POWER, CHARISMA, AND RITUAL CURING

IN A TIBETAN COMMUNITY IN INDIA

By

Marcia Calkowski

B.A., R i c e U n i v e r s i t y , 1970
M.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

(Department of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y )

We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming

to the r e q u i r e d standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

November 1985

(c) Marcia Calkowski, 1985

In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the
requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the University
of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make
it f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further
agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s
f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my
department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . It i s
understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s
f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written
permission.

The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia
1956 Main Mall
Vancouver, Canada
V6T 1Y3
 Abstract

T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s concerned w i t h the ways i n which Tibetans

living i n Dharmsala, Northern I n d i a , r e a c t t o events such as i l l n e s s ,

p e r s o n a l d i s t r e s s , and m i s f o r t u n e , when they p e r c e i v e such events as

disturbances t o a g i v e n s o c i a l and moral o r d e r and a s evidence o f

" s p i r i t attack". To r e - e s t a b l i s h the o r d e r , t h e c o n t e x t moves/widens

from a c o n c e r n w i t h an a f f l i c t e d i n d i v i d u a l t o i n c l u d e more g e n e r a l

political i s s u e s and f i n a l l y f o c u s e s on the l e g i t i m a t i o n o f a u t h o r i t y .

Dharmsala T i b e t a n s l i v e i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i e t y and s u b s c r i b e

to a h i e r a r c h i c a l cosmos. The i d e o l o g y p l a c e s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y upon

humans f o r a l i g n i n g t h i s h i e r a r c h y and p r e s c r i b e s the l e g i t i m a t e means

by which the h i e r a r c h y may be ascended. Two e f f i c i e n t causes o f

i l l n e s s e s r e s u l t i n s p i r i t a t t a c k : (1) t h e f i r s t a t t r i b u t e s s p i r i t

a t t a c k t o human v i o l a t i o n o f h i e r a r c h i c a l t e n e t s ; (2) t h e second, t o

the i l l e g i t i m a t e s t a t u s ambitions of e v i l s p i r i t s . The l o g i c o f t h e

ritual cure a d d r e s s e s t h e r e s o l u t i o n o f s t a t u s ambiguities.

Successful r i t u a l cures are appreciated i n terms o f two idioms

denoting two a s p e c t s o f c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y . When the s p i r i t attack

r e s u l t s from human v i o l a t i o n o f h i e r a r c h i c a l t e n e t s , t h e p a t i e n t ' s

cure i s c o n t i n g e n t upon h i s o r her u n s y s t e m a t i c a l l y a c q u i r e d power

(rlung-rta). When t h e second e f f i c i e n t cause o b t a i n s and e v i l

spirits a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e a t t a c k , t h e p a t i e n t ' s cure depends

upon t h e outcome o f a d u e l between an e x o r c i s t and t h e s p i r i t ( s ) , and

the s u c c e s s f u l cure i s d e s c r i b e d i n terms o f s y s t e m a t i c a l l y a c q u i r e d

ii
power (dbang).

These idioms serve not only t o l e g i t i m a t e s t a t u s i n T i b e t a n

s o c i e t y , but a l s o t o r a t i o n a l i z e h i e r a r c h i c a l a s c e n t . In a d d i t i o n t o

r i t u a l c u r i n g , the idioms a r e employed i n a s s e s s i n g t h e outcomes o f

events such as s p o r t s , gambling, and weather-making. Where the idioms

o v e r l a p moral a m b i g u i t i e s emerge. The two idioms a r e d i s c e r n i b l e i n

much o f T i b e t a n h i s t o r y where they f o c u s upon the l e g i t i m a t i o n of

succession to charismatic o f f i c e . The i d i o m o f u n s y s t e m a t i c a l l y

a c q u i r e d power appears t o predominate i n the p r e s e n t refugee context.

iii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract i i

List of Tables ix

L i s t of Figures x

L i s t o f Maps xi

Acknowledgements x i i

Guide t o T i b e t a n Orthography xiii

Preface xiv

CHAPTER I : INTRODUCTION 1

Methodology Used i n t h e Study and

Some F i e l d C o n s i d e r a t i o n s 1

Statement o f t h e Problem 7

Organization o f Content 16

NOTES 18

CHAPTER I I : THE SETTING 19

Introduction 19

The T e r r a i n 19

The C o s m o l o g i c a l Interface ..25

The T i b e t a n s o f Dharmsala 27

The S o c i a l E p i c e n t e r s o f Dharmsala 33

The I n d i a n I n t e r f a c e 36

The Western I n t e r f a c e 38

Further Explorations of the

Western-Tibetan I n t e r f a c e 45

iv
 Cosmology 51

Some Major C o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n T i b e t a n Buddhist

Religious Structure 58

NOTES 63

CHAPTER I I I : RITUAL APPEASEMENT: ALIGNING

THE COSMIC HIERARCHY 65

The Lha 67

The K l u 77

The I n t e n t i o n a l i t y of the G i f t 85

Conclusion 88

NOTES 90

CHAPTER IV: THE AMBIVALENCE OF HIERARCHICAL ASCENT 91

The H i e r a r c h y o f Demons 97

The Demon as a "Bad F i t " 100

The TIPA Ghost 102

The Problem o f Dbang 107

The Dangers o f Dbang 117

The C o n t r a c t o r ' s Exorcism 119

The Shugs-ldan Rgyal-po 122

Dbang C o n t e s t s 128

The S t o r y o f T a r a Lee Wang 129

Conclusion 133

CHAPTER V: TRICKS, TRAPS, AND TRANSFORMATIONS:

TIBETAN STRATEGIES OF EXORCISM 135

TRICKS 137

v
The Appeal o f C o n s t r u c t i o n s 137
 Refracting the E v i l Eye 139

Change o f S t a t u s . . 140

The Ransom R i t u a l 142

Analysis. 147

TRAPS 148

TRANSFORMATIONS 150

A Lay A p p l i c a t i o n 152

T r a d i t i o n Under A t t a c k 153

A C u l t u r a l Exorcism 157

Conclusion 162

NOTES 164

CHAPTER V I : A DUR-SRI EXORCISM AT THE

TIBETAN CHILDREN'S VILLAGE 165

INSTILLING HIERARCHICAL PRECEPTS 169

THE DESTRUCTION OF CHALLENGERS 177

The S t o r y o f Rudra 177

The L i n g - g a 192

The Cemetery B u r i a l 193

Analysis. 195

THE FOURTH DAY - APPEASING THE KLU and SA-BDAG 203

THE FIFTH DAY - EXORCISING GT0R-NAG-MG0-GSUM 205

Analysis 208

Conclusion 211

CHAPTER V I I : RLUNG-RTA - UNCERTAINTY AS

HIERARCHICAL VALIDATION 213

vi
 R l u n g - r t a as a P r o t e c t i o n A g a i n s t S p i r i t A t t a c k 219

Gambling ......221

Sports 222

Divination 224

A R i t u a l of Soul R e t r i e v a l 225

1. Preparations 226

2. L u r i n g t h e Soul and T e s t i n g
I t s Return 227

3. Securing the B l e s s i n g s of

Long L i f e 229

Analysis 229

1. The Lasso and T r a p p i n g the Soul 229

2. Sheep 229

3. Turquoise 232

4. Stones, D i c e , and Gyang 233

A Marriage of Souls 234

The D a l a i Lama and t h e Scapegoat 243

Conclusion. 247

NOTES 250

CHAPTER V I I I : OF A MONSTROUS BIRTH AND MIRACULOUS

RETURNS: LEGITIMATING RULE IN TIBETAN HISTORY 251

Introduction ................251

D i v i n e Kings 253

T i b e t D e c e n t r a l i z e s and L i n e a g e Gurus Emerge 257

The P a t r o n - P r i e s t R e l a t i o n s h i p and t h e R i s e
of t h e Sa-skya H i e r a r c h s 260
vii
 The Sa-skya P a t t e r n o f L e g i t i m a t i o n 263

Family Hegemonies 266

The Emergence o f the D a l a i Lamas.... 267

The R i s e o f Regents and Court Intrigue 272

The T h i r t e e n t h D a l a i Lama 277

Regent R i v a l r y 280

The Fourteenth D a l a i Lama and t h e

Chinese I n v a s i o n 285

Conclusion 286

NOTES 292

CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSION 293

The Efficient Causes o f S p i r i t Attack

and Concomitant Cures 293

Baraka, R l u n g - r t a , Dbang, and Mana 297

The Permutations o f T i b e t a n C h a r i s m a t i c O f f i c e 299

E x i l e and the C o n t i n u i t y o f C h a r i s m a t i c O f f i c e 303

The M o r a l Order and Dharmsala T i b e t a n s 306

Conclusion. , 311

BIBLIOGRAPHY... 313

APPENDIX: GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN TERMS 320

>

viii
 LIST OF TABLES

C h r o n o l o g i c a l T a b l e o f T i b e t a n R u l e r s , Buddhist Lineage
Gurus, and Major C h a r i s m a t i c O f f i c e s 282

ix
 LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 1, Diagram o f T i b e t a n Cosmology 56

F i g . 2, Diagram o f E x o r c i s m S i t e , TCV Home No. 10 167

Fig. 3, The A l t a r 168

F i g . 4, Tshogs O f f e r i n g 174

F i g . 5, The B l a c k T e n t 186

F i g . 6, I n t e r i o r of the B l a c k T e n t 186

F i g . 7, D i v i n a t i o n Cauldron 189

x
 *

LIST OF MAPS .

I. Map of I n d i a L o c a t i n g Dharmsala • 2

I I . Map o f Upper Dharmsala 24

I I I . Map of E t h n i c T i b e t 29

xi
 Acknowledgements

I t would be i m p o s s i b l e f o r me to acknowledge p e r s o n a l l y a l l of
the people i n I n d i a whose f r i e n d s h i p , good humour, timely wisdom, and
a s s i s t a n c e were i n v a l u a b l e to me as an i n d i v i d u a l and as an
anthropological fieldworker. A s o c i e t y of r e f u g e e s , such as that o f
the T i b e t a n s i n I n d i a , i s a f r o n t i e r s o c i e t y armed w i t h a r i c h
t r a d i t i o n but f a c i n g an u n c e r t a i n f u t u r e . T h i s s o c i e t y has produced
i n d i v i d u a l s , and a t t r a c t e d i n d i v i d u a l s ( I n d i a n and Western), who have
o f t e n p r o v i d e d me w i t h e x c e p t i o n a l i n s i g h t s i n t o the i n t e r p l a y o f
dilemmas i n T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s o c i e t y .
I would l i k e to express my g r a t i t u d e to the M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n
of the Government o f I n d i a , Mr. M a l i k of the S h a s t r i Indo-Catiadian
I n s t i t u t e , Gyatso T s e r i n g and K. Dhondup o f the L i b r a r y o f T i b e t a n
Works and A r c h i v e s , Jigme Tsarong of the T i b e t a n A s t r o - M e d i c a l C e n t e r ,
T a s h i Wangdui, P r o f e s s o r D o c t o r Lokesh Chandra, Sherab Gyatso, Sonam
T a s h i , Frank Fernandez of the U n i t e d S t a t e s C o n s u l a t e , New D e l h i ,
T s e r i n g Wangyal, and the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e of P e r f o r m i n g A r t s .
I would f u r t h e r l i k e to acknowledge the graduate f e l l o w s h i p s I
r e c e i v e d from the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, and the g e n e r o s i t y
of Dr. A l a n and Pamela Sandstrom i n a l l o w i n g me to use t h e i r
word-processor.

xii
 Guide To T i b e t a n Orthography

To t h e r e a d e r u n f a m i l i a r w i t h T i b e t a n , t h e c l u s t e r s o f consonants
to be found i n any t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n o f T i b e t a n pose a seemingly
insurmountable c h a l l e n g e . The orthography I have used throughout t h i s
d i s s e r t a t i o n i s a system developed by T u r r e l l W y l i e (1959). I have
i n s e r t e d a g l o s s a r y o f t h e T i b e t a n terms I use i n t h e appendix, but I
w i l l c i t e a few p r o n u n c i a t i o n r u l e s a s a g u i d e t o t h e r e a d e r :

(1) I n T i b e t a n , t h e r e a r e e i g h t p r e f i x l e t t e r s which a r e n o t
pronounced i f they immediately preceed a consonant - "g", "d", "b",
"m", " r " , " s " , "1", and ' " a " ( t h e more common t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n f o r t h e
l a t t e r i s a s i n g l e a p o s t r o p h e ) . Thus, r g y a l - p o i s pronounced
" g y a l - p o " ; bde i s pronounced "de". When t h e p r e f i x l e t t e r s " d " and
"b" o c c u r i n c o n j u n c t i o n , a s , f o r example, i n t h e word dbang, "db" i s
pronounced "w".

(2) When "1" immediately f o l l o w s a p r e f i x consonant, t h e l a t t e r i s

not pronounced; hence, k l u becomes " l u " .

(3) There a r e two f i n a l l e t t e r s , " d " and " s " , which a r e n o t

pronounced; hence, 'Aphags-pa i s pronounced "Phag-pa", and med i s
pronounced "me". The f i n a l l e t t e r s "g", " r " , and "1" a r e sometimes
not pronounced; hence, ama-lags would be pronounced "ama-la", and g s o l
becomes " s o " .

(4) S e v e r a l i n t e r e s t i n g consonant combinations i n c l u d e : " k h r i "

(pronounced as " t r h i " ) ; " b r " (pronounced as " d r " ) ; " g r " (pronounced a s
" d r " ) ; " z l a " (pronounced as " d a " ) ; " s r " (pronounced a s " s " ) ; "phya"
(pronounced a s " c h " ) ; "mya" (pronounced a s "nya"); "py" (pronounced a s
" j " ) ; " k r " (pronounced a s " t r " ) ; and " z h " (pronounced as " s h " ) .

