
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WHAT MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS IN LANGUAGE FORM, CONTENT, AND USE

CHARACTERIZE THE SCHOOL-AGE YEARS AND BEYOND? 236
Language Form 236
Language Content 241
Language Use 246
WHAT FACTORS CONTRIBUTE TO SCHOOL-AGE CHILDREN’S, ADOLESCENTS’,
AND ADULTS’ INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS IN LANGUAGE? 251
Language and Gender 251
Language and Aging 254
HOW DO RESEARCHERS AND CLINICIANS MEASURE LANGUAGE
DEVELOPMENT IN THE SCHOOL-AGE YEARS AND BEYOND? 255
Assessment Types 255
Assessment of Language Form 255
Assessment of Language Content 257
Assessment of Language Use 259
SUMMARY 261
BEYOND THE BOOK 261

  9 Language Diversity 262

LEARNING OUTCOMES 262
WHAT IS THE CONNECTION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND CULTURE? 263
The Interrelatedness of Language and Culture 263
Infant-Directed Speech 264
HOW DO LANGUAGES EVOLVE AND CHANGE? 265
Dialects 265
Pidgins 273
Creoles 273
WHAT ARE BILINGUALISM AND SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION? 273
Bilingualism and Multilingualism 274
Second Language Acquisition 278
WHAT ARE SOME THEORIES OF SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND
THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE? 282
Nurture-Inspired Theories 283
Nature-Inspired Theories 283
Interactionist Theories 284
Other Theories 287
What Practices Does Research Support for EL Students? 287
SUMMARY 289
BEYOND THE BOOK 289

  10 Language Disorders in Children 290

LEARNING OUTCOMES 290
WHAT IS A LANGUAGE DISORDER? 291
Distinguishing Between Language Disorders and Language Differences 291
Prevalence 292
WHO IDENTIFIES AND TREATS CHILDREN WITH LANGUAGE DISORDERS? 295
Speech–Language Pathologists 295
Psychologists 296
General Educators 296
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Special Educators 297

Early Interventionists 298
Audiologists 298
Otorhinolaryngologist 299
WHAT ARE THE MAJOR TYPES OF CHILD LANGUAGE DISORDERS? 300
Specific Language Impairment 300
Autism Spectrum Disorder 302
Intellectual Disability 304
Traumatic Brain Injury 306
Hearing Loss 307
Identification and Treatment of Language Disorders 312
Treatment of Language Disorders 315
SUMMARY 317
BEYOND THE BOOK 317

Glossary 319
References 331
Name Index 354
Subject Index 360
 1
Language
Development
An Introduction

Learning Outcomes
After completion of this chapter, the reader will be
able to:
1. Define the term language.
© Robert Kneschke/Shutterstock
2. Describe how language relates to speech,
hearing, and communication.
3. Describe the major domains of language.
4. Identify several remarkable features of
language.
5. Discuss the distinction between language
differences and language disorders.

1 1
2 www.pearsonhighered.com/pence3e

H undreds of scientists worldwide study the remarkable phenomenon of chil-

dren’s language acquisition. Each year, these scholars publish the results of
numerous studies on children’s language development in scientific journals,
pursuing answers to such questions as:
• Does the language a child is learning (e.g., Chinese vs. English) influence the
rate of language development?
• How do caregivers’ interactions with their child affect the timing of their child’s
first word?
• Do children who show early delays in language development typically catch up
with their peers?
• Do children learning a signed language develop language similarly to children
learning a spoken language?
• Why do children with autism have such difficulties developing language skills?
These questions provide the student of language development a glimpse into
many of the interesting topics language scientists focus on in their work around
the world. These questions also suggest how important language research is to
informing the everyday practices and activities of parents, teachers, psychologists,
and other professionals invested in helping children achieve their fullest language
development potential. That these questions have yet to be fully answered, shows
that the study of language development is a constantly evolving and complex area
of science in which practitioners have many more questions than answers.
In this chapter, we provide a general introduction to the study of language
development and consider five major topics. In the first section, we answer the
question “What is language?”, and present a definition of language that we build on
throughout this text. In the second section, we discuss differences among speech,
hearing, and communication—three aspects of human development and behavior
that are closely related but are nonetheless distinct capacities. In the third section,
we address the five major domains of language, a topic we introduce here and dis-
cuss more fully in Chapter 2. In the fourth section, we examine several remarkable
features of language, and in the fifth section, we describe differences in and disor-
ders of language development—two topics we explore more comprehensively in
Chapters 9 and 10.

WHAT IS LANGUAGE?
Language Defined
You probably have an intuitive sense of what language is because it is a human
behavior you have acquired to a sophisticated level and use regularly for various
purposes. In fact, you are using your language abilities as you read and analyze the
content of this chapter. However, if you take a moment to define language more
explicitly, you may find the task challenging. If you were to ask 10 classmates for
a definition of language, each would likely respond differently. The same outcome
would probably occur if you questioned 10 language researchers.
You are also most likely aware that language is a basic and essential human
behavior that develops early in life. You probably recognize that language involves
words and sentences and both expression (language production) and comprehen-
sion (language understanding). In addition, you know language is a process of
the brain that helps people communicate their thoughts to other individuals, al-
though you may be somewhat unclear about how language differs from speech and
communication.
However, to be as specific as possible about what language is and is not,
let’s look at the official definition of the term language the American Speech-
Language-Hearing Association (1982) uses:
 Chapter 1 Language Development 3

The relationship between a

word and its referent is arbi-
trary. English speakers use
the word happy to represent
an internal feeling of happi-
ness, but any word would do.