(5) F i n a l l y , " t h " and "ph" i n d i c a t e an a s p i r a t e d " t " and "p"

r e s p e c t i v e l y ; " c " i s pronounced a s " j " , and "ng" i s pronounced a s an
initial letter.

xiii
 Preface

In New D e l h i , on January 2, 1978, more than two hundred Tibetans

greeted the a r r i v a l o f P r e s i d e n t C a r t e r ' s motorcade by waving black,

scarves, the t r a d i t i o n a l T i b e t a n white g r e e t i n g s c a r f (kha-btags) dyed

black. By t h i s symbolic gesture, the T i b e t a n s defined their protest

against exclusion of Tibet i n President Carter's global

human r i g h t s p o l i c y and f o r p r e v e n t i n g the D a l a i Lama from
v i s i t i n g the United States...The T i b e t a n s were a l s o c a r r y i n g
banners s a y i n g 'What about human r i g h t s i n T i b e t ? Are
T i b e t a n s n o t human? ( T i b e t a n Review 1978:8).

From the o v e r t emphasis placed by P r e s i d e n t C a r t e r on 'human r i g h t s ' ,

many T i b e t a n refugees i n I n d i a hoped t h a t the cause o f T i b e t a n

independence and the s i t u a t i o n o f T i b e t a n s i n T i b e t would be

officially recognized by h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , and t h a t the f i r s t visit

by the D a l a i Lama to the U n i t e d S t a t e s would be r e a l i z e d .

President Carter's i n i t i a l announcement o f the 'human r i g h t s '

p o l i c y ' had even earned him h i s own T i b e t a n nickname i n I n d i a - Jigme

Khatag ('Ajig-med Kha-btags), which means " F e a r l e s s H o n o r i f i c S c a r f " .

For T i b e t a n s , the name h e l d a deeper meaning. The " h o n o r i f i c s c a r f "

or " h o n o r i f i c g r e e t i n g s c a r f " i s a p e r v a s i v e symbol o f s o c i a l ties i n

T i b e t a n c u l t u r e , the mutual o b l i g a t i o n s and r e c i p r o c a l exchanges which

mark any ongoing s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p . A gift i s not a g i f t f o r

Tibetans i f i t i s n o t presented w i t h a white s c a r f , which i s u s u a l l y

xiv
p l a c e d about the r e c i p i e n t ' s neck. L a y e r s o f such s c a r v e s mantle the

b r i d e and groom(s) a t a T i b e t a n wedding. Scarves a r e o f f e r e d on

ceremonial occasions such as the T i b e t a n New Year to persons, places,

and numina who command r e s p e c t . F u r t h e r , such s c a r v e s drape a corpse

on i t s j o u r n e y to the burning ghat. A s c a r f o f f e r e d to the D a l a i Lama

or o t h e r h i g h lama i s immediately r e t u r n e d , wrapped by the receiving

lama about the donor's neck. T h i s dramatic and immediate r e t u r n o f

the g i f t impresses upon the donor t h a t the b l e s s i n g from the lama

reflects the o f f e r i n g of the s c a r f .

I n the T i b e t a n view, P r e s i d e n t G a r t e r had clearly violated the

o b l i g a t i o n s a t t e n d a n t upon h i s very h i g h p o s i t i o n . S i n c e b l a c k i s an

i n a u s p i c i o u s c o l o r f o r T i b e t a n s , who find a black scarf to be an

a p p r o p r i a t e " g i f t " o n l y f o r c e r t a i n r e c a l c i t r a n t sub-human numina.

President Garter's r e f u s a l to acknowledge " T i b e t " i n a p u b l i c manner

served to transform him from someone T i b e t a n s c o u l d t r u s t and to whom

T i b e t a n s c o u l d appeal f o r h e l p (as T i b e t a n s would appeal to the gods),

into a sub-sentient i r a s c i b l e creature. The o f f e r of a b l a c k scarf

was thereby an a c t m i r r o r i n g what T i b e t a n ' s construed as P r e s i d e n t

C a r t e r ' s v i o l a t i o n of the moral o r d e r . The T i b e t a n s concluded their

demonstration with a f i n a l plea:

I f the T i b e t a n s do not get Your E x c e l l e n c y ' s support i t w i l l

show c o n c l u s i v e l y t h a t the f a t e of a l l s m a l l n a t i o n s of the
world depends on power p o l i t i c s , and t h a t i n o r d e r to
p r e s e r v e t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and n a t i o n a l e n t i t y , they
should u n s c r u p u l o u s l y , without the l e a s t regard to e t h i c s o r
m o r a l i t y , play up the super powers one a g a i n s t another
( T i b e t a n Review 1978:8).

xv
 The s t r a t e g y o f the above a p p e a l i s the s t r a t e g y o f a T i b e t a n

exorcism. The q u e s t i o n s r a i s e d by the a p p e a l i n c l u d e those which seek

to d e f i n e l e g i t i m a t e power and l e g i t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y , c r i t i c a l i s s u e s

i n Tibetan refugee s o c i e t y . Though a T i b e t a n e x o r c i s m or c u r i n g ritual

appears t o be concerned w i t h the problems o f an i n d i v i d u a l , the l o g i c

of the cure addresses the m a n i p u l a t i o n o f power, and thereby places

r i t u a l c u r i n g i n the wider p o l i t i c a l context.

In the c o u r s e o f my study o f such c u r i n g r i t u a l s i n a T i b e t a n

r e f u g e e s o c i e t y , I found q u a n t i t a t i v e methods such as census-gathering

and surveys t o be i m p o s s i b l e t o implement. Refugees a r e n e c e s s a r i l y

chary o f p r o v i d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n they c o n s t r u e as p o t e n t i a l l y h a r m f u l t o

themselves (as a r e other p o p u l a t i o n s so c h a r y ) . Hence, my methodology

f e l l under the r u b r i c o f what a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s r e f e r t o as

"participant observation" and i n c l u d e d : i n f o r m a l i n t e r v i e w s , structured

i n t e r v i e w s , language study, the t a k i n g o f l i f e h i s t o r i e s , discourse

a n a l y s i s , s i t u a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s , the use o f documentary sources and

translated t e x t s , and a n a l y s i s of taped interviews.

My informants came from d i s p a r a t e p a r t s o f T i b e t , r e p r e s e n t e d the

f o l l o w e r s o f the f o u r s e c t s o f T i b e t a n Buddhism, i n c l u d e d members o f

different s o c i a l c l a s s e s and economic s t a n d i n g s , and ranged i n age from

s i x - y e a r - o l d s to septuagenarians. The r e l i g i o u s s p e c i a l i s t s whom I

interviewed i n c l u d e d twenty Dge-liigs-pa lamas, two Sa-skya lamas, two

Bk'a-rgyud-pa lamas, the head of the Buddhist School of D i a l e c t i c s , three

xvi
Rnying-ma-pa lamas, and f i v e Rnying-ma-pa cave m e d i t a t o r s . I

i n t e r v i e w e d h i g h and low r a n k i n g T i b e t a n Government o f f i c i a l s , and

the a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , t e a c h e r s , and students o f the T i b e t a n Children's

V i l l a g e and t h e T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f Performing Arts. I consulted

T i b e t a n , Western, and A y u r v e d i c p h y s i c i a n s and t h e i r p a t i e n t s , and

i n t e r v i e w e d merchants, h o t e l i e r s , r e s t a u r a n t e u r s , sweater sellers,

c a r p e t weavers, c h i l d r e n , grandparents, chang ( b a r l e y beer) vendors,

and v i s i t i n g Tibetans from the south o f I n d i a , Europe, Canada, t h e

United S t a t e s , and from T i b e t . I conducted i n t e r v i e w s i n T i b e t a n and

i n E n g l i s h and r e l i e d upon a t r a n s l a t o r f o r i n - d e p t h interviews.

The r e a d i n g o f any a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l d i s s e r t a t i o n o r work

n e c e s s a r i l y poses the q u e s t i o n "Who i s speaking?" The a n t h r o p o l o g i s t

a b s t r a c t s from i n f o r m a t i o n gathered as a p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v e r and

c r e a t e s a c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e r e a l i t y h e l d by those whom he o r she

has s t u d i e d and w i t h whom he o r she has l i v e d . This construction

by the a n t h r o p o l o g i s t e n t e r s i n t o t h e a c t o f d a t a - g a t h e r i n g i t s e l f as

it enters into varying l e v e l s of a b s t r a c t i o n . Such i s the nature o f

the a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e .

xvii
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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

T h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s concerned w i t h the ways i n which T i b e t a n s

living i n Dharmsala, N o r t h e r n I n d i a , r e a c t to events such as i l l n e s s ,

p e r s o n a l d i s t r e s s , and m i s f o r t u n e , when they p e r c e i v e such events as

d i s t u r b a n c e s to a g i v e n s o c i a l and moral o r d e r o r e q u i l i b r i u m . So as

to r e - e s t a b l i s h the o r d e r , t h e s e T i b e t a n s , who o f t e n t r e a t s o c i a l and

moral d i s t u r b a n c e s as evidence o f " s p i r i t a t t a c k " , seek to l e g i t i m a t e

authority through r i t u a l c u r i n g . Authority i s a t issue In Tibetan

r i t u a l c u r i n g , s i n c e the s e l e c t i o n o f the r i t u a l to be performed

hinges upon the assignment o f moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the

disturbance. Moreover, the cure i t s e l f may be i n t e r p r e t e d as the

s u c c e s s f u l m a n i p u l a t i o n o f two idioms d e n o t i n g a s c r i b e d o r a c h i e v e d

power, idioms w i t h which T i b e t a n s symbolize two d i s t i n c t a s p e c t s o f

charismatic authority.

Methodology Used i n the Study and Some F i e l d C o n s i d e r a t i o n s

My f i e l d w o r k took p l a c e i n Dharmsala*', Himachal Pradesh,

I n d i a between November 1978 and June 1981. The a r e a i s home to the

D a l a i Lama, the T i b e t a n G o v e r n m e n t - i n - E x i l e , several Tibetan

monasteries, and about 8,000 T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s . Many o f these

 2

I. MAP OF INDIA LOCATING DHARMSALA

 3

r e f u g e e s , who f o l l o w e d the D a l a i Lama i n t o e x i l e i n 1959-1961, have

s i n g u l a r l y dramatic h i s t o r i e s . During t h e i r flights into e x i l e , most

dodged b u l l e t s and t r a v e r s e d d i f f i c u l t Himalayan mountain passes by

night. A number of r e f u g e e s were f o r c e d to leave spouses and c h i l d r e n

behind.

In Dharmsala, one may come a c r o s s T i b e t a n s who have been tortured

2

and imprisoned i n T i b e t by the Chinese f o r over twenty y e a r s .

These T i b e t a n s were r e l e a s e d from p r i s o n i n 1980-81, and then

permitted to j o i n r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g in India. S i n c e no exchange of

letters o r v i s i t o r s between T i b e t a n s l i v i n g i n T i b e t and those l i v i n g

i n e x i l e was p o s s i b l e u n t i l 1979, the refugees i n I n d i a had no

knowledge of the f a t e of r e l a t i v e s who had not been a b l e to escape and

had remained b e h i n d . The p e r i o d o f my f i e l d w o r k c o i n c i d e d w i t h the

initiation of the o f f i c i a l exchange of l e t t e r s between T i b e t a n s living

i n e x i l e and t h e i r relatives in Tibet, and o f " f a c t - f i n d i n g missions"

to T i b e t by o f f i c i a l d e l e g a t i o n s from the T i b e t a n G o v e r n m e n t - i n -
3

Exile. It a l s o c o i n c i d e d w i t h a t r i c k l i n g of T i b e t a n v i s i t o r s

from T i b e t . Thus, f o r the f i r s t time i n over twenty y e a r s o f exile,

T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala were a b l e to l e a r n something o f f a m i l y members

heretofore l o s t to them.

The new p r i v i l e g e s e n a b l i n g T i b e t a n s i n e x i l e to t r a v e l to T i b e t ,
and T i b e t a n s i n T i b e t to v i s i t I n d i a , have posed problems a p a r t from
4

the r e - s u r f a c i n g o f i n t r a - f a m i l i a l anguish. Although v i s i t s from

relatives i n T i b e t were e a g e r l y a n t i c i p a t e d by Dharmsala T i b e t a n s , a

few o f the v i s i t o r s aroused s u s p i c i o n s i n Dharmsala, s i n c e their

economic c i r c u m s t a n c e s and o p i n i o n s d i d n o t match those of the

 4

m a j o r i t y o f the o t h e r T i b e t a n s permitted to v i s i t relatives i n India.

For an a n t h r o p o l o g i s t a t t e m p t i n g to do f i e l d w o r k i n such

circumstances, a pragmatic approach was e n t a i l e d . I d i d n o t ask

questions about' the T i b e t a n Government o r about T i b e t a n p o l i t i c s . I

did n o t t r y to conduct household surveys. I conducted interviews

where I could and when p e o p l e had the time to t a l k to me.

My c o n v e r s a t i o n a l T i b e t a n s u f f i c e d me i n the bazaar, b u t n o t i n

the caves o f o l d e r m e d i t a t o r s from the e a s t e r n T i b e t a n p r o v i n c e o f

Khams. I n t h i s I r e c e i v e d i n e s t i m a b l e a s s i s t a n c e from Sherab

Gyatso, whom I h i r e d I n h i s spare time to t r a n s l a t e f o r me. Sherab i s

the k i n d o f f r i e n d / i n f o r m a n t whom any a n t h r o p o l o g i s t would prize,

someone w i t h s o c i a l p e r c e p t i o n and w i t .

During my s t a y i n Dharmsala I l i v e d i n Tibetan hotels. Such

lodgings d i d n o t f i t my i n i t i a l l y more romantic image o f f i e l d w o r k ,

but they proved a s e n s i b l e c h o i c e . I n f a c t there was, i t turned out,

no o t h e r p o s s i b i l i t y . When I f i r s t thought to f i n d a f a m i l y to lodge

w i t h , I c o n s u l t e d a T i b e t a n Government s e c u r i t y o f f i c e r . He was n o t

e n t h u s i a s t i c about such a c h o i c e s i n c e he c a u t i o n e d t h a t i f I were to

l i v e w i t h a f a m i l y , I might u n i n t e n t i o n a l l y become embroiled i n their

arguments, and t h a t my b e s t c h o i c e would be to remain i n a h o t e l . A

f u r t h e r advantage o f a h o t e l , p f c o u r s e , i s t h a t i t o f f e r s a semblance

of p r i v a c y u n a v a i l a b l e i n most o t h e r p l a c e s , and people coming f o r

i n t e r v i e w s o r v i s i t s might f e e l on a neutral'.'ground.