© Paul Hakimata/Fotolia
Language is a “complex and dynamic system of conventional symbols that
is used in various modes for thought and communication.”
Next, we delineate in more detail the specific characteristics of language identified
in this definition:
1. Language Is a System of Symbols. The first characteristic of language war-
ranting discussion is that it is a code, consisting of a system of symbols called
morphemes. Morphemes are the smallest units of language that carry meaning; we
combine them to create words. Some words consist of a single morpheme (e.g.,
school), but many words comprise two or more morphemes, such as schools (two
morphemes—school + -s) and preschools (three morphemes—pre- + school + -s).
These symbols can exist in spoken or written format, a point we’ll return to shortly.
The term code refers to the translation of one type of information into another
type of information; this involves the use of symbols. For humans to develop the
capacity to use language thousands of years ago, perhaps the most important pre-
requisite was the human ability to use symbols, such as representing a specific
concept with a specific sound (Christianson & Kirby, 2003). In language, we create
words by using morphemes to represent myriad aspects of the world around our
language community. For instance, as English speakers, we can represent an inter-
nal feeling of happiness by using the single word happy. When we use the word
happy in a conversation with other people to describe our feelings, we use the
word to translate our feelings. Although we can share feelings and ideas through
other means—such as gesture, facial expression, and posture—words are much
more specific and provide a uniquely powerful tool for communicating.
One important characteristic of language code is that the relationship between
a word and its referent (the aspect of the world to which the word refers) is arbi-
trary. For example, although English speakers recognize that happy refers to a spe-
cific feeling, any other word (e.g., sprit, nopic, or grendy) would do. Likewise, one
way English speakers can denote plurality is to attach the morpheme -s to words
(e.g., pens, dogs). Because the relationship between the plural morpheme -s and its
plural marking is arbitrary, English speakers could denote plurality in various other
ways. In contrast, the code we use to organize words into sentences is not arbitrary;
rather, we must follow specific rules for organizing thoughts into words and sen-
tences, as we discuss next.
4 www.pearsonhighered.com/pence3e
Learn More
About 1.1
As you watch the video
titled “What Is Language?”
consider the different
features of language and
how language differs from
other systems of communi-
cation. https://www.youtube.
com/watch?v=GenkKxTk7bw
2. The System of Language Is Conventional. The second characteristic of lan-
guage is that the system of symbols is conventional, so the members of a com-
munity or culture can share it. The term conventional means users of a language
abide by accepted rules. For instance, speakers of English agree to use the word
dog (and related words and synonyms, such as pup, puppy, and canine) to refer
to those companionable creatures, rather than other potential words, such as boop
or ming. Speakers of Spanish use a different word to refer to this concept (perro),
as do users of American Sign Language. Adhering to specific conventions allows
all members of a language community to use language with one another as a tool
for expression. A language community is a group of people who use a common
language. In fact, somewhere in the history of the human species, a single language
probably emerged within a social community of about 100 hominids (Cartwright,
2000). Some experts contend that language emerged within this community as a
type of grooming behavior, essentially an efficient way to share socially useful in-
formation (Christiansen & Kirby, 2003). Accordingly, the numerous languages of the
world emerged from this single community of language users.
Language communities emerge for many reasons. Some form as a result of geo-
graphic circumstances, as in the case of Ukrainian, the language people speak in
Ukraine, a country in the western region of the former Soviet Union. Alternatively,
a language community may emerge for sociological reasons, as in the case of He-
brew, which many persons of Jewish faith share, or American Sign Language, which
persons in the U.S. Deaf community use. A language community can organize for
economic reasons as well. For instance, the World Trade Organization (WTO), a
global group that coordinates and regulates trade among 161 countries (as of April,
2015), conducts its activities in English, French, and Spanish.
3. The Language System Is Dynamic. The third characteristic of language is
that it is dynamic. This means language is in a state of activity and change, both
within an individual who is acquiring language and within a community that uses
a certain language. Let’s consider first the case of the individual. As we discuss
throughout this book, the acquisition of language begins at birth, or even before
birth, in utero, and is in a state of change across the lifespan. Even as adults, our
language skills are dynamic. As one example, we might seek to learn a second
language. As another example, as we age, some aspects of our language skill de-
cline. We might, for example, have increased difficulty finding the names for things
(Capuron et al., 2011), which is a normal part of aging.
The language a community uses is also very dynamic. When the first edition
of this book was published, in 2008, there was no such word as selfie (or selfie
stick, for that matter). Sometime during the last eight years, this word entered the
English language and is now in our vocabulary. In any language, words come
and go and other changes happen as well, as we discuss more thoroughly in
Chapter 9.
4. Language Is a Tool for Human Communication. The final and perhaps
most important characteristic of language requiring discussion is that it exists as
a tool for communication. Communication is the process of sharing information,
such as thoughts, feelings, and ideas, among two or more persons. Although other
species are able to communicate, such as dogs, primates, birds, dolphins, and ants,
the innate and specialized capacity of humans to use language as a tool to com-
municate is what makes the human species unique. For instance, although some
primates may communicate alarms to one another using calls, these alarm calls
seem to be general and do not symbolically represent a given predator (e.g., eagle)
(Christiansen & Kirby, 2003). Experts therefore argue that “language is the most
distinctive feature that distinguishes humans from other animals” (Wang & Minett,
2005, p. 263). Language itself is what supports the highly complex communication
enjoyed by the human species, such as your ability to comprehend and learn from
the complex matter contained within this text.

Discussion Point
Too many people in the world are
without food. We need a solution
to the global food-shortage prob-
lem. Try to reason through a solu-
tion to this problem without using
language. Is it possible? Can an
individual engage in complex rea-
soning without language?
Chapter 1 Language Development 5
Language as a Module of Human Cognition
Beyond its role in supporting human communication, language is a cognitive tool
that helps humans to develop the “picture of the world that we use for thinking”
(Bickerton, 1995). This “picture of the world” includes not only symbolic repre-
sentations of linguistic concepts (e.g., big, fly, crazy) that are organized in a vast
network, but also the formal syntactic or grammatical rules that organize these
concepts into orderly, surface-level representations. According to this proposition,
first and foremost, language is a representational tool people use for thinking,
and, second, this tool permits people to communicate their thoughts to other
individuals.
Language probably emerged in the human species for the latter reason: to pro-
vide an efficient and effective means for communication within a community. In
other words, language emerged as a cultural and social evolution, rather than a
biological evolution: Our need and interest to communicate with others gave rise
to the complexity of language over time (Christiansen & Kirby, 2003). Some experts
suggest that language emerged in the human species because of increases in the
size of human communities (e.g., from about 50 members in a group to more than
100 members), and therefore increases in the complexity of social dynamics (Dun-
bar & Aiello, 1993). With time, the neural circuitry of the human brain responded
to the adaptive advantage of using language not only as a social tool but also as
an inner representational tool, emerging as a specialized part of the human mind
(Christiansen & Kirby, 2003).
The human brain uses language as a representational tool to store informa-
tion and to carry out many cognitive processes such as reasoning, hypothesizing,
memorizing, planning, and problem solving. These processes are sometimes called
higher-level language skills to differentiate them from more basic-level language
abilities. When applied to mathematical and scientific tasks, these higher-level abil-
ities may be called mathematical reasoning and scientific reasoning; however, it
is important to acknowledge the role of language in mathematical and scientific
reasoning tasks. For instance, suppose you are asked to complete the following
mathematical reasoning task:
The average cost of a smart phone in the United States in 2015 is about $250. As-
suming the prices of consumer goods decline about 3% per year, how much, on
average, would a smart phone cost in 2020?
You would have difficultly generating an answer without using language as a tool.
Although some persons may contend that they think in images and not in words,
certain thoughts—such as “My trust in you has been shattered forever by your un-
faithfulness”—are impossible to view as images and require language to be invoked
as a representational tool (Bickerton, 1995, p. 22).
As we consider the definition of language, particularly its relation to cognition,
we need to explore the concept of modularity. We introduce this concept here, and
discuss it more thoroughly in Chapter 4. Modularity is a cognitive science theory
about how the human mind is organized within the structures of the brain (Braisby
& Gellatly, 2012). Questions about modularity concern whether the human brain
contains a set of highly specific modules—regions of the brain developed to pro-
cess specific types of information—or whether the human brain is itself a general-
ized module in which all parts work together to process information. A module is
a specialized problem-solving device in the brain that responds to information of a
restricted type. Because of the specificity of such modules, they are termed domain
specific, meaning they can process only very specific types of information, such as
depth perception within the visual system. Some cognitive theorists contend that
the brain consists of very large domain-general modules, which carry out very
general tasks like memory and reasoning, as well as domain-specific modules that
execute very specific types of tasks.
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With respect to language, some language theorists argue that the human brain
contains a large number of language-specific modules, tightly clustered and highly
interconnected, each of which processes specific types of linguistic information
(see Curtiss, 2012). Such theorists contend that during human evolution, the neural
circuitry of the brain became highly specialized in several regions to handle the
task of developing and using language (Cartwright, 2000). In fact, researchers have
long known that specific regions of the brain are associated with specific language
abilities. For instance, people who sustain damage to certain areas of the left frontal
lobe, such as during a stroke, often exhibit difficulty with basic grammar. These
people may omit grammatical markers and speak with a “telegraphic” quality (e.g.,
“Tommy go store now”), which suggests this region of the brain governs aspects of
grammar (Shapiro & Caramazza, 2003). The results of brain-imaging studies of the
workings of undamaged brains also indicate that various regions of the brain cor-
respond to highly specific aspects of language (Okada et al., 2013), a concept we
elaborate on in Chapter 3.
Studies of children with language impairment (a group we discuss more
thoroughly in Chapter 10) also provide some support for the notion of language
modularity. Typically developing in all areas except for language, children with a
condition called specific language impairment (SLI) exhibit problems in very pre-
cise aspects of grammar, such as marking verb tense. Verb tense marking includes,
for instance, inflecting verbs with –ed to create the past tense, as in “Juan brushed
his teeth.” At ages 4 and 5 years, children with SLI have significant problems with
past-tense marking (typically omitting it; Clahsen, Rothweiler, Sterner, & Chilla,
2014), even when other aspects of language development are proceeding normally.
Across any number of languages, including English, German, and Swedish, this is a
prominent marker of children with SLI (e.g., Clahsen et al., 2014). That verb struc-
tures are so clearly impaired in children with SLI suggests that, perhaps, there is a
particular module of the brain that processes verb structures and that this is the site
of disturbance in cases of SLI.
The concept of language modularity is not without its critics. Some theorists
argue that language emerges in response to an individual’s culture rather than in re-
sponse to any specific internal architecture. Others argue that language is processed
by a general neural network that operates on all aspects of language and that the
hypothesized language modules lack “neurological reality” (Bickerton, 1995, p. 76).
Bickerton, in a well-reasoned critique of modularity theory as it applies to language,
showed that the results of research on disordered language due to developmental
disability (e.g., cognitive impairment) and brain injury have failed to support the
modularity concept. For instance, Bickerton reviewed studies of persons with dam-
age to a specific area of the brain purportedly linked to grammar problems, noting
that these individuals showed diverse patterns of syntactic impairment. Because
1.1 the same module was likely damaged in these individuals, the expectation would
Check Your be little variability in their impairment. At the same time, it is also important to rec-
Understanding ognize that, even if language processes are modular, this does not mean language
Click here to gauge your functions specific to a given module (or area of the brain) cannot be subsumed by
understanding of the another area of the brain when injury occurs. We’ll discuss the notion of brain plas-
concepts in this section. ticity in Chapter 3. Undoubtedly, researchers in the next several decades will better
elucidate how language is represented in the neural architecture of the brain.

How Does Language Relate to Speech,

Hearing, and Communication?
Language, speech, hearing, and communication together represent basic and inter-
related human abilities. Although simple forms of communication such as gesturing
do not necessarily require language, speech, and hearing, more advanced forms of
communication—particularly speaking and listening—require them.