My specific r e s e a r c h i n t e r e s t was r i t u a l c u r i n g . I learned of

several i l l n e s s episodes t h a t were r e l a t e d by my informants directly

to the traumas produced by the T i b e t a n d i a s p o r a itself. One s t r i k i n g

example o f such traumas was recounted to me by one young man, who had

l i v e d w i t h h i s mother i n N e p a l f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s b e f o r e they came to

India. H i s mother became q u i t e i l l i n Nepal, and v i s i t e d a Western

h o s p i t a l i n Kathmandu. T h e r e , she jumped about and spat a t the

d o c t o r s , who claimed they c o u l d do n o t h i n g f o r h e r and expected h e r to

die. The f a m i l y l i v e d on a t h i r d floor i n a house i n Kathmandu, and,

on o c c a s i o n , had to r e s t r a i n the woman p h y s i c a l l y from l e a p i n g o u t o f

the t h i r d - f l o o r window. Whenever the young man's mother t r i e d to walk

straight o u t the window, she would say t h a t she was going to meet h e r

son (who was i n the room). The woman f i n a l l y began to speak i n the

v o i c e o f her s i s t e r , who had d i e d as the f a m i l y had escaped from

Tibet. The s i s t e r , speaking through the woman, informed her audience

t h a t she had waited on top of a mountain near the Sikkim border, b u t

t h a t the f a m i l y had l e f t T i b e t without her. The f a m i l y v i s i t e d a

Tibetan l a d y o r a c l e , who i n s t r u c t e d them as to which r e l i g i o u s rituals

to perform. The f a m i l y complied with the lady o r a c l e ' s

recommendations, and the mother became w e l l a g a i n w i t h i n a month.

Another man f l e d to I n d i a w i t h h i s f a m i l y i n 1959, and became

gravely ill. He was a d v i s e d by a very h i g h r e i n c a r n a t e lama to l e a v e

his f a m i l y and devote h i m s e l f to a l i f e o f m e d i t a t i o n and p r a y e r . The

man followed the lama's a d v i c e , and recovered completely. One r e c e n t

illness i n Dharmsala has n o t , however, been so c u r e d . In this case, a

man who had r e s i g n e d h i m s e l f to the death o f h i s w i f e and c h i l d r e n i n

T i b e t , learned o f their existence through the exchange o f l e t t e r s

between T i b e t and I n d i a begun i n 1979. T h i s d i s c o v e r y has caused him

to withdraw from s o c i e t y , to e a t l e s s , and, i n the o p i n i o n o f h i s

 6

co-workers, to waste away. The case of t h i s i n d i v i d u a l , however, i s

h i g h l y unusual i n T i b e t a n refugee s o c i e t y , s i n c e the man h i m s e l f has

n o t sought a c u r e , nor has anyone been a b l e to persuade him to do so.

The most d r a m a t i c response g i v e n by a few T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala

to t h e i r e x i s t e n t i a l s i t u a t i o n as r e f u g e e s , a response which was

i n t e r p r e t e d by T i b e t a n s as the r e s u l t o f s p i r i t a t t a c k , o c c u r r e d i n

1974. T i b e t a n s had been f i g h t i n g a g u e r r i l l a war a g a i n s t the Chinese

i n T i b e t s i n c e 1950. By the 1960's, T i b e t a n g u e r r i l l a bases had been

established i n Mustang, Nepal, and the C.I.A. was c o n d u c t i n g advanced

t r a i n i n g c o u r s e s f o r some T i b e t a n s a t army bases i n C o l o r a d o . The

C.I.A. withdrew t h e i r support of these g u e r r i l l a s (which had never

been v e r y s u b s t a n t i a l ) i n 1972, and, under severe p r e s s u r e from China,

the Nepal Government took measures to e r a d i c a t e the g u e r r i l l a bases.

Finally, i n 1974, the l a s t g r e a t T i b e t a n g u e r r i l l a l e a d e r , G e n e r a l

Wangdu, was k i l l e d . ^ Upon l e a r n i n g o f t h i s f i n a l d i s s o l u t i o n o f

the T i b e t a n g u e r r i l l a s based i n N e p a l , s e v e r a l T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala

(one p u r p o r t e d l y a c a b i n e t m i n i s t e r o f the T i b e t a n government) stabbed

themselves, and one c o u p l e stabbed t h e i r baby. The T i b e t a n

Government's r e a c t i o n to t h i s i n c i d e n t was to o r d e r the annual

performance, from thence onward, o f a s b y i n - s r e g r i t u a l f o r Tibetans

i n Dharmsala. S b y i n - s r e g means "a f i r e o f f e r i n g " , the b u r n i n g o f

various r i t u a l substances as an o f f e r i n g to a B u d d h i s t d e i t y . Through

the performance of a sbyin-sreg r i t u a l , the d e i t y ' s a s s i s t a n c e may be

invoked f o r p e a c e f u l or w r a t h f u l purposes. In t h i s instance, powerful

e v i l s p i r i t s were s a i d to have been a t work, and the r i t u a l addressed

their destruction.
 7

The above examples suggest that r i t u a l c u r i n g provides T i b e t a n

refugees w i t h the means to address and r e s o l v e p e r s o n a l t r a g e d i e s

e r u p t i n g from their f l i g h t into e x i l e . I found, however, t h a t

i n c i d e n c e s o f s p i r i t attack, were r a r e l y a t t r i b u t e d to such

causalities. R a t h e r , most case h i s t o r i e s of s p i r i t a t t a c k were

focused upon moral i s s u e s i n t r i n s i c to T i b e t a n s o c i e t y . Moreover,

p a t i e n t s d i d not n e c e s s a r i l y have to be p r e s e n t w h i l e they were b e i n g

cured. Once p a t i e n t s l e a r n e d o f ( o r were s a t i s f i e d w i t h ) their

diagnoses, they f r e q u e n t l y l e f t i t up to lamas (bla-mas) or other

ritual specialists to cure them. Nonetheless, p a t i e n t s almost

invariably participated actively i n one phase o f the c u r i n g p r o c e s s -

the e v a l u a t i o n of the " c u r e s " . P a t i e n t s accomplished t h i s by weighing

c r i t e r i a which T i b e t a n s a p p l i e d to o t h e r s o c i a l d i s t u r b a n c e s - the

i s s u e s of moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and a u t h o r i t y . Thus, w h i l e I

i n v e s t i g a t e d r i t u a l c u r i n g , I began to focus on the problem o f

a u t h o r i t y i n Dharmsala T i b e t a n s o c i e t y .

Statement o f the Problem

T i b e t a n s possess a l i t e r a t e "great medical" t r a d i t i o n which

parallels the A y u r v e d i c and Chinese m e d i c a l systems. This tradition,

which has gained world-wide i n t e r e s t , was carried into e x i l e by

T i b e t a n refugees and i s p r a c t i c e d and taught a t the T i b e t a n

A s t r o - M e d i c a l C e n t e r i n Dharmsala, I n d i a . But T i b e t a n medicine i s not

the o n l y h e a l t h - c a r e o p t i o n f o r T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s . Those l i v i n g i n

Dharmsala may choose diagnoses and treatments from m u l t i p l e m e d i c a l

 8

systems. T i b e t a n s may v i s i t Ayurvedic d o c t o r s , an " i n j e c t i o n " doctor

who a d m i n i s t e r s p e n i c i l l i n shots w i l l y - n i l l y t o a l l comers, a French

Western p h y s i c i a n who i s v e r s e d i n acupuncture and s t u d i e s T i b e t a n

medicine, the I n d i a n h o s p i t a l i n lower Dharmsala, or the Western

d o c t o r s a t Delek (Bde-legs) H o s p i t a l , a s m a l l c l i n i c s e r v i n g the

community o f McLeod Ganj and the T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e .

The above, however, does not exhaust t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r

medical treatment i n Dharmsala. There a r e , f o r example, T i b e t a n

p a t i e n t s who opt f o r r i t u a l diagnoses and c u r i n g from d i v i n e r s ,

o r a c l e s , and Buddhist practitioners. R i t u a l c u r i n g i s o f t e n sought by

p a t i e n t s who have a l r e a d y made t h e rounds o f t h e v a r i o u s a v a i l a b l e

d o c t o r s and n o t been s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r r e s u l t s . Such p a t i e n t s

e i t h e r d i d not c o n s i d e r themselves t o be cured o r experienced a

recurrence of t h e i r i l l n e s s e s . Moreover, many o f these p a t i e n t s

u s u a l l y account f o r t h e i r treatment c h o i c e by drawing a t t e n t i o n t o the

f a c t t h a t r i t u a l c u r i n g was f o r them a " l a s t resort". Other T i b e t a n

p a t i e n t s who seek r i t u a l c u r i n g may have been diagnosed by T i b e t a n

d o c t o r s as s u f f e r i n g from s p i r i t a t t a c k , an i l l n e s s which e s s e n t i a l l y

does n o t f a l l under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f T i b e t a n medicine (no one i n

Dharmsala so diagnosed would c o n t i n u e T i b e t a n medical treatment).

In a d d i t i o n , t h e r e a r e many T i b e t a n s whose immediate response t o

illness i s to consult d i v i n e r s or o r a c l e s , not doctors. I could

roughly taxonomize the c h o i c e o f many o f these p a t i e n t s a c c o r d i n g t o

the f o l l o w i n g c r i t e r i a : (1) f o r s u p e r f i c i a l s k i n d i s e a s e s , r i n g worm,

wounds, or broken bones, T i b e t a n s choose t h e Western c l i n i c ; (2) f o r

i n t e r n a l but not " l i f e - t h r e a t e n i n g " c o m p l a i n t s , they c o n s u l t T i b e t a n

 9

m e d i c a l d o c t o r s ; (3) when o t h e r modes of treatment proved

u n s a t i s f a c t o r y or p a t i e n t s "sensed" t h a t t h e i r i l l n e s s e s were r e l a t e d

t o s u p e r n a t u r a l a t t a c k , they e n l i s t the a i d of r i t u a l c u r e r s ; and (4)

those s u f f e r e r s who f e e l from the onset of t h e i r i l l n e s s e s t h a t they

were t o d i e might a v o i d d o c t o r s or c u r e r s a l t o g e t h e r , and seek,

i n s t e a d , the a d v i c e of lamas as t o how b e s t t o prepare f o r r e b i r t h .

My i n v e s t i g a t i o n s r e s t e d w i t h the c h o i c e o f r i t u a l ,curing by

T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala. I f such c u r i n g was esteemed as a " l a s t

r e s o r t " , i t might a l s o s e r v e as a " s a f e t y v a l v e " i n t h a t i t was a

treatment o p t i o n t h a t p r o v i d e d a p a t i e n t w i t h a meaning f o r i l l n e s s

not c l e a r l y or s a t i s f a c t o r i l y a r t i c u l a t e d i n a l t e r n a t i v e m e d i c a l

solutions. In t h i s premise I f o l l o w Young (1976:5), who suggests t h a t

people adhere t o t h e i r m e d i c a l t r a d i t i o n s because these t r a d i t i o n s

prove t o be s u c c e s s f u l ways t o d e a l w i t h u n t e n a b l e e v e n t s , such as

i l l n e s s , and these t r a d i t i o n s "perform an o n t o l o g i c a l r o l e -

communicating and c o n f i r m i n g important i d e a s about the r e a l w o r l d . " >

He c o g e n t l y argues t h a t i n Western s o c i e t y , m e d i c a l t r a d i t i o n s tend t o

f a i l most s u f f e r e r s of "psychosomatic" d i s e a s e s , s i n c e these s u f f e r e r s

a r e denied e x c u l p a t i o n . They a r e not a b l e t o d i v e s t themselves o f

e t i o l o g i c a l r e s o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r i l l n e s s e s nor are they a b l e t o

f i n d a s a t i s f a c t o r y paradigm, w i t h i n the r e p e r t o i r e o f Western m e d i c a l

paradigms, w i t h which they can l o c a t e themselves o n t o l o g i c a l l y through

the meaning o f t h e i r i l l n e s s e s . In many non-Western s o c i e t i e s ,

however, psychosomatic i l l n e s s e s do not e x i s t as a p a t i e n t or s u f f e r e r

w i l l e v e n t u a l l y f i n d what f o r him or her i s a s u i t a b l e illness

paradigm. We must ask what such a paradigm o f f e r s a p a t i e n t or those

 10

i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d to the p a t i e n t .

Evans-Pritchard (1937) t r a c e d t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s o f d u a l causation

i n Zande e x p l a n a t i o n s o f d i s t u r b i n g phenomena such as i l l n e s s .

Prolonged i l l n e s s / or i l l n e s s which does n o t respond t o m e d i c a t i o n , i s

a t t r i b u t e d t o w i t c h c r a f t as w e l l as t o t h e " a c t i v i t y of the disease

itself" (1937:509). W i t c h c r a f t , however, i s the key f a c t o r i n

determining whether or n o t t h e p a t i e n t r e c o v e r s . Thus, e f f o r t s made

on b e h a l f o f someone s e r i o u s l y i l l a r e , f o r the most p a r t , d i r e c t e d t o

c o n s u l t a t i o n s w i t h o r a c l e s and m a n i p u l a t i n g measures t o c o u n t e r a c t the

witchcraft. Such d u a l c a u s a l i t y p r o v i d e s t h e Azande w i t h a f i e l d o f

p o s s i b i l i t i e s w i t h i n which they may manipulate t h e moral o r d e r , and

c r e a t e f o r themselves s a t i s f a c t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n s o f t h e p r o b l e m a t i c .