Discussion Point
Speech, hearing, communica-
tion, and language are distinct
processes, although people often
use the terms interchangeably.
Before reading further, consider
your definition for each, focusing
on what differentiates the four
processes.
Chapter 1 Language Development 7
Often, the terms language, speech, hearing, and communication are used syn-
onymously, but in fact they describe substantially different processes. We previously
defined language as the rule-governed, code-based tool a person uses to represent
thoughts and ideas. Once individuals formulate thoughts and ideas, they can com-
municate them to other people using speech or a manual sign system; otherwise,
individuals can choose to keep thoughts and ideas to themselves (inner language)
or can write them down (written language).
Speech describes the neuromuscular process by which humans turn language
into a sound signal and transmit it through the air (or another medium such as a
telephone line) to a receiver. Hearing is the sensory system that allows speech to
enter into and be processed by the human brain. We described communication pre-
viously as the process of sharing information among individuals. Communication in
the form of a spoken conversation between two persons involves language, hear-
ing, and speech; in contrast, communication between two persons in an Internet
chat room involves only language.
Speech
Speech is the voluntary neuromuscular behavior that allows humans to express lan-
guage and is essential for spoken communication. In spoken communication, after
people formulate ideas in the brain using language, they must then transmit the
message by using speech. Speech involves the precise activation of muscles in four
systems: respiration, phonation, resonation, and articulation. These four systems
represent the remarkable coordination of a breath of air as it is inspired into and
then expired from the lungs to travel up through the trachea, or windpipe (respi-
ration). Within the trachea, the breath of air moves through the vocal cords, which
are set into vibration to create one’s voice (phonation). Then the breath of air pro-
ceeds into the oral and nasal cavities, where it resonates (resonation). Finally, the
breath of air is manipulated by the oral articulators—including the tongue, teeth,
lips, and jaw (articulation)—to emerge as a series of speech sounds that are com-
bined into words, phrases, and sentences. Figure 1.1 illustrates these four systems.
When and how humans first began to use speech is the subject of considerable
popular, philosophical, and scientific debate; estimates range from 2 million years
ago with Homo erectus to only 35,000 years ago with Homo sapiens (Cartwright,
2000; Wang & Minett, 2005). Anatomically modern humans (based on remains
Nasal cavity
Resonation
Oral cavity
Teeth
Tongue Lips Articulation
Jaw (Mandible)
Right lung Vocal cords Phonation
Trachea
Respiration
Left lung
Figure 1.1
Systems involved with speech production.
Adapted from: Justice, Laura M., Communication Sciences & Disorders: An Introduction, 1st Ed., ©2006.
Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
8 www.pearsonhighered.com/pence3e

found in Ethiopia) existed about 160,000 years ago, and it is believed that speech
and language emerged sometime between 160,000 and 50,000 years ago when the
human species experienced a “cultural explosion” (Wang & Minett, 2005). Although
this continues to be debated, it is likely that speech became the mode for language
expression because of its advantages over other modalities, such as gesturing or
grunting (Christiansen & Kirby, 2003). Whereas gesturing requires a direct line of
sight, speech enables communication in the dark, around corners, and from rela-
tively far distances; speech also allows one to communicate when the hands are oc-
cupied, as when one is carrying an infant or working manually. In addition, speech
allows an individual to communicate with a larger number of persons, which be-
came necessary as the group size of early humans increased from small bands of
hunter-gatherers of a dozen or so individuals, to larger organized communities of
more than 100 members (Cartwright, 2000). Finally, and possibly most important,
speech provides the medium for sharing language.

Model of Speech Production

We provide here a relatively basic model of speech production to show how speech
moves from the brain to the articulators. A model is a way to represent an unknown
event on the basis of the best current evidence governing the event. Models of
speech production provide a theoretical description of how an individual can move
from a cognitive representation (“I forgot to bring paper . . . I’ll have to borrow a
piece … I see she has an extra one in her notebook”) to a clearly articulated spo-
ken product (“May I borrow a piece of paper?”).
Figure 1.2 presents a basic model of speech production involving three stages.
The first stage is a perceptual event: The speech production process is initiated with
a mental, abstract representation of the speech stream to be produced. This abstract
representation is the language code, which provides a perceptual target of what is
to be produced by speech. At the perceptual level, the code is represented by the
phoneme. A phoneme is the smallest unit of sound that can signal a difference in
meaning; we combine phonemes to produce syllables and words. For instance, the
word mama comprises four phonemes, whereas the word my comprises two. In
written form, phonemic representations are usually bounded by slashes; thus, the
four phonemes in mama are /m/ /a/ /m/ /a/, and the two phonemes in my are /m/
/aI/. Conventionally, phonemes are represented by the symbols of the International

Perceptual Target
Abstract representation of speech sound stream is produced: / // // // /

Motor Schema
Neurological brain systems produce a rough plan of the abstract
representation. General instructions are fed forward in syllable chunks to
muscle groups involved with speech: / / / /

Speech Output
Air pressure is modulated as respiratory flow is sent forward. Articulators
and oral cavity are manipulated to produce / /.

Feedback

Figure 1.2
Model of speech production.
Source: Justice, Laura M., Communication Sciences & Disorders: An Introduction, 1st Ed., ©2006.
Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
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 “Well, I saw the shortcake on the window, and I thought maybe it
was to be thrown away, so I picked it up. I didn’t know anybody
wanted it.”
“Well, you know now,” said Mr. Bunker grimly. “And you had better
not try any more tricks like that. Are you sure you didn’t take
anything more by mistake?”
“No, I take nothing more,” answered the boy sullenly, as he
fastened his box again, and, slinging that and his basket of wares
over his shoulder, away he walked. He was quite angry at being
caught, it appeared.
“Oh, I’m so glad I got my shortcake back!” cried Rose. “Now we
can eat it when we get back to the house.”
“Do you think it was kept clean?” asked her mother.
But they need not have worried on that score. Whatever else he
was, the peddler boy seemed clean, and he had wrapped a clean
paper about the short cake before putting it in his box. To be sure
some of the strawberries on top were crushed and a little of their red
juice had run down the sides of the cake.
“But that doesn’t matter, ’cause we got to smash it a lot more when
we eat it,” said Laddie.
Which, of course, was perfectly true.
So Rose’s shortcake came back to Farmer Joel’s and they sat
down to the table again and ate it. Dessert was a little late that
evening, but it was liked none the less.
“Busy day to-morrow, children!” said Farmer Joel, as the six little
Bunkers went up to bed.
“What doing?” asked Russ.
“Getting in the hay!” was the answer. “Those who can’t help can
ride on the hay wagon.”
There were whoops of delight from the six little Bunkers.
“Could I drive the horses?” asked Russ.
 “Well, we’ll see about that,” answered Farmer Joel slowly.
“I want to ride on the rake that makes the hay into heaps like
Eskimo houses,” announced Laddie.
“You’d better not do that,” his mother said. “You might fall off and
get raked up with the hay.”
“I’ll look after them, and so will Adam North!” chuckled Farmer
Joel. “So to bed now, all of you. Up bright and early! We must get the
hay in before it rains!”
 CHAPTER XV
AN EXCITING RIDE

Very seldom did the six little Bunkers need any one to call them to
get them out of bed. Generally they were up before any one else in
Farmer Joel’s house. The morning when the hay was to be gotten in
was no exception.
Almost as soon as Norah had the fire started and breakfast on the
way, Russ, Rose and the others were impatient to start for the hay
field.
“Why does he have to get the hay in before it rains?” asked Violet
of her father, remembering what Farmer Joel had said the night
before.
“Because rain spoils hay after it has been cut and is lying in the
field ready to be brought in,” answered Mr. Todd, who heard Vi’s
question. “Once hay is dried, it should be brought in and stored away
in the barn as soon as possible.
“After it is raked up and made into cocks, or Eskimo houses, as
Laddie calls them, if it should rain we’d have to scatter the hay all
over again to dry it out. For if it were to be put away in the haymow
when wet the hay would get mouldy and sour, and the horses would
not eat it.”
“Also if the hay gets rained on after it is cut and dried, and while it
is still scattered about the field, it must be turned over so the wet part
will dry in the hot sun before it can be hauled in. We have had
several days of hot weather and my hay is fine and dry now. That’s
why I am anxious to get it into the barn in a hurry.”
“Yes, I think we had better hurry,” said Adam North who, with a
couple of other hired men, was to help get in Farmer Joel’s hay.
“We’re likely to have thunder showers this afternoon.”
 “Then we must all move fast!” exclaimed Daddy Bunker, who liked
to work on the farm almost as much as did Adam and Mr. Todd.
The day before the hay had been raked into long rows by Adam,
who rode a large two-wheeled rake drawn by a horse. The rake had
long curved prongs, or teeth, which dragged on the ground pulling
the hay with them. When a large enough pile of hay had been
gathered, Adam would press on a spring with one foot and the teeth
of the rake would lift up over the long row of dried grass. This was
kept up until the field was filled with many rows of hay, like the waves
on the seashore.
Then men went about piling the hay into cocks, or cone-shaped
piles, which, as Laddie said, looked like the igloos of the Eskimos.
Now all that remained to be done was to load the hay on a big, broad
wagon and cart it to the barn.
Laddie was a bit disappointed because all the hay was raked up,
for he wanted to ride on the big machine which did this work. But
Farmer Joel said:
“We always have a second raking after we draw in the hay, for a
lot of fodder falls off and is scattered about. You shall ride on the
rake when we go over the field for the second time.”
So Laddie felt better, and he was as jolly as any of the six little
Bunkers when they rode out to the field on the empty wagon. Once
the field was reached there was a busy time. There was little the
children could do, for loading hay is hard work, fit only for big, strong
men.
But Russ, Rose and the others watched Adam, Farmer Joel, their
father, and the two hired men dig their shiny pitchforks deep into a
hay cock. Sometimes two men, each with a fork, would lift almost a
whole cock up on the wagon at once. When one man did it alone he
took about half the cock at a time.
As the hay was loaded on the wagon, which was fitted with a rick,
going over the wheels, the pile of dried grass on the vehicle became
higher and higher. So high it was, at last, that the men could hardly
pitch hay up on it.
 “I guess we’ll call this a load,” said Farmer Joel, as he looked up at
the sky. “The road is a bit rough and if we put on too much we’ll have
an upset. Adam, I think you’re right,” he went on. “We’ll have thunder
showers this afternoon. Have to hustle, boys, to get the hay in!”
When the horses were ready to haul the first load back to the barn,
to be stored away in the mow, the six little Bunkers were put up on
top of the load to ride.
“Oh, this is lovely!” cried Rose.
“Like being on a hundred feather beds!” added Russ.
“And you don’t feel the jounces at all!” added Laddie, for as the
wagon went over rough places in the field the children were only
gently bounced up and down, and not shaken about as they would
have been had there been no hay on the wagon.
But the rough field caused one little accident which, however,
harmed no one.
The first load of hay was almost out of the field when, as it
approached the bars, Mun Bun suddenly yelled:
“I’m slippin’! I’m slippin’!”
And Margy followed with a like cry.
“Oh, I’m fallin’ off!” she shouted.
And, surely enough, Russ and Rose also felt the top of the load of
hay beginning to slip to one side. Adam North was riding with the
children, Farmer Joel and Daddy Bunker having remained in the
field, while one hired man drove the team of horses.
“I guess they didn’t load this hay evenly,” said Adam. “Part of it is
going to slip off. But don’t be frightened, children,” he said kindly.
“You can’t get hurt falling with a load of hay.”
Just as Adam finished speaking part of the top of the load slid off
the wagon and fell into the field, and with it fell the six little Bunkers
and Adam himself.
“Oh! Oh!” screamed Margy and Mun Bun.
 “Keep still!” ordered Russ. “You won’t get hurt!”
“Look out for the pitchforks—they’re sharp!” warned Rose.
Laddie and Violet laughed with glee as they felt themselves
sliding.
Down in a heap went the hay, the six little Bunkers and Adam. The
hay was so soft it was like falling in a bed of feathers. The man
sitting in front to drive the horses did not slide off.
“All over! No damage!” cried Adam, with a laugh, as he leaped up
and picked the smallest of the little Bunkers from the pile of hay. “But
we’ll have to load the hay back on the wagon.”
This was soon done, and once more the merry party started for
the barn, which was reached without further accident.
Farmer Joel had many things on his place to save work. Among
these was a hay fork which could pick up almost half a load of hay at
once and raise it to the mow.
A hay fork, at least one kind, looks like a big letter U turned upside
down. The two arms are made of iron, and from their lower ends
prongs come out to hold the hay from slipping off the arms.
A rope, running through a pulley is fastened to the curved part of
the U, and a horse, pulling on the ground end of the rope, hoists into
the air a big mass of hay.
The wagon was driven under the high barn window and from a
beam overhead the hay fork was lowered. Adam North plunged the
two sharp arms deep into the springy, dried grass.
All but Russ had gotten down off the load of hay to wait for the ride
back to the field. But Russ remained there. He wanted to see how
the hay fork worked.
So when Adam plunged the arms into the fodder Russ was near
by. Adam pulled on the handle that shot the prongs out from the
arms to hold the hay from slipping off as the fork was raised.
Then, suddenly, Russ did a daring thing. Seeing the mass of hay
rising in the air, pulled by the horse on the ground below, the boy
made a grab for the bunch of dried grass. He caught it, clung to it
and up in the air he went, on an exciting and dangerous ride.
“Oh, look at Russ! Look at Russ!” cried Rose.
“Hi there, youngster, what are you doing?” shouted Adam.
“I—I’m getting a ride!” Russ answered. But his voice had a
frightened tone in it as he swung about and looked down below. He
began to feel dizzy.
 CHAPTER XVI
OFF ON A PICNIC