G l i c k (1967) proposed t h a t t h e i d e o l o g y o f i l l n e s s and c u r i n g i n

a s o c i e t y may be p r e d i c t e d from a study o f those s e l e c t e d cultural

domains t h e s o c i e t y i n v e s t s w i t h power. Kleinman (1980) extends this

p r o p o s a l i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f competing c l i n i c a l r e a l i t i e s . By

'clinical reality', Kleinman r e f e r s t o " t h e h e a l t h - r e l a t e d a s p e c t s o f

social r e a l i t y , " which i n c o r p o r a t e s i c k n e s s b e l i e f s , treatment

e x p e c t a t i o n s , s i c k n e s s behaviour, and responses t o s i c k n e s s . When

views o f c l i n i c a l r e a l i t y conflict, then " t h e sources o f l e g i t i m a t i o n

and power impinging upon the h e a l t h c a r e system w i l l e v e n t u a l l y

determine which view p r e v a i l s , which c l i n i c a l r e a l i t y i s sanctioned"

(1980:44). Kleinman i l l u s t r a t e s h i s c o n t e n t i o n by c i t i n g , for L

example, the m a r g i n a l status given shamanistic c u r e r s i n the People's

R e p u b l i c o f China and t h e emergence o f the peyote c u l t as a c o r o l l a r y

of t h e change i n t r a d i t i o n a l Navaho v a l u e s (1980:44). But Kleinman

 11

e x t e r n a l i z e s t h e n o t i o n o f 'power' t o t h e p r o c e s s o f t h e c u r e itself,

and thereby makes a s i g n i f i c a n t o m i s s i o n i n h i s endeavor t o a n a l y z e

the c u l t u r a l c o n s t r u c t i o n o f i l l n e s s .

Most p r e c i s e l y , 'power', as i t e n t e r s i n t o the ideology of

i l l n e s s and c u r i n g (or anywhere e l s e ) d e s c r i b e s a r e l a t i o n s h i p .

Power, f o r example, may r e f e r t o "command o v e r . . . a n o t h e r ' s

actions...[and] command over e x i s t i n g b e n e f i t s o r r e s o u r c e s " (Nadel

1957:115). Turner (1967:356) r e c a s t s t h e o l d e q u a t i o n o f knowledge

and power:

To r e s t o r e o r d e r , h e a l t h , o r peace t h e powers t h a t make f o r

these must be brought i n t o p l a y by t h e c o r r e c t use and
combination o f symbols, viewed as r e p o s i t o r i e s o f power as
w e l l as semantic symbols: F o r Ndembu,...to 'know
something', t o understand t h e meaning o f a symbol o r t h e use
of a 'medicine', f o r example, i s t o i n c r e a s e i n 'power'.

Levi-Strauss a p p l i e s a s i m i l a r e q u a t i o n i n h i s argument f o r t h e

e f f i c a c y o f symbols. The Cuna shaman, i n r e l a t i n g a myth t o a woman

undergoing a d i f f i c u l t labor, provides h e r w i t h "an ordered and

i n t e l l i g i b l e form" f o r an " e x p e r i e n c e t h a t would o t h e r w i s e be c h a o t i c

and inexpressible." The myth o f f e r s a " r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , i n a favorable

d i r e c t i o n , o f t h e p r o c e s s t o which t h e s i c k woman i s subjected"

(1967:193). Levi-Strauss f u r t h e r suggests t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f an

organic transformation stimulated by t h e " s t r u c t u r a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n "

of a p a t i e n t induced " t o l i v e o u t a myth" (1967:197).

With Turner and L e v i - S t r a u s s , then, we add t o t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f

power t h e a b i l i t y to e f f e c t desired transformations. These

transformations include the a b i l i t y t o i n f l u e n c e another o r change

 12

another's mind, t o t r a n s f o r m substance t o substance, substance t o

energy, energy t o substance, o r r e l a t i o n s h i p t o r e l a t i o n s h i p , as would

o b t a i n i n a change i n s t a t u s . A change o f s t a t u s n e c e s s a r i l y marks a

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n t h e q u a l i t i e s o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x i s t i n g between an

i n d i v i d u a l and o t h e r s . Turner (1969) has shown t h i s t o be t h e case i n

h i s a n a l y s i s o f l i m i n a l i t y and communitas; B u r r i d g e (1960), i n his

a n a l y s i s o f m i l l e n a r i a n movements.

The r e s o l u t i o n o f s t a t u s a m b i g u i t i e s i s e s s e n t i a l l y a

t r a n s f o r m a t i v e p r o c e s s , and t h i s p r o c e s s has become p i v o t a l t o t h e

study o f c u r i n g r i t u a l s . Lewis (1971) h o l d s t h a t p o s s e s s i o n cults

a t t r a c t p a r t i c i p a n t s from t h e oppressed and m a r g i n a l classes. These

c u l t s s e r v e t h e i r members by e n a b l i n g them t o a t t a i n a s t a t u s and

fulfill d e s i r e s denied t o them i n t h e 'normal' s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s o f

everyday reality. S i n c e women tend t o be d e p r i v e d more than men i n

most s o c i e t i e s , women a r e more l i k e l y t o become possessed o r diagnosed

as "possessed". T h e i r cure u s u a l l y e n t a i l s l i f e - l o n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n

a possession cult.

Lambek (1981) r e f u s e s t o c o n s i g n p o s s e s s i o n c u l t s t o t h e

p e r i p h e r y o f s o c i e t y and s u g g e s t s , instead, that the s t r u c t u r e of

p o s s e s s i o n i s not simply "an e x p l a n a t o r y o r r a t i o n a l i z i n g device

developed t o i n t e r p r e t trance behavior" (1981:60). Possession trance

i n Mayotte e f f e c t s communication between t h r e e "autonomous" entities:

the h o s t , t h e s p i r i t , and an a f f i n e o f t h e h o s t . The s p i r i t ' s s t a t u s

is initially ambiguous, but through repeated trance sessions, the

h o s t , s p i r i t , and a f f i n e accommodate t h e i r mutual r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and

the s p i r i t i s " i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e body o f s p i r i t s o f t h a t s p e c i e s

t h a t i s a c t i v e i n t h e v i l l a g e and i n t o t h e extended family groupings

o f the h o s t " (1981:117). I t i s , i n f a c t , t h e s p i r i t who r e c e i v e s

m e d i c a t i o n i n a ceremony o s t e n s i b l y designed t o cure the h o s t . This

s t r a t e g y , Lambek argues, s e r v e s t o juxtapose t h e i d e n t i t i e s o f host

and s p i r i t and " t o communicate new dimensions i n relationships that

a r e i n e f f e c t a l l t h e time" beteen host and a f f i n e (1981:83).

In her study o f a z a r c u l t i n N o r t h e r n Sudan, Boddy (1982)

concludes t h a t s p i r i t p o s s e s s i o n and a woman's i n i t i a l c u r i n g ceremony

mark her t r a n s i t i o n t o a d u l t s t a t u s . Z a r s p i r i t s impersonate the

f a m i l i a r , t h e legendary, and t h e t r u l y e x o t i c f o r these Sudanese

women. As z a r s p i r i t s a s s e r t themelves i n a myriad o f personae, their

h o s t e s s e s c o n f r o n t t h e d i a l e c t i c o f s e l f and o t h e r , and a t t a i n a

s e l f - k n o w l e d g e through exposure to other possibilities.

K a p f e r e r (1983) a d d r e s s e s a s i m i l a r i s s u e i n h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f

exorcism r i t u a l s i n S r i Lanka. Here t h e p a t i e n t s do not themselves

become possessed (though they may become e n t r a n c e d ) , but more o r l e s s

sit through n i g h t - l o n g r i t u a l s w h i l e an e x o r c i s t and h i s c o t e r i e o f

a c t o r - c u r e r s , who d r e s s as v a r i o u s demons, perform a v i r t u a l s i c k n e s s

opera f o r t h e b e n e f i t o f t h e p a t i e n t and t h e a u d i e n c e . Much o f t h e

demonic i n t e r a c t i o n , as played by t h e c u r e r s , i s comic. Kapferer

f i n d s i n comedy " t h e d i s c o v e r y o f a l t e r n a t i v e p o s s i b i l i t i e s " , some o f

which attempt "to f a l s i f y t h a t which we take t o be o b j e c t i v e l y t r u e i n

the w o r l d " (1983:210). When exorcism comedy t e s t s t h e h i e r a r c h i c a l

o r d e r o f t h e S i n h a l e s e cosmos, t h e d i v i n e i s shown t o s u s t a i n itself,

w h i l e t h e demonic " f a i l s t o m a i n t a i n i t s u n i t y and i s d i s c r e d i t e d and

reduced" (1983:210). During t h e r i t u a l , t h e p a t i e n t may be encouraged

 14

to i d e n t i f y with the demonic element (which has caused the patient's

illness). When, i n the performance, the demon i s " k i l l e d " , this

s i g n s the death of the r e l e v a n c e of the p a t i e n t ' s own

s u b j e c t i v e a t t i t u d e toward the demonic. The comedy, i n s o f a r
as the p a t i e n t can become s u b j e c t i v e l y d i s t a n c e d from
h i m s e l f or h e r s e l f , and can r e c o n s t i t u t e s e l f as an o b j e c t
and through the a t t i t u d e s of o t h e r s , has a p o t e n t i a l
c u r a t i v e power (1983:219).

The p a t i e n t i s cured when the c o n d i t i o n s are e s t a b l i s h e d f o r a

"reformation of the normal a t t i t u d e , both towards the world of the

supernatural and towards the mundane r e a l i t i e s which are incorporated

w i t h i n i t " (Kapferer 1983:205).

Crapanzano's study (1973) o f the Hamadsha, a Moroccan r e l i g i o u s

brotherhood i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a p o s s e s s i o n c u l t , an a n a l y s i s which has

had a marked i n f l u e n c e on both Lambek and Boddy, appears, however, t o

bear the most s i g n i f i c a n t l y of a l l of these s t u d i e s upon the Tibetan

case. Crapanzano f o c u s e s on the concept of baraka i n Hamadsha c u r i n g

exegesis. P a t i e n t s who become s i c k as a r e s u l t of transgressions

a g a i n s t jnun s p i r i t s must p a r t i c i p a t e i n a Hamadsha possession

ceremony, and may e v e n t u a l l y e l e c t t o j o i n the c u l t . L i k e the spirits

known to Boddy and Lambek, jnun o f t e n become the l i f e - p a r t n e r s of

t h e i r h o s t s , and the jnun become more accommodating and alter their

behavior towards t h e i r h o s t s . But t h e i r transformation i s dramatic,

and i t i s achieved by the t r a n s f e r of baraka, a s p i r i t u a l power o f

s a i n t l y o r i g i n a t i o n , from c u l t adepts to the p a t i e n t . I f the

afflicting j i n n i s very powerful, the t r a n s f e r of baraka to the

p a t i e n t does not c u r e , but r a t h e r "puts the p a t i e n t i n a s t a t e of

p o t e n t i a l c u r e " (1973:168). In the p r o c e s s of a Hamadsha c u r e , baraka

i s transformed "from a h i g h l y c o n t a g i o u s p o t e n t i a l i z i n g f o r c e to a

non-contagious p o t e n t i a l or a c t u a l s t a t e of b e i n g " (1973:166-167). In

g e n e r a l , t h i s baraka can be t r a n s m i t t e d i n o n l y two ways: (1) by the

d i r e c t descendent of a s a i n t l y Hamadsha l i n e a g e , or (2) by a c u l t

adept i n an e x t r a o r d i n a r y s t a t e . These r u l e s of t r a n s m i s s i o n suggest

t h a t once the p a t i e n t r e c e i v e s baraka, c u l t i d e o l o g y appears t o take

p a i n s to r e s t r i c t i t s i n a p p r o p r i a t e t r a n s f e r or p o s s e s s i o n . The

p a t i e n t , f o r example, w i l l not be a b l e to t r a n s f e r baraka h i m s e l f , and

i s u s u a l l y cured when h i s new a c q u i s i t i o n of baraka i s tempered w i t h a

regimen of p r a y e r s and p i l g r i m a g e , a regimen which l e g i t i m a t e s the

acquisition.

Geertz d e s c r i b e s baraka as "a g i f t which some men have i n g r e a t e r

degree than o t h e r s , and which a few...have i n s u p e r l a t i v e degree"

(1971:44). He suggests t h a t what has been a t p l a y i n Moroccan

c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y i s "the e l e v a t i o n of what Max Weber c a l l e d hereditary

charisma over what he c a l l e d p e r s o n a l charisma and to the containment

of baraka w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s of a f i x e d and ordered s t a t u s system"

(1971:45). The problem of baraka, as G e e r t z sees i t , i s " t o decide

who has i t , how much, and how t o b e n e f i t from i t " (1971:44).

In T i b e t a n s o c i e t y , two concepts p a r a l l e l the n o t i o n of baraka i n

Moroccan s o c i e t y - dbang and r l u n g - r t a (roughly glossed r e s p e c t i v e l y

as 'power' a n d ' l u c k ' ) , which a r e , e s s e n t i a l l y , two mutually exclusive

capacities. I t i s the m a n i p u l a t i o n of these c a p a c i t i e s t h a t informs

the q u e s t i o n of s p i r i t a t t a c k and r i t u a l cure f o r T i b e t a n s .

 16

O r g a n i z a t i o n o f Content

I n the above, I have c o n s i d e r e d s e v e r a l important theoretical

approaches to the study o f c u r i n g r i t u a l s , a l l o f which suggest t h a t

the p a t i e n t ' s a p p e r c e p t i o n o f "power" i s i n t e g r a l to the p o s s i b i l i t y

o f h i s o r her c u r e . I n Chapter I I , I i n t r o d u c e the f i e l d l o c a t i o n and

i n c o r p o r a t e some n o t i o n s o f cosmology w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f i t s

geography. I n e x t p r o v i d e a rough taxonomy o f the people who l i v e i n

Dharmsala - the T i b e t a n s , l o c a l I n d i a n Gaddhis, and the v a r i o u s types

o f Westerners who a l s o l i v e i n o r v i s i t Dharmsala. This taxonomy i s

f o l l o w e d by a d i s c u s s i o n o f the "Tibetan-Western I n t e r f a c e " , and I

complete the chapter w i t h a more d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n o f T i b e t a n

cosmology and the concept o f lama o r s p i r i t u a l teacher. Chapter I I I

introduces the n o t i o n o f l e g i t i m a t e c o s m o l o g i c a l hierarchy i n Tibetan

i d e o l o g y , d i s c u s s e s some i l l n e s s e s a t t r i b u t e d to human infringement

upon t h i s l e g i t i m a t e h i e r a r c h y , and a n a l y z e s the l o g i c o f r i t u a l cures

addressed to such illnesses.

Chapter IV probes the q u e s t i o n o f e v i l i n T i b e t a n s o c i e t y by

r e f l e c t i n g upon the d e s i r e s o f demons. T i b e t a n demons and g h o s t s , who

o f t e n a t t a c k i n n o c e n t v i c t i m s , g e n e r a l l y wish to be someone e l s e .

T h e i r v a r i o u s attempts to a c h i e v e a d i f f e r e n t ( h i g h e r ) s t a t u s a r e

o f t e n clumsy, b u t may a l s o prove to be e x c e e d i n g l y dangerous. The

worst g h o s t s and demons a r e monks o r lamas who have a c q u i r e d a g r e a t

d e a l o f s p i r i t u a l power, but whose minds have turned a g a i n s t religion.

Chapter V examines the l o g i c o f three modes o f T i b e t a n exorcism

 17

designed to d e f e a t the demonic, and then reviews a r i t u a l a p p l i c a t i o n

o f some o f these modes i n a s e c u l a r c o n t e x t . Chapter V I d e s c r i b e s an

exorcism h e l d a t the T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e to c a p t u r e the s t o l e n

s o u l o f a dead monk t e a c h e r , a s o u l having the p o t e n t i a l to become a

powerful t h r e a t to the community.

Chapter V I I turns to a d e t a i l e d i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f the concept o f

r l u n g - r t a i n T i b e t a n i d e o l o g y , and r e l a t e s t h i s concept to gambling,

s p o r t s , d i v i n a t i o n , and to the cure o f p a t i e n t s who have provoked

a t t a c k s from s p i r i t s . Chapter V I I I p r e s e n t s a synopsis o f the ,

h i s t o r i c a l l e g i t i m a t i o n of r u l e i n T i b e t . Chapter IX i s the

conclusion. Here I t i e the symbolic implications of Tibetan ritual

curing to v a r i o u s p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f s u c c e s s i o n to c h a r i s m a t i c o f f i c e i n

T i b e t a n s o c i e t y , and to c e r t a i n q u e s t i o n s of legitimacy Tibetans find

currently problematic.
 18

NOTES

1. Dharmsala i s a l s o commonly s p e l l e d "Dharamsala". I p r e f e r

"Dharmsala", as i t i s the c o n v e n t i o n adopted by the Government o f
I n d i a w i t h r e s p e c t to o f f i c i a l maps o f I n d i a .

2. John Avedon (1984) g i v e s an e x c e l l e n t a c c o u n t o f the p e r s o n a l

h i s t o r i e s of some o f the s u r v i v o r s o f Chinese p r i s o n s i n T i b e t who
have been a b l e to r e a c h I n d i a , and o f some o f the f l i g h t s i n t o e x i l e
made by Dharmsala T i b e t a n s i n 1959. I n a d d i t i o n to c h r o n i c l i n g the
immediate events l e a d i n g up to the March 10, 1959 U p r i s i n g by T i b e t a n s
i n Lhasa a g a i n s t the Chinese, and the escape o f the D a l a i Lama, Avedon
u t i l i z e s T i b e t a n sources to p r o v i d e a r a r e view i n t o post-1959 T i b e t .

3. There were f o u r " f a c t - f i n d i n g m i s s i o n s " to T i b e t composed m a i n l y

of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the T i b e t a n G o v e r n m e n t - i n - E x i l e between 1979 and
1982. These m i s s i o n s have been suspended s i n c e 1983, when new r e p o r t s
of the e x e c u t i o n o f T i b e t a n s i n T i b e t reached Dharmsala.

4. T i b e t a n s who have been granted p e r m i s s i o n by the Chinese to t r a v e l

to I n d i a a r e never a l l o w e d to t r a v e l to I n d i a ( o r to Nepal) w i t h t h e i r
spouses. Some o f these T i b e t a n v i s i t o r s were p e r m i t t e d to t r a v e l w i t h
t h e i r c h i l d r e n , and, when p o s s i b l e , the T i b e t a n v i s i t o r s l e f t t h e i r
c h i l d r e n behind i n I n d i a I n o r d e r to be educated i n T i b e t a n s c h o o l s .
In a d d i t i o n , T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s , who wish to v i s i t t h e i r r e l a t i v e s i n
T i b e t , a r e c u r r e n t l y g r a n t e d Chinese v i s a s on the c o n d i t i o n t h a t they
apply f o r v i s a s as "Overseas Chinese", and n o t as T i b e t a n s . T h i s
p r a c t i c e has p l a c e d the T i b e t a n s i n a p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t
s i t u a t i o n , s i n c e they must choose between v i s i t i n g t h e i r r e l a t i v e s and
s e r v i n g the p o l i t i c a l ends o f the Chinese. One f u r t h e r p o i n t o f
concern, which has a r i s e n i n the c o n t e x t o f t h i s exchange o f v i s i t o r s
and l e t t e r s , i s the f a c t t h a t i n o r d e r f o r a T i b e t a n i n T i b e t to a p p l y
f o r t r a v e l p e r m i s s i o n , he o r she must l i s t h i s o r h e r r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g
in e x i l e . E q u a l l y , a refugee T i b e t a n a p p l y i n g f o r a Chinese v i s a must
l i s t h i s o r h e r d e s t i n a t i o n and the r e l a t i v e s who l i v e t h e r e . The
c r u x o f the T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s ' c o n c e r n i s t h a t t h i s mapping o f f a m i l i e s
i n T i b e t and i n e x i l e c o u l d be used, i f the p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e changed,
to p u t a d d i t i o n a l p r e s s u r e upon e x i l e T i b e t a n s w o r r i e d about t h e i r
r e l a t i v e s ' welfare or l i v e s .

5. Andrugtsang (1973), P a t t e r s o n (1960), P e i s s e l (1972), and Avedon

(1984) p r o v i d e d e t a i l e d accounts o f the T i b e t a n r e s i s t a n c e movement.
 19

CHAPTER I I

THE SETTING

Introduction

T h i s c h a p t e r p r o v i d e s a p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , and c o s m o l o g i c a l

s e t t i n g f o r the study. I first d e s c r i b e the p h y s i c a l s e t t i n g o f

Dharmsala, then t u r n to a d i s c u s s i o n o f some o f the s o c i a l a s p e c t s o f

Tibetan l i f e i n Dharmsala, and c o n c l u d e w i t h an overview o f T i b e t a n

cosmology and the r o l e o f the lama i n T i b e t a n Buddhism.

The T e r r a i n

Dharmsala, the s i t e o f my f i e l d w o r k among T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s , has

been the s e a t o f the D a l a i Lama's Government s i n c e 1960. It is

situated spectacularly i n the I n d i a n s t a t e o f Himachal Pradesh a t the

f o o t h i l l s o f the Dhauladhar Range, Himalayan peaks w i t h an average

a l t i t u d e o f about 5,000 meters. Two r i d g e s s e p a r a t e Dharmsala proper

from these mountains. The B r i t i s h b u i l t a m i l i t a r y cantonment on the

first r i d g e , which r i s e s some 1,000 meters from lower Dharmsala. A

lower and more narrow r i d g e , upon which the B r i t i s h e s t a b l i s h e d the

town o f McLeod Ganj, roughly b i s e c t s this f i r s t ridge. These ridges

and the mountains harbor deodar t r e e s , rhododendrons, p i n e s , w i l d

f l o w e r s and w i l d l i f e : , snow l e o p a r d s , bears, f o x e s , j a c k a l s , Rhesus

macaques, l a n g u r s , hawks, v u l t u r e s , a v a r i e t y o f o t h e r Himalayan

birds, the odd s c o r p i o n , and r a r e snake. What t r u l y s e t s Dharmsala

a p a r t from o t h e r b e t t e r known former h i l l s t a t i o n s such as Simla and

Mussoorie i s i t s r e l a t i v e ease of access coupled w i t h the i n t i m a c y o f

the Dhauladars, which may be reached on f o o t i n one arduous o r two

less t a x i n g days. Dharmsala was to be the summer c a p i t a l of the R a j ,

but i t s heady a t t r a c t i o n soured i n 1905 when a l m o s t a l l o f the town of

McLeod Ganj was d e s t r o y e d and many were k i l l e d i n an earthquake.

Simla became the summer c a p i t a l and McLeod Ganj a l l b u t ' f o r g o t t e n .

A s c i o n of the N.N. Nowrojee f a m i l y , p r o p r i e t o r s of a general

merchandise s t o r e i n McLeod Ganj f o r g e n e r a t i o n s , had been i n t e r e s t e d

in reviving the town. When he heard t h a t the Government of I n d i a was

s e e k i n g a permanent r e s i d e n c e f o r the D a l a i Lama, he p e t i t i o n e d New

D e l h i and P a n d i t Nehru. The Government of I n d i a , P a n d i t Nehru, and

the T i b e t a n s found McLeod Ganj an a g r e e a b l e solution. The British had

a l r e a d y earmarked three d i s t i n c t l o c a l e s i n D h a r m s a l a s upper r e g i o n :

1

the army cantonment, McLeod Ganj, and H i g h c r o f t House, the original

s e a t of the d i s t r i c t commissioner. T h i s house, about h a l f a k i l o m e t e r

above McLeod G a n j , became the temporary " p a l a c e " o f the D a l a i Lama.

The T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e , a s c h o o l and dormitory complex f o r

T i b e t a n orphans and semi-orphans, was c o n s t r u c t e d h i g h up on the r i d g e

near the army cantonment, and a few T i b e t a n f a m i l i e s took up residence

j u s t beneath the T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e or "TCV" i n the s m a l l

hamlet o f F o r s y t h e G a n j . The "ghost town" of McLeod Ganj became home

to T i b e t a n s who l e a r n e d o f the D a l a i Lama's acceptance o f the offer.

Many of them came to McLeod Ganj to a s s i s t i n the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the

m o n a s t e r i e s , temple, and government of the D a l a i Lama. Some of them

c o n t i n u e to f u n c t i o n as a s e r v i c e community f o r the Tibetan

government, w h i l e o t h e r s elected to s e t up s m a l l shops, restaurants,

and h o t e l s c a t e r i n g to the i n f l u x o f Western v i s i t o r s to t h i s "Little

Lhasa". A l t h o u g h McLeod Ganj was a p l a c e where work was not

guaranteed, i t was an a l t e r n a t i v e to working i n road construction

crews, the employment o f most T i b e t a n refugees i n the e a r l y 1960's.

When many T i b e t a n s working i n these crews were o f f e r e d homesteads i n

the s o u t h o f I n d i a , those who had managed to garner a l i v i n g in

Dharmsala remained.

McLeod Ganj, w i t h i t s two s t r e e t s , expanded as T i b e t a n dwellings

t r i c k l e d down the f l a n k s of i t s narrow r i d g e , s t o p p i n g s h o r t of the

small, terraced farms of the l o c a l Gaddhi v i l l a g e r s . One end of

Mcleod Ganj's narrow r i d g e abuts the f i r s t major r i d g e p a r a l l e l i n g the

Dhauladar range, the r i d g e h o s t i n g TGV and the D a l a i Lama's former

"temporary p a l a c e " . At the other end of the r i d g e , Rnam-rgyal

Monastery, the Buddhist S c h o o l o f D i a l e c t i c s , and the main B u d d h i s t

temple were b u i l t . J u s t beyond t h i s complex, a t the v e r y edge of the

r i d g e , a new residence was constructed f o r the D a l a i Lama. A narrow

road motorable by j e e p descends from t h i s end of the r i d g e to lower

Dharmsala. About half-way down t h i s road one f i n d s the L i b r a r y of

T i b e t a n Works and Archives, the C a b i n e t B u i l d i n g and other offices of

the D a l a i Lama's Government, and dormitories for resident scholars and

government o f f i c e r s . Close to t h i s complex, r e f e r r e d to as either the

" L i b r a r y " or "Gangs-skyid" (a p l e a s i n g view o f the snow

mountains), a term r e f e r r i n g to the government b u i l d i n g s , i s the

Nechung (Gnas-chung) Monastery. The abbot o f the Nechung Monstery

is the c h i e f s t a t e o r a c l e o f T i b e t , the Nechung O r a c l e .

The end o f McLeod Ganj o p p o s i t e to the temple complex and the

D a l a i Lama's p a l a c e i s the bus stop, a convergence of f i v e roads

motorable by bus, two roads more or l e s s motorable (depending upon

monsoon c o n d i t i o n s ) by j e e p , and a footpath. Scheduled passenger

buses are l i m i t e d to the t w e l v e - k i l o m e t e r s t r e t c h o f road from K o t w a l i

Bazaar i n Lower Dharmsala up through F o r s y t h e Ganj to the McLeod Ganj

bus stop. But c h a r t e r e d buses may c a r r y Hindu p i l g r i m s p a s t t h i s bus

stop and a l o n g Bhagsu Road, p a s t a S e i s r a o l o g i c a l S t a t i o n to the

bathing s p r i n g s o f Bhagsunath and i t s S h i v a temple. From Bhagsunath,

p i l g r i m s may walk a b i t f u r t h e r to the Bhagsu w a t e r f a l l .

T i b e t a n government o f f i c e r s , d i g n i t a r i e s , and Delek (Bde-legs)

H o s p i t a l workers (a Western m e d i c a l c l i n i c s t a f f e d by v o l u n t e e r

A u s t r a l i a n i n t e r n s and nurses and some b i o - m e d i c a l l y t r a i n e d Tibetan

nurses) f r e q u e n t l y t r a v e l by jeep from TCV to McLeod Ganj and on to

the temple complex o r down the r i d g e to the T i b e t a n L i b r a r y and

government complex. Of the two roads which a r e conditionally

motorable by j e e p , one leads to the " o l d p a l a c e " (now an Indian

Government t r e k k i n g h o s t e l ) and on to Dharamkot, w h i l e the o t h e r

reaches the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e of Performing A r t s b e f o r e i t fades into

a trail to T r i u n d ( t h e saddle of the second r i d g e s e p a r a t i n g Dharmsala

from the Dhauladar Range). These two roads were bedded w i t h rock

during the B r i t i s h Raj i n o r d e r to p r e s e r v e t h e i r i n t e g r i t y during the

monsoon. But these rocks have a l l but disappeared as T i b e t a n s removed

 23

them to f o r t i f y the f o u n d a t i o n s of t h e i r h i l l s i d e houses.