While Russ swung to and fro in the mass of hay lifted by the hay
fork and was kept over the load itself there was little danger. If he fell
he would land on the hay in the wagon.
But the hay fork had to swing to one side, when high up in the air,
so the hay could be placed in the window opening into the storage
mow. And it was this part of Russ’s ride that was dangerous.
The man on the ground, who had charge of the horse that was
hitched to the pulley rope, knew nothing of what was going on above
him, for the load of hay was so large that it hid Russ and the fork
from sight. But this man heard the shout of Adam, and he called up:
“Is anything the matter?”
“No! No!” quickly answered Adam, for he feared if the horse
stopped the shock might throw Russ from his hold. “Keep on, Jake!”
he called to the hired man. “You’ll have to hoist a boy up as well as a
fork full of hay. Hold on tight there, Russ!” Adam warned the Bunker
lad.
“I will,” Russ answered. He was beginning to wish that he had not
taken this dangerous ride. It was done on the impulse of the
moment. He had seen the mass of hay being lifted with the fork and
he felt a desire to go up with it—to get a ride in the air. So he made a
grab almost before he thought.
Up and up went the fork full of hay with Russ on it. Now he was
swung out and away from the wagon, and was directly over the bare
ground, thirty or forty feet below. In the barn window of the mow
overhead a man looked out.
“What’s this you’re sending me?” called this man to Adam.
 “It’s Russ! Grab him when he gets near enough to you,” Adam
answered.
“I will,” said the man who was “mowing away,” as the work of
storing the hay in the barn is called.
“NOW WATCH HER WHIZZ!” CRIED RUSS.
 Six Little Bunkers at Farmer Joel’s. (Page 160)

Higher and higher up went Russ, while Rose and the other little
Bunkers on the ground below gazed at him in mingled fright and
envy.
“Will he fall and be killed?” asked Vi.
“No, I guess not. Oh, no! Of course not!” exclaimed Rose.
A moment later the fork load of hay with Russ clinging to it, one
hand on the lifting rope, swung within reach of the man in the mow
window. Russ was caught, pulled inside to safety, and as he sank
down on the pile of hay within the barn the man said:
“You’d better not do that again!”
“I won’t!” promised Russ, with a little shiver of fear and excitement.
Rose and the other children breathed more easily now, and Adam
North, wiping the sweat from his forehead, murmured:
“You never know what these youngsters are going to do next!”
Back to the hay field went the empty wagon, the six little Bunkers
riding on it. The trip back was not as comfortable as the one on the
load of hay had been. For the wagon was rickety and the road was
rough and jolty. But the six little Bunkers had a jolly time, just the
same.
The men were working fast now, and Daddy Bunker was helping
them, for dark clouds in the west and distant muttering of thunder
seemed to tell of a coming storm, and Farmer Joel did not want his
hay to get wet.
Another big load was taken to the barn, no upset happening this
time. And you may be sure Adam made certain that Russ did not
cling to the hay fork.
After three loads had been put away most of the hay was in.
Scattered about the field, however, were little piles and wisps of the
fodder—perhaps half a load in all—and this must be raked up by the
big horse rake.
“Oh, may I have a ride?” cried Laddie, when he saw the machine
being brought out from a corner of the rail fence where it had been
standing.
“Yes, I’ll give you each a ride in turn,” kindly offered Adam North,
who was to drive the horse hitched to the big rake. And as Laddie
had asked first he was given the first ride, sitting on the seat beside
Adam.
The curved iron teeth of the rake gathered up a mass of hay until
they could hold no more. Then Adam “tripped” it, as the operation is
called. The teeth rose in the air and passed over the mass of hay
which was left on the ground.
Working in this way, more hay was raked up until there were
several windrows and cocks to be loaded upon the wagon. As a
special favor Russ and Rose were allowed to pitch small forkfuls of
the hay on the wagon. And when all the dried grass had been
gathered up the children piled on and rode to the barn for the last
time.
“Hurray! Hurray! Hurray for the hay!” they sang most merrily.
“And it’s a good thing we got it in to-day,” said Farmer Joel, with a
chuckle, as the last forkful was raised to the mow. “For here comes
the rain!”
And down pelted the big drops. There was not much thunder and
lightning, but the rain was very hard and the storm pelted and
rumbled all night.
“It’s a good thing I got in my hay,” said Farmer Joel, as he went to
bed that night. “Now I can sleep in peace.”
For there is nothing more worrying to a farmer than to hear it rain,
knowing it is spoiling his hay. Hay, once wet, is never quite so good
as that which has not been soaked.
Though it rained all night, the sun came out the next day, and the
six little Bunkers could play about and have fun. Russ and Laddie
were glad of the storm, for the rain had made the brook higher, and
water was now for the first time running over the little dam they had
made so their water wheel could be turned.
“She’ll splash like anything now!” cried Laddie, as he and his
brother hastened down to the brook.
The water wheel was made of some flat pieces of wood fastened
together and set in a frame work. The water, spouting over the dam,
fell on the blades of the paddle wheel and turned it. On the axle of
the wheel was a small, round pulley, and around this there was a
string, or a belt, running to a small mill that the boys had made. It
had taken them quite a while to do this.
“Now watch her whizz!” cried Russ to his brothers and sisters, who
had gathered on the bank of the brook.
The water wheel was shoved back so the overflow from the dam
would strike the paddles. Around they went, turning the pulley,
moving the string belt, and also turning the wheel of the “mill.”
“Oh, isn’t that fine!” exclaimed Rose.
“Could I have a ride on it?” Mun Bun wanted to know.
“Hardly!” laughed Russ. “If you sat on it the wheel would break.”
“And you’d get all wet!” added Rose.
The six little Bunkers had much fun that day, and more good times
were ahead of them, for that evening when they made ready for bed,
tired but happy, their mother said:
“To-morrow we are going on a picnic to the woods.”
“A really, truly picnic?” Vi wanted to know.
“Of course.”
“With things to eat?” asked Russ.
“Surely,” said his mother. “Now off to bed with you! Up early, and
we’ll have a fine picnic in the woods.”
 You may be sure that not one of the six little Bunkers overslept the
next day. Bright and early they were up, and soon they started for
the picnic grounds in the big hay wagon, on which some straw had
been scattered to make soft seats.
“I wonder if anything will happen to-day?” said Rose to Russ, as
they rode off with their lunches.
“What do you mean?” he inquired.
“I mean anything like an adventure.”
“Oh, maybe we’ll find a—snake!” and Russ laughed as he saw his
sister jump, for Rose did not like snakes.
“You’re a horrid boy!” she murmured.
But an adventure quite different from finding a snake happened to
the six little Bunkers.
 CHAPTER XVII
THE ICE CAVE