The f o o t p a t h l e a d i n g from McLeod Ganj p a s t a former p o s t office

and a s m a l l temple b e g i n s d e c e p t i v e l y as a paved road. Once p a s t the

p o s t o f f i c e , however, i t narrows to a d i r t p a t h which descends r a p i d l y

and d r a m a t i c a l l y to lower Dharmsala. I t i s the s h o r t e s t r o u t e from

McLeod Ganj to lower Dharmsala but an u n l i k e l y c h o i c e f o r anyone laden

w i t h b a z a a r purchases from the markets of lower Dharmsala. The paved

road to TGV from McLeod Ganj winds p a s t a f o u n t a i n b u i l t by the Gorkha

R i f l e s and then o f f e r s the t r a v e l l e r an a l t e r n a t e r o u t e , a f o o t p a t h

a s c e n d i n g more s t e e p l y and d i r e c t l y to TCV. T a k i n g the s h o r t e s t p a t h

a v a i l a b l e , whether o r n o t i t l i e s s t r a i g h t up a mountainside, i s °

jokingly referred to by young T i b e t a n s as "choosing the t a n t r i c p a t h " .

A relatively l e v e l footpath links the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f P e r f o r m i n g

Arts (TIPA) and a Sngags-pa Sgom-pa w i t h the TGV, t r a v e r s i n g the c r e s t

of t h i s major r i d g e a g a i n s t which McLeod Ganj a b u t s .

The Sngags-pa Sgom-pa i s a s m a l l temple complex o f a r e i n c a r n a t e d

Rnying-ma-pa weathermaker-cum-exorclst, h i s f a m i l y , d i s c i p l e s , and

f e l l o w sngags-pas. A sngags-pa Is e s s e n t i a l l y a tantric

p r a c t i t i o n e r , who controls the weather, conducts exorcisms, and

performs d i v i n a t i o n s ; sgom-pa r e f e r s to a temple (as a p l a c e o f

meditation). The Sngags-pa Sgom-pa p r o p e r l y marks one end o f this

major r i d g e . To the n o r t h , i t commands a m a g n i f i c e n t view of the

Dhauladar Range, T r i u n d , and Bhagsunath F a l l s ; to the e a s t , i t a f f o r d s

a view a c r o s s the v a l l e y formed by the Bhagsu R i v e r . Looking south

from the Sngags-pa Sgom-pa, one sees the T i b e t a n L i b r a r y and

government o f f i c e s some 500 meters lower.

 V
TO LOWER D H A R M S A L A

TO LOWER D H A R M S A L A

TRAILS

ROADS — ^ —

TO LOWER
DHARMSALA

II. MAP OF UPPER D H A R M S A L A

(SCHEMATIC ONLY)
 The path up the r i d g e from the Sngags-pa Sgom-pa and along i t s

c r e s t l e a d s from the TIPA to the Tshe-mchog-gling monastery. Directly

a c r o s s the path from Tshe-mchog-gling i s R i s h i Bhawan, a t o u r i s t

h o s t e l , where Western " h i p p i e s " as they a r e c a l l e d by the T i b e t a n s ,

o f t e n h o l d " f u l l moon" p a r t i e s . The path ascends f u r t h e r to the

r e s i d e n c e of the former G l i n g Rinpoche, s e n i o r t u t o r to the D a l a i

Lama, and then past the " o l d p a l a c e " up through a wilder, uninhabited

r e g i o n marked by stone c a i r n s , s i d e p a t h s to m e d i t a t i o n caves, an

incense-burning ground, and, finally, l o o p s down to the T i b e t a n

Children's Village.

The C o s m o l o g i c a l I n t e r f a c e

The above d e s c r i p t i o n b a r e l y s k e t c h e s the complex topography and

geography of Upper Dharmsala. A l l of these r o u t e s a r e well-known to

and frequented by the T i b e t a n s of Upper Dharmsala. However, these

roads and paths l i n k t o g e t h e r not o n l y the v a r i o u s r e g i o n s of

Dharmsala, but a l s o the t r a v e l l e r to o t h e r cosmic realms. Many of

these r o u t e s , a c c o r d i n g to T i b e t a n b e l i e f , i n v i t e a p o s s i b l e encounter

with supernatural beings. Halfway down the road from McLeod Ganj to

the T i b e t a n L i b r a r y , f o r example, i s Devi Chand's t e a s t a l l , a welcome

r e s p i t e on t h i s steep road. J u s t beyond t h i s t e a s t a l l i s a small

s p r i n g , a known haunt of k l u , the c h t h o n i c , touchy guardians of the

s o i l and water who are a k i n to w a t e r - d w e l l i n g and snake-like

creatures. I f the t r a v e l l e r p o l l u t e s t h i s stream, he or she risks

s i c k n e s s caused by the i r r i t a t e d klu. The Gorkha F o u n t a i n , a

f o u n t a i n b u i l t by the Gorkha R i f l e s on the road t o TCV, i s a much

grander s o u r c e o f water and i s b e l i e v e d t o be p o p u l a t e d by many

powerful k l u . The T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f P e r f o r m i n g A r t s i s a l s o home

t o a number o f k l u . Care i s taken not t o p o l l u t e the w e l l near the

I n s t i t u t e ' s s i n g l e water t a p .

K l u , however, a r e not the o n l y s u p e r n a t u r a l b e i n g s who inhabit

Upper Dharmsala. Bends i n the road ( o r path) a r e t o be approached at

n i g h t w i t h extreme c a u t i o n , s i n c e one may c a t c h a glimpse i n such

p l a c e s o f b e a u t i f u l women who a r e a c t u a l l y ghosts attemping to l u r e

u n s u s p e c t i n g male t r a v e l e r s o f f a p r e c i p i c e t o t h e i r d e a t h s . A famous

bend i n the road l e a d i n g t o the TIPA i s marked by mani s t o n e s , two

l a r g e rock s l a b s p a i n t e d c o l o r f u l l y w i t h the p r a y e r "Om mani padme

hum" ( " a l l h a i l t o the j e w e l i n the l o t u s " ) . These s t o n e s a r e

i n t e n d e d t o c o u n t e r a c t a number o f e v i l s p i r i t s seen or encountered

along t h i s road. S t o r i e s a r e a l s o t o l d of a l o c a l Gaddhi woman who

was d r i v i n g her two c a t t l e a l o n g the f a m i l i a r but p r e c i p i t o u s r o u t e on

the way to Triund. For no apparent r e a s o n , t h i s woman and her cows

f e l l to t h e i r deaths. People say t h a t she was a t t a c k e d by powerful

gz'a s p i r i t s , e v i l emanations from the p l a n e t s .

The most famous t r a v e r s e i s a l o n g the road from McLeod Ganj t o

Forsythe Ganj. F o r s y t h e Ganj, where s e v e r a l houses s e l l chang

( T i b e t a n b a r l e y b e e r ) , i s an a t t r a c t i v e evening d e s t i n a t i o n f o r some

T i b e t a n men. S i n c e the bus from Lower Dharmsala t o McLeod Ganj

t r a v e l s i n f r e q u e n t l y a t n i g h t , w a l k i n g t o F o r s y t h e Ganj (about two

k i l o m e t e r s ) i s the p o p u l a r c h o i c e . The road, however, t a k e s the

t r a v e l l e r p a s t two r a t h e r hazardous f e a t u r e s o f the l a n d s c a p e . The

f i r s t hazard i s a b r i d g e which i s f r e q u e n t l y washed away by the

monsoon. J u s t below t h i s b r i d g e i s the T i b e t a n b u r n i n g ghat or

c r e m a t i o n ground, a p l a c e v i s i t e d a t n i g h t o n l y by sngags-pas who

wish t o t e s t t h e i r powers a g a i n s t c a n n i b a l s p i r i t s . Down the road a

bit f u r t h e r i s the Church of S t . John i n the W i l d e r n e s s w i t h i t s

s t a i n e d g l a s s windows and monument t o L o r d E l g i n , V i c e r o y of I n d i a ,

who d i e d i n Dharmsala and was b u r i e d i n the cemetery by t h i s church i n

1863.

The b u r n i n g ghat and the cemetery a l e r t the t r a v e l l e r t o the

p o s s i b i l i t y of e n c o u n t e r i n g a g h o s t . Such apprehension i s more

t y p i c a l of the t r a v e l l e r from McLeod Ganj t o F o r s y t h e Ganj, s i n c e i t

i s b e l i e v e d t h a t a t r a v e l l e r w e l l - f o r t i f i e d w i t h chang would be less

l i k e l y t o spot a n y t h i n g out o f the o r d i n a r y . Reports abound o f people

who have been dead f o r y e a r s b e i n g s i g h t e d on t h i s r o a d . The b e s t way

to handle a ghost one might meet i n such c i r c u m s t a n c e s i s t o not

respond t o any q u e s t i o n s the ghost might ask of one. T i b e t a n s say

t h a t r e s p o n d i n g t o o r acknowledging the ghost would e n s l a v e one t o i t .

The T i b e t a n s of Dharmsala

Refugee T i b e t a n s have been a f a v o u r e d t a r g e t f o r the e f f o r t s of

i n t e r n a t i o n a l agencies. A former p r e s i d e n t of the World C o u n c i l o f

Churches e x p l a i n e d t o me t h a t of a l l the r e f u g e e groups w i t h which he

had worked, o n l y the T i b e t a n s had managed t o s u s t a i n t h e i r cultural

integrity over a p e r i o d of more than twenty y e a r s . He ventured t h a t

the c o n t i n u e d i n t e r e s t of the a i d a g e n c i e s i n the T i b e t a n s had much t o

 28

do w i t h t h i s fact.^"

Some 5,000 t o 8,000 T i b e t a n s l i v e i n McLeod Ganj, the TCV, and

the T i b e t a n l i b r a r y complex o r i n what i s r e f e r r e d t o as Upper

Dharmsala. The T i b e t a n p o p u l a t i o n f l u c t u a t e s a c c o r d i n g t o the

s w e a t e r - s e l l i n g season. During the months from November t o March, two

thousand o r so T i b e t a n s l e a v e Dharmsala t o purchase sweaters w h o l e s a l e

i n the Punjab and then r e t a i l them i n the h i l l s t a t i o n s and major

c i t i e s of northern I n d i a . McLeod Ganj a l s o h o s t s a s m a l l I n d i a n

p o p u l a t i o n o f shopkeepers ( b u t c h e r s , t e a vendors, c i g a r e t t e vendors,

f r u i t and v e g e t a b l e vendors, and a Himachal Pradesh s t a t e liquor

s t o r e ) , who e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r b u s i n e s s e s a f t e r the i n f l u x o f T i b e t a n s

to the r e g i o n . The McLeod Ganj r i d g e , as w e l l as the r i d g e s beyond

it, a r e f l a n k e d w i t h the houses and t e r r a c e d farms of l o c a l Gaddhi

people.

The T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s l i v i n g i n Dharmsala o r i g i n a t e from different

r e g i o n s o f T i b e t : Lhasa, Mng'a-ri, Dbus-Gtsang, Amdo, Khams,

Spu-rang, and Kong-po (see Map I I I ) ; and they speak different

d i a l e c t s of Tibetan. Most Dharmsala T i b e t a n s have r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n

s e t t l e m e n t s i n South I n d i a , and many o f the young government workers,

t e a c h e r s , m u s i c i a n s , a c t o r s , and dancers do not have immediate family

members l i v i n g i n Dharmsala.

T h i s absence o f immediate r e l a t i v e s c o n t r i b u t e s t o the i n c r e a s i n g

i n c i d e n c e o f " l o v e " m a r r i a g e s among the young. Marriage patterns

still r e f l e c t , however, t h o s e p r a c t i c e d i n T i b e t . T i b e t a n s appear t o

be e s s e n t i a l l y p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l ; however, as A z i z (1974)

n o t e s , r e s i d e n c e i n T i b e t took precedence over lineality.

 INNER M O N G O L I A

DHARMSALA

SIMLA

INDIA

• DELHI
CHINA

to
III. MAP OF ETHNIC TIBET
I l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n were absorbed i n t o the household of the mother's

b r o t h e r , and i l l e g i t i m a t e males would o f t e n a c q u i r e equal r i g h t s to

property with the mother's b r o t h e r ' s sons. The m a r r i a g e p a t t e r n s o f

T i b e t - polyandry (a d i s c u s s i o n of which e n t e r s i n t o Chapter V I I ) ,

polygyny, and monogamy - o b t a i n i n Dharmsala and i n other settlements

of T i b e t a n refugees in India.

Of these marriage p a t t e r n s , polygyny i s the most i n f r e q u e n t .

R i n c h e n Dolma T a r i n g (1970) d e s c r i b e s her own f i r s t marriage, a

polygynous one, i n terms o f a p o l i t i c a l and economic s t r a t e g y

o c c a s i o n a l l y adopted by the T i b e t a n a r i s t o c r a t s . In e x i l e , however,

polygyny tends to o c c u r among commoners, and appears to o c c u r a t the

behest of a f i r s t w i f e . I n one such i n s t a n c e , a woman asked her

husband to take her c l o s e f r i e n d as an a d d i t i o n a l w i f e . A more common

r a t i o n a l e f o r polygyny, however, i s g i v e n as a f i r s t w i f e ' s f e a r s t h a t

her husband might l e a v e h e r , and cease to be her economic p r o v i d e r .

I n T i b e t , some T i b e t a n s say t h a t these endeavors e n t a i l e d an a c t i v e

attempt by the f i r s t w i f e to seek out and b e f r i e n d a younger and more

b e a u t i f u l woman. The f i r s t w i f e would then suggest t h i s woman to her

husband as a second w i f e . In t h i s way, the husband would be

preoccupied with the new w i f e , b u t would not abandon the f i r s t wife.

A minor s c a n d a l erupted a t a T i b e t a n s c h o o l when one woman

attempted a s i m i l a r s t r a t e g y w i t h her daughter. The daughter, on a

s c h o o l h o l i d a y (and, t h e r e f o r e , v a c a t i o n i n g i n another p a r t of I n d i a ) ,

had a t t r a c t e d the amorous o v e r t u r e s of her s t e p - f a t h e r . Though the

girl r e s i s t e d h i s advances s u c c e s s f u l l y , the mother wished to r e s o l v e

the s i t u a t i o n (and to p r e v e n t her husband's p o t e n t i a l wandering) by

m a r r y i n g the g i r l to her step-father. A l t h o u g h such a p r a c t i c e

m i r r o r s d e s c r i p t i o n s g i v e n by P r i n c e P e t e r (1963) of Tibetan

father-son polyandry, the g i r l and her school-fellows (who were on

holiday i n the same a r e a ) found the s i t u a t i o n u n t e n a b l e . The

s c h o o l - f e l l o w s arranged f o r the g i r l ' s "escape" from her mother's

house, and, upon her r e t u r n to s c h o o l , the g i r l wrote to her Western

sponsor (who p a i d f o r her s c h o o l i n g ) , e x p l a i n i n g her s i t u a t i o n and

s o l i c i t i n g his financial assistance.

T i b e t was a h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i e t y , and the observance of this

hierarchy i s sustained by T i b e t a n s in exile. The distinction of

classes i n Tibetan s o c i e t y has been addressed by G o l d s t e i n (1971a,

1971b, 1971c, 1972). The e s s e n t i a l c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n was t h a t between

the h e r e d i t a r y a r i s t o c r a t s (sku-drag), and the commoners ( m i - s e r ) .

The commoners, however, c o u l d be f u r t h e r c a t e g o r i z e d as taxpayers

( k h r a l - p a ) , and s m a l l householders (dud-chung). While the

former possessed h e r i t a b l e lands upon which they p a i d tax to their

overlord (a h e r e d i t a r y n o b l e ) , the " s m a l l h o u s e h o l d e r s " tended to pay

t h e i r tax i n corvee l a b o r , and might be a t t a c h e d to a monastic e s t a t e

o r to t h a t of a n o b l e f a m i l y . These commoners were both

a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s and nomads ('abrog-pa). Nomads, however, could

be a t t a c h e d to e s t a t e s or owners of t h e i r own s i z a b l e herds. The

l a t t e r paid taxes d i r e c t l y to the T i b e t a n government, and not to an

intermediary overlord. The lowest c l a s s of T i b e t a n s was comprised of

butchers, metal workers, miners, and blacksmiths. Butchers were so

d i s t i n g u i s h e d because they committed the grave s i n o f k i l l i n g animals;

metal workers and blacksmiths, because they manufactured weapons; and

 32

miners, because they invaded t h e t e r r i t o r y and s t o l e t h e t r e a s u r e s o f

the g u a r d i a n s o f t h e e a r t h . Corpse c a r r i e r s and beggars c o n s t i t u t e d

the e q u i v a l e n t o f o u t c a s t e s i n T i b e t . A z i z (1974:24) i d e n t i f i e s f o u r

major endogamous groups i n T i b e t : t h e a r i s t o c r a c y ; sngags-pa

( h e r e d i t a r y p r i e s t s ) ; mi-ser ( a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , nomads, l a b o r e r s , and

t r a d e r s ) ; and yawa ( o u t c a s t e s ) .

In Dharmsala, T i b e t a n s d e s c r i b e themselves as former

a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , nomads, merchants, a r i s t o c r a t s , m u s i c i a n s , a c t o r s ,

or monks. With t h e e x c e p t i o n o f t h e a r i s t o c r a t s , Dharmsala T i b e t a n s

c u r r e n t l y tend t o d e f i n e themselves i n terms o f t h e i r present

o c c u p a t i o n s ( a s businessmen, government workers, t e a c h e r s , c a r p e t

weavers, g o l d s m i t h s , e t c . ) . Government o f f i c e r s enjoy g r e a t p r e s t i g e

i n t h e Dharmsala community, a s t h e i r s e r v i c e i s g e n e r a l l y thought t o

i n c l u d e s e l f - s a c r i f i c e i n t h e i n t e r e s t o f t h e g r e a t e r T i b e t a n common

good. Those who have become v e r y s u c c e s s f u l a t b u s i n e s s enjoy an

upward m o b i l i t y i n Dharmsala s o c i e t y , but they a r e unable,

n o n e t h e l e s s , t o a c q u i r e the t i t l e o f sku-drag ( a r i s t o c r a t ) , which i s

r e s e r v e d f o r those o f n o b l e birth.

The r e f u g e e s i t u a t i o n has, however, s t i m u l a t e d many young

Tibetans t o reassess the v a l i d i t y of the claims t o p r i v i l e g e s

o c c a s i o n a l l y p r e s e n t e d by a r i s t o c r a t i c T i b e t a n f a m i l i e s . Rumours

abound a s t o t h e wealth brought out o f T i b e t by c e r t a i n f a m i l i e s , who

now c l a i m p o v e r t y when they attempt to obtain scholarships f o r their

children. Opportunities f o r higher education are severely l i m i t e d ,

 33

and, as Nowak cogently observes:

young T i b e t a n s today regard t h e i r government's p o l i c i e s o f

appointments and a l l o c a t i o n s w i t h wary concern, always on v

the l o o k o u t f o r any evidence o f f a v o r i t i s m i n g e n e r a l and

nepotism In p a r t i c u l a r (1984:108).

C o l l e g e s c h o l a r s h i p s can l e a d to p r e s t i g i o u s government j o b s o r to

teaching p o s i t i o n s a t p r e s t i g i o u s s c h o o l s such as the T i b e t a n

Children's V i l l a g e . Thus, e d u c a t i o n i s a f f o r d i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y o f

augmenting the c r i t e r i a by which T i b e t a n s define social status.

The S o c i a l E p i c e n t e r s o f Upper Dharmsala

The varying topography o f Upper Dharmsala has c o n t r i b u t e d to the

formation o f f i v e s o c i a l e p i c e n t e r s o f the T i b e t a n p o p u l a t i o n . The

first i s t h a t o f the main temple, the D a l a i Lama's p a l a c e , the

Buddhist S c h o o l o f D i a l e c t i c s , and Rnam-rgyal Monastery. The second

incorporates the Tibetan library, dormitories f o r students of Tibetan

Buddhism and T i b e t a n o f f i c e workers, and the T i b e t a n Government

buildings. These o f f i c e b u i l d i n g s a r e r e f e r r e d to as "Gangs-skyid"

or "a p l e a s i n g view o f the snow mountains", and the young government

3

employees a r e c a l l e d the "Gangs-skyid boys" by o t h e r Tibetan

groups ( v e r y few women serve as government employees). They enjoy

h i g h p r e s t i g e i n the e x i l e community throughout I n d i a because they a r e

considered to be s e r v i n g the T i b e t a n cause ( s e e Nowak 1984). The

t h i r d e p i c e n t e r i s the T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e w i t h perhaps two

thousand c h i l d r e n , one hundred t e a c h e r s , and s t a f f members. Teachers

at the TCV a l s o enjoy h i g h p r e s t i g e i n the T i b e t a n community s i n c e the

s c h o o l c u r r e n t l y has the r e p u t a t i o n of being the b e s t and the most

well-endowed T i b e t a n s c h o o l . The TCV teachers and the government

employees earn s i m i l a r s a l a r i e s (about R s . 300 - 350 per month), but

the TCV teachers have the d i s t i n c t advantage of free room and board at

the s c h o o l w h i l e the government employees c o n t r i b u t e R s . 100 o r more

per month i n o r d e r to dine a t the G a n g s - s k y i d "mess".

The f o u r t h e p i c e n t e r is the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f P e r f o r m i n g A r t s

(formerly the T i b e t a n M u s i c , Dance, and Drama S o c i e t y ) . This

i n s t i t u t i o n was e s t a b l i s h e d by the D a l a i Lama some two months a f t e r

his f l i g h t to I n d i a i n M a r c h , 1959, and was, thus, the f i r s t Tibetan

institution organized in e x i l e . But the young m u s i c i a n s and dancers

of T I P A , most o f whom a r e i n t h e i r twenties, a r e c o n s i d e r e d to be

students of the i n s t i t u t e , and a l l students a t this institute, a

c l a s s i f i c a t i o n which i n c o r p o r a t e s both c h i l d r e n and a d u l t performers,

were p r o v i d e d f r e e room and board b u t were p a i d o n l y R s . 30 per month.

The f i f t h and f i n a l epicenter is t h a t of McLeod Ganj p r o p e r . Tibetans

l i v i n g here f o r the most p a r t run s m a l l s h o p s , r e s t a u r a n t s , and

h o t e l s , o r work In the c a r p e t f a c t o r y weaving c a r p e t s and

manufacturing small t o u r i s t items f o r l o c a l s a l e and e x p o r t . The

4

T i b e t a n Youth Congress has a s h o p , p r i n t s i t s newspaper, and

holds i t s meetings h e r e . McLeod Ganj i s a l s o where one f i n d s the

T i b e t a n A s t r o - M e d i c a l Center and the c l i n i c s o f two d i s t i n g u i s h e d

Tibetan medical p h y s i c i a n s .

The young men o f these e p i c e n t e r s are c o n s t a n t r i v a l s . One

p o p u l a r f i e l d of c o m p e t i t i o n i s s p o r t s . To t h i s end, teams
r e p r e s e n t i n g each o f the e p i c e n t e r s , w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the temple

complex, a r e o r g a n i z e d , and c o m p e t i t i o n s i n b a s k e t b a l l , s o c c e r , and,

occasionally, i n t r a c k and f i e l d are held. Some young monks

occasionally j o i n the McLeod Ganj team, and the D i a l e c t i c a l S c h o o l may

play the Rnam-rgyal Monastery monks. Another p o p u l a r f i e l d of

competition, one t h a t i s n o t pursued by the young monks, i s f o r

spouses.

J o k i n g and common aphorisms abound i n regard to t h i s event.

L o c a l adage has i t t h a t young women who work i n the McLeod Ganj c a r p e t

f a c t o r y wish to marry T i b e t a n s i n the I n d i a n army. I n the e a r l y

1960's, when T i b e t a n refugees were b e g i n n i n g to s e t t l e i n I n d i a ,

T i b e t a n men who j o i n e d the I n d i a n army had s u b s t a n t i a l incomes i n

r e l a t i o n to o t h e r T i b e t a n s . They were, t h e r e f o r e , a t t r a c t i v e m a r r i a g e

prospects. These days, however, T i b e t a n men w i t h army c a r e e r s a r e

d e s i r e d c h i e f l y by the l e s s s o p h i s t i c a t e d and l e s s educated young

T i b e t a n women.

The "Gangs-skyid boys" r e p o r t e d l y d e s i r e well-educated,

a t t r a c t i v e wives. Though t h e i r p r e s t i g e i s h i g h i n the community,

however, "everyone knows" t h a t t h e i r s a l a r i e s a r e meager, n o t

sufficient to m a i n t a i n a non-working w i f e . I n Dharmsala, the young

women who a r e the most h i g h l y p r i z e d by both "Gangs-skyid boys" and

TCV male teachers a r e TCV female t e a c h e r s . The mutual p r e f e r e n c e f o r

these women on the p a r t o f two e p i c e n t e r s has o f t e n l e d to m i l d

c o n f r o n t a t i o n s where "Gangs-skyid boys" have accused the TGV male

teachers o f h o a r d i n g the women f o r themselves, o r where TCV male

teachers have l o c k e d the doors to the h a l l where a p a r t y i s b e i n g

 36

h e l d , p r e v e n t i n g the "Gangs-skyid boys" from e n t e r i n g . One TCV

female teacher d e s c r i b e d h e r peers' awareness o f t h e i r m a r r i a g e a b l i t y

as f o s t e r i n g what she deemed t h e i r pronounced c o q u e t t i s h b e h a v i o u r .

TCV female teachers must e x e r c i s e c a u t i o n i n t h e i r a f f a i r s , however,

s i n c e the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n expects them to m a i n t a i n c i r c u m s p e c t images

in the community.^

The young women performers o f TIPA, s i n g l e d o u t f o r t h e i r beauty,

a r e a l s o c o n s i d e r e d to be v e r y m a r r i a g e a b l e . They may easily»become

the wives o f h i g h T i b e t a n government o f f i c i a l s , wealthy merchants,

European T i b e t a n s o r Westerners. The young men, on the o t h e r hand,

are most l i k e l y to marry o t h e r TIPA p e r f o r m e r s . With t h e i r salaries

o f Rs. 30 per month, TIPA male performers a r e n o t c o n s i d e r e d by McLeod

u

Ganj p a r e n t s to be p r o s p e c t i v e grooms f o r t h e i r daughters.

The Indian I n t e r f a c e

T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala enjoy, on the whole, good s o c i a l relations

with t h e i r Indian neighbors. Lower Dharmsala prospered w i t h the

i n f l u x o f Tibetans to the a r e a i n 1960; many new b u s i n e s s e s emerged to

c a t e r to the T i b e t a n p o p u l a t i o n and to Western t o u r i s t s . Indian

t o u r i s t s and p i l g r i m s come to Dharmsala to v i s i t the S h i v a temple and

Bhagsunath, as w e l l as to v i s i t the main T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t temple In

McLeod G a n j . Moreover, I n d i a n s o f t e n seek m e d i c a l treatment a t the

T i b e t a n Astro-Medical Center.

Tibetans, i n turn, f l o c k to H i n d i movies shown i n lower

Dharmsala, and l o v e H i n d i f i l m songs. Many young T i b e t a n women a r e

taken with the romantic image o f H i n d i f i l m s t a r s , and d e c o r a t e their

w a l l s w i t h p i c t u r e s o f these s t a r s . Most Dharmsala T i b e t a n s a r e

f a m i l i a r w i t h one f i l m s t a r , K a b i r B e d i , whose mother funded the f i r s t

s c h o o l f o r T i b e t a n monks i n e x i l e . S e v e r a l middle-aged T i b e t a n women

showed me photographs taken i n the 1960's o f themselves wearing Indian

s a r i s , and a few young T i b e t a n g i r l s on r a r e o c c a s i o n a p p l y a t l k a

mark (a d o t o f r e d paste a p p l i e d to the forehead as a s i g n o f Hindu

r i t u a l b l e s s i n g , o r , as Is the case here, as a beauty mark a p p l i e d by

I n d i a n women) to t h e i r foreheads i n emulation of t h e i r f a v o r i t e Hindi

female f i l m stars.

Life i n e x i l e has a l s o f o r c e d T i b e t a n women to adapt to the more

s t r i n g e n t n o t i o n s o f modesty h e l d by women o f n o r t h e r n I n d i a . Tibetan

9

women, f o r example, no l o n g e r bare t h e i r b r e a s t s when performing

strenuous l a b o r i n the heat. They have a l s o adopted the h a b i t o f

wearing l o n g pajama bottoms, even i n h o t weather, under their

customary d r e s s , the phyu-pa (chupa), as i s the custom o f I n d i a n women

who wear long pants under l o n g o v e r s h i r t s (an a l t e r n a t i v e costume to

the sari).