Along the road, through pleasant fields, and into the woods
rumbled the big farm hay wagon, driven by Adam North. In the
wagon sat the six little Bunkers with their father and mother and
Farmer Joel. For Farmer Joel had decided that, after the haymaking,
he was entitled to a holiday. So he stopped work and went on the
picnic with the six little Bunkers.
“How much farther is it to the picnic grounds?” asked Vi, after they
had ridden for perhaps half an hour.
“Not very far now,” answered Farmer Joel.
“Is it a nice picnic grounds?” went on the little girl who always
asked questions. “And is there——”
“Now, Vi,” interrupted her mother, “suppose you wait until we get
there and you can see what there is to see. You mustn’t tire Farmer
Joel by asking so many questions.”
“Well, I only wanted to ask just one thing more,” begged Vi.
“Go ahead. What is it?” chuckled the good-natured farmer.
“Is there a swing in the picnic woods?” asked Vi, after a moment’s
pause to decide which question was the most important.
“Well, if there isn’t we can put one up, for I brought a rope along,”
answered Adam North. He liked to see the six little Bunkers have fun
as much as the children loved to play.
“Oh, a swing! Goodie!” cried Violet.
“I want to swing in it!” exclaimed Mun Bun.
“So do I!” added Margy.
 “I can see where there’s going to be trouble, with only one swing,”
murmured Daddy Bunker, smiling at his wife.
“Oh, they can take turns,” she said.
The wagon was now going through the woods. On either side
were green trees with low-hanging branches, some of which met in
an arch overhead, drooping down so far that the children could reach
up and touch the leaves with their hands.
“Oh, it’s just lovely here,” murmured Rose, who liked beautiful
scenery.
“I see something that’s lovelier,” said Russ.
“What?” asked Rose. “I don’t see anything. You can’t get much of
a view down here under the trees, but it’s beautiful just the same.”
“Here’s the view I was looking at,” said Russ, with a laugh, and he
pointed to the piles of lunch boxes and baskets in the front part of
the hay wagon. “That’s a better view than just trees, Rose.”
“Oh, you funny boy!” she laughed. “Always thinking of something
to eat! Don’t you ever think of something else?”
“Yes, right after I’ve had something to eat I think of when it’s going
to be time to eat again,” chuckled Russ.
Deeper into the woods went the picnic wagon. The six little
Bunkers were talking and laughing among themselves, and Farmer
Joel was speaking to Mr. and Mrs. Bunker and Adam about
something that had happened in the village that day.
Suddenly there was a cry from the children, who were in the rear
of the wagon, sprawled about in the straw.
“Laddie’s gone!” exclaimed Rose.
“Did he fall out?” asked Mrs. Bunker.
“No, it looks more as if he fell up!” shouted Russ.
And that, indeed, is almost what happened. For, looking back, Mr.
and Mrs. Bunker, saw Laddie hanging by his hands to the branch of
a tree he had grasped as the wagon passed beneath it. The little
fellow was swinging over the roadway, the wagon having passed
from beneath him.
“Hold on, Laddie! I’ll come back and get you!” shouted Mr. Bunker.
“In mischief again!” murmured Russ.
“Whoa!” called Adam, bringing the horses to a halt.
“Hold on, Laddie! I’ll come and get you!” called Mr. Bunker again,
as he leaped from the hay wagon.
“I—I can’t hold on!” gasped Laddie. “My—my hands are slipping!”
The green branch was slowly bending over and Laddie’s hands
were slipping from it. Then, when he could keep his grasp no longer,
he let go, and down to the ground he fell, feet first.
Luckily Laddie was only a short distance above the ground when
he slipped from the branch, so he did not have far to fall. He was
only jarred and shaken a little bit—not hurt at all.
“Laddie, why did you do that?” his father asked him, when he had
reached the little fellow and picked him up. As Mr. Bunker carried
Laddie back to the waiting wagon Russ remarked:
“I guess he thought maybe he could pull a tree up by the roots
when he caught hold of the branch like that.”
“I did not!” exclaimed Laddie. “I just wanted to pull off a whip for
Mun Bun to play horse with. But when I got hold of the branch I
forgot to let go and it lifted me right out of the wagon.”
“It’s a mercy you weren’t hurt!” exclaimed his mother.
“I should say so!” added Farmer Joel. “It’s safer for you to think up
riddles, Laddie, than it is to do such tricks as that. Come now, sit
quietly in the wagon and think of a riddle.”
“All right,” agreed Laddie, as again he took his place in the straw
with the other little Bunkers. But he did not ask any riddles for a long
time. Perhaps he had been too startled. For surely it was rather a
startling thing to find himself dangling on a tree branch, the wagon
having gone out from under him.
 However, in about fifteen minutes more Laddie suddenly cried:
“Oh, now I know a riddle! Why is a basket——”
But before he could say any more the other children broke into
cries of:
“There’s the picnic ground! There’s the picnic ground!”
And, surely enough, they had reached the grove in the woods
where lunch was to be eaten and games played.
It was a beautiful day of sunshine, warm and pleasant. Too warm,
in fact, for Mrs. Bunker had to call to the children several times:
“Don’t run around too much and get overheated. It is very warm,
and seems to be getting warmer.”
“Yes,” agreed Farmer Joel, as he looked at the sky. “I think we’ll
have a thunder shower before the day is over.”
“We didn’t bring any umbrellas,” said Mrs. Bunker.
“If it rains very hard we can take shelter in a cave not far from here
that I know of,” said Mr. Todd.
“Oh, a cave! Where is it?” asked Russ, who was lying down in the
shade, having helped put up the swing. “Could we go and see it?” he
inquired.
“After a while, maybe,” promised Farmer Joel.
Rose helped her mother spread out the good things to eat. They
found some flat stumps which answered very well for tables, and
after Mun Bun and Margy and Laddie and Violet had swung as much
as was good for them, and when they had raced about, playing tag,
hide-and-seek, and other games, the children were tired enough to
sit down in the shade.
“We’ll eat lunch after you rest a bit,” said Mrs. Bunker.
“Ah, now comes the best part of the day!” murmured Russ.
“Silly! Always thinking of something to eat!” chided Rose. But she
smiled pleasantly at her brother.
 How good the things eaten in the picnic woods tasted! Even plain
bread and butter was almost as fine as cake, Laddie said. He was
trying to think of a riddle about this—a riddle in which he was to ask
when it was that bread and butter was as good as cake—when
suddenly there came a low rumbling sound.
“What’s that?” asked Margy.
“Thunder, I think,” was the answer.
Mun Bun, who was playing a little distance away, came running in.
“I saw it lighten,” he whispered.
“Yes, I think we’re in for a storm,” said Farmer Joel.
The thunder became louder. The sun was hidden behind dark
clouds. The picnic things were picked up. Mrs. Bunker was glad
lunch was over.
Then down pelted the rain.
“Come on!” cried Farmer Joel. “We’ll take shelter in the cave!”
He led the way along a path through the woods. The others
followed, Mr. Bunker carrying Mun Bun and Adam North catching up
Margy. The trees were so thick overhead that not much rain fell on
the picnic party.
“Here’s the cave!” cried Farmer Joel, pushing aside some bushes.
He showed a dark opening among some rocks. In they rushed, for it
was a welcome shelter from the storm.
“Oh, but how cool it is in here,” said Rose.
“Yes,” answered Farmer Joel. “This is an ice cave.”
“An ice cave!” exclaimed Russ. “Is there really ice in here in the
middle of summer?”
Before Farmer Joel could answer a terrific crash of thunder
seemed to shake the whole earth.
 CHAPTER XVIII
A BIG SPLASH

There was silence in the dark cave of ice following that big noise
from the sky. Then came a steady roar of sound.
“It’s raining cats and dogs outside,” said Farmer Joel. “We got here
just in time.”
Suddenly Margy began to whimper and then she began to cry.
“What’s the matter, my dear?” asked her mother.
“I—I don’t like it in here!” sobbed Margy.
“I—I don’t, either, an’—an’ I’m goin’ to cry, too!” snuffled Mun Bun.
“Oh, come, children!” exclaimed Mr. Bunker, with a laugh. “Don’t
be babies! Why don’t you like it in here?”
“I—I’m ’fraid maybe we’ll be struck by lightning,” whimpered
Margy.
“Oh, nonsense!” replied her mother.
“No lightning ever comes in here,” said Farmer Joel. “Why, if
lightning came in there couldn’t be any ice. The lightning would melt
the ice, and it hasn’t done that. I’ll show you a big pile of it back in
the cave. Of course no lightning ever comes in here! Don’t be afraid.”
The thunder was not so loud now, and as no lightning could be
seen because the Bunkers were far back in the dark cave, the two
smallest children stopped their crying.
“Is there really ice in here?” asked Russ.
“It feels so,” said Rose, with a little shiver.
“Yes, there’s ice here,” went on the farmer. “It comes every year,
and stays until after the Fourth of July. Come, I’ll show you.”