Gaddhis comprise a d i s t i n c t e t h n i c c a t e g o r y o f the I n d i a n

p o p u l a t i o n i n and around Dharmsala, s i n c e they a r e e s s e n t i a l l y

mountain-dwelling pastoralists. Nostalgic Tibetans identify with

Gaddhis by v i r t u e o f t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n and h a b i t a t . Gaddhis, who sell

t h e i r m i l k and eggs to T i b e t a n r e s t a u r a n t s and housewives, and animals

to Dharmsala markets, have a l s o enjoyed a marked p r o s p e r i t y w i t h t h e

a r r i v a l o f the T i b e t a n s . One p o i n t o f c o n t e n t i o n t h a t does a r i s e

between T i b e t a n s and Gaddhis, however, i n v o l v e s T i b e t a n chang (beer)

vendors. Several Tibetans i n Dharmsala brew chang and s e l l i t without

a government l i c e n s e . O c c a s i o n a l l y , Gaddhi men spend household

budgets a t the chang houses. When t h e i r wives then complain to the

police, the p o l i c e re-double their efforts to c l o s e the chang

businesses.

The Western I n t e r f a c e

A p a r t from b e i n g the r e s i d e n c e o f s e v e r a l thousand T i b e t a n s who

live i n f i v e s o c i a l e p i c e n t e r s , Upper Dharmsala i s the r e s i d e n c e o f

the D a l a i Lama and the c a p i t a l o f T i b e t i n e x i l e . As such, Upper

Dharmsala has a v i r t u a l l y continuous stream o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s from

i n t e r n a t i o n a l wire s e r v i c e s , the B r i t i s h B r o a d c a s t i n g Corporation,

Newsweek, Time, the F a r E a s t e r n Economic Review, A s i a Weekly,

Per S t e r n , v a r i o u s f i l m makers, s c h o l a r s , dharraa students,

merchants, people s e e k i n g T i b e t a n medical cures, and p i l g r i m s from

L a h u l - S p i t i , Ladakh, Mon (NEFA), and the T i b e t a n settlements.

The Western p o p u l a t i o n o f Upper Dharmsala f a l l s roughly Into

three c a t e g o r i e s . The f i r s t c a t e g o r y i s t h a t o f s c h o l a r s and students

of T i b e t a n Buddhism who g e n e r a l l y remain u n t i l their visas expire.

The second c a t e g o r y i s t h a t o f Commonwealth c i t i z e n s who have l i v e d

for years i n the neighborhood. Some o f these residents are also

students o f T i b e t a n Buddhism, some a r e simply a t t r a c t e d to the a r e a ,

and some o f them have e s t a b l i s h e d themselves as s i g n i f i c a n t

participants i n T i b e t a n community l i f e . The t h i r d c a t e g o r y c o u l d be

d e s c r i b e d as t h a t o f s e a s o n a l Western t o u r i s t s . These Westerners

u s u a l l y f l o c k t o p l a c e s such as Dharmsala, R i s h i k e s h , and Kashmir to

escape the heat of the I n d i a n p l a i n s from A p r i l t o September. The

i n t e r a c t i o n s between T i b e t a n s and Westerners i n Upper Dharmsala c o u l d

be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as very f r i e n d l y , but the presence o f the l a t t e r i n

Upper Dharmsala p r o v i d e s ample o p p o r t u n i t y f o r each group t o reflect

upon the n a t u r e of the other.

The h e i g h t of the t o u r i s t season i s from the l a t t e r p a r t of March

t o the b e g i n n i n g of t h e monsoon i n June. During the t o u r i s t season,

many I n d i a n saddhus pass through Dharmsala, some w i t h an eye to the

s w e l l i n g number of Western t o u r i s t s l i k e l y t o be i n town. Saddhus a r e

g e n e r a l l y w e l l - v e r s e d i n the s c h e d u l i n g of important Tibetan Buddhist

events, such as the Mon Lam t e a c h i n g s g i v e n i n the temple by the D a l a i

Lama a f t e r Lo-gsar, T i b e t a n New Year. Consequently, hundreds may

l i n e the road to the temple, e x t e n d i n g t h e i r alms cups to those

a r r i v i n g to r e c e i v e r e l i g i o u s t e a c h i n g s . A few saddhus, Hindu

a s c e t i c s , h o l y men, and/or t a n t r i c p r a c t i t i o n e r s , may also perform

y o g i c f e a t s by the McLeod Ganj bus stop. Though saddhus w i l l

e n r a p t u r e Western t o u r i s t s when they do so, T i b e t a n s w i l l g e n e r a l l y

a v e r t t h e i r eyes or t r y t o pay l i t t l e attention. T i b e t a n s assume t h a t

saddhus have powers which might prove dangerous.

T o u r i s t s have been the major c o n t r i b u t o r s t o the p r o s p e r i t y of

McLeod Ganj and the p r o s p e r i t y of Dharmsala i n g e n e r a l . When I left

McLeod Ganj i n May, 1981, t h e r e were t h i r t e e n T i b e t a n r e s t a u r a n t s , two

Indian restaurants, s e v e r a l tea s t a l l s , nine Tibetan t o u r i s t h o t e l s ,

one I n d i a n s t a t e h o t e l , and numerous T i b e t a n shops and stalls. Some

o f the h o t e l s and r e s t a u r a n t s s p o r t e d T i b e t a n names l i k e " K a i l a s h

H o t e l " , "Kokonor R e s t a u r a n t " , "Om Restaurant", and "Kunga Restaurant".

Others have more Westernized names: "Green Guest House", "Tibetan

Memory R e s t a u r a n t " , " H o t e l T i b e t " , "Rainbow H o t e l " , "Friends"! Corner",

"Crazy Horse", o r , as i t i s commonly r e f e r r e d to - "Samdup's Thukpa

P a l a c e " , and " L a s t Chance", so named because i t was the last

restaurant along the Bhagsu Road. I n 1979-1980, some of these

r e s t a u r a n t s f e a t u r e d p o s t e r s of Bruce Lee on t h e i r w a l l s , while others

waited f o r the s e a s o n a l influx of the orange-robed f o l l o w e r s o f the

I n d i a n guru Rajneesh to b r i g h t e n t h e i r interiors. The hotels and

r e s t a u r a n t s are f i l l e d during the peak season. Few restaurants permit

the d i n e r to e a t unaccompanied by rock or d i s c o music. Many N o r t h

American and European t o u r i s t s remark on the q u a l i t y of this music

since, i n McLeod G a n j , one Is l i k e l y to hear both the l a t e s t Western

music h i t s and venerable rock-and-roll classics. One r e s t a u r a n t had a

television s e t on which one c o u l d watch re-runs of American television

series, S o v i e t w r e s t l i n g , and a v a r i e t y of other forms o f

entertainment. With the i n t r o d u c t i o n of v i d e o - c a s s e t t e players to

Dharmsala, the f a v o r i t e f a r e i s purported to be cowboy movies and

mons t e r movies.

Young (and middle-aged) T i b e t a n men dress f o r everyday i n Western

style. Blue jeans, denim j a c k e t s , down v e s t s , and down j a c k e t s a r e

h i g h l y p r i z e d items. Some of these a r t i c l e s are purchased from

tourists; o t h e r s come from refugee a i d s o c i e t i e s . A few young women

dare to wear b l u e j e a n s , but most wear the T i b e t a n phyu-pa (chupa), a

s l e e v e d or s l e e v e l e s s c l o a k . The s k i r t of t h i s c l o a k i s h i t c h e d

t i g h t l y a t the back o f the w a i s t , p r o v i d i n g the wearer w i t h two deep

 41

back p l e a t s which permit f r e e and e l e g a n t movement. In T i b e t , a

woman's phyu-pa was a voluminous garment which allowed f o r the swell

of pregnancy. I n e x i l e , however, o n l y o l d e r o r pregnant women wear

the t r a d i t i o n a l v e r s i o n . Young women p r e f e r t h e i r phyu-pas t o be

p r e c i s e l y t a i l o r e d and t i g h t - f i t t i n g .

Men's phyu-pas a r e always s l e e v e d and s h o r t e r than a r e women's.

The l e n g t h and number o f f o l d s i n t h e back o f a man's phyu-pa may

i n d i c a t e h i s o f f i c e , age, and r e g i o n a l d e r i v a t i o n . Young men do n o t

r e j e c t t h i s n a t i o n a l garment, but tend t o wear i t on o f f i c i a l and

r e l i g i o u s occasions. The f a i l u r e o f these "cosmopolitan" Dharmsala

T i b e t a n s t o appear r e g u l a r l y on McLeod Ganj s t r e e t s i n e x c l u s i v e l y

t r a d i t i o n a l garb has d i s a p p o i n t e d a number o f t o u r i s t s and

journalists. A young female photographer who was attempting t o put

t o g e t h e r a photo-documentary on T i b e t a n s i n e x i l e , c o n f i d e d t o me t h a t

whenever she s i g h t e d , through t h e l e n s o f h e r camera, a p a i r o f b l u e

jeans on a T i b e t a n , t h e camera " a u t o m a t i c a l l y " turned away. She

decided t h a t t h e monks were t h e o n l y a u t h e n t i c r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f

Tibet. A N a t i o n a l Geographic photographer turned up i n McLeod Ganj

and was unable t o f i n d what he c o n s i d e r e d t o be " t r a d i t i o n a l Tibetan

f a c e s " t o photograph. As a l a s t r e s o r t , he approached t h e d i r e c t o r o f

TIPA and asked t o photograph t h e p e r f o r m e r s i n t h e i r costumes. An

a n t h r o p o l o g i s t who a r r i v e d i n McLeod Ganj s h o r t l y a f t e r my departure,

commented t o a f r i e n d o f mine, a f t e r a s t a y o f o n l y a few weeks, t h a t

the T i b e t a n s i n McLeod Ganj had o n l y a "memory c u l t u r e " and t h a t

T i b e t a n t r a d i t i o n s had o b v i o u s l y f a d e d . A s o c i o l o g i s t who was a

student o f T i b e t a n Buddhism c l a i m e d t h a t he never e n t e r e d a restaurant

 42

i n McLeod Ganj s i n c e one was c e r t a i n t o c o n t r a c t h e p a t i t i s i n such

places. He p r e f e r r e d t o e a t a t a dharma s t u d e n t s ' mess near the

T i b e t a n L i b r a r y , and passed through McLeod Ganj o n l y w i t h o t h e r dharma

s t u d e n t s on t h e i r way up t o a m e d i t a t i o n house b e l o n g i n g t o a Western

Buddhist organzation.

A f t e r spending approximately two and o n e - h a l f y e a r s i n the f i e l d ,

I d i d not share the i m p r e s s i o n s o f t h e s e other Western v i s i t o r s . I

sensed even b e f o r e I a r r i v e d i n McLeod Ganj t h a t my f i e l d work would

not be so easy. On t h e one hand, McLeod Ganj was not a remote v i l l a g e

t h a t c o u l d be reached o n l y a f t e r a week's t r e k from an a i r p o r t . It

boasted l u x u r i e s many f i e l d w o r k e r s can o n l y dream o f , t h e o c c a s i o n a l

hot shower, a f o u r - h o u r bus r i d e t o a t r a i n s t a t i o n , a fourteen-hour

bus r i d e t o D e l h i , good f o o d , an i n v i g o r a t i n g c l i m a t e coupled w i t h

m a g n i f i c e n t scenery, a c o s m o p o l i t a n atmosphere, " f r i e n d l y n a t i v e s " ,

and the p o s s i b i l i t y o f speaking t o another Westerner i f one so wished.

On the o t h e r hand, McLeod Ganj o r Upper Dharmsala, does not p r e s e n t

i t s e l f as a v i l l a g e whose i n h a b i t a n t s a r e homogeneous i n d i a l e c t ,

r e g i o n a l o r i g i n , o r n a i v e t e towards s c h o l a r s . Westerners have been

coming t o Dharmsala as r e f u g e e a i d s o c i e t y workers, h e a l t h s e r v i c e

p r o f e s s i o n a l s , sponsors, t o u r i s t s , j o u r n a l i s t s , and s c h o l a r s s i n c e

1960. Students o f T i b e t a n Buddhism began t o a r r i v e i n number i n the

e a r l y 1970's, when t h e L i b r a r y o f T i b e t a n Works and A r c h i v e s began t o

o f f e r courses. Thus, many r e s i d e n t s ( T i b e t a n and o t h e r w i s e ) o f Upper

Dharmsala have f i r m n o t i o n s o f what s c h o l a r s study or what i s r e l e v a n t

to scholarly interest. C e r t a i n T i b e t a n s such as major o r a c l e s , lamas,

and p h y s i c i a n s have been b e s i e g e d w i t h q u e s t i o n s from both s e r i o u s and

 43

i d l e seekers. A c c o r d i n g l y , they have e s s e n t i a l l y s t a n d a r d i z e d their

answers o r become adept a t d i s m i s s i n g i n q u i r i e s .

T i b e t a n s a r e q u i t e w e l l - v e r s e d i n t h e i r p r e s e n t a t i o n of s e l f , and

c o n s c i o u s o f the p r o l i f e r a t i o n s o f t h e i r "image" i n world o p i n i o n .

C e r t a i n techniques of f i e l d r e s e a r c h a r e , thus, simply not applicable.

A l t h o u g h I requested and r e c e i v e d p e r m i s s i o n to t a p e - r e c o r d specific

i n t e r v i e w s , I d i s c o v e r e d t h a t I c o u l d n o t walk o r s i t about with a

s p i r a l notebook, and w r i t e i n f r o n t of o t h e r s . T h i s type of a c t i v i t y ,

I was c a u t i o n e d , "would make people nervous." Questionnaires and

s t a t i s t i c a l surveys r e p r e s e n t o t h e r f u t i l e r e s e a r c h s t r a t e g i e s f o r

Dharmsala. A Western d o c t o r working i n McLeod Ganj was interested In

the m e d i c a l treatment c h o i c e s of T i b e t a n s , and wished to g a i n some

u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the frequency of and c o n t e x t f o r a p p l i c a t i o n to

d i v i n e r s and o r a c l e s . To t h i s end, he developed a q u e s t i o n n a i r e , and

employed both T i b e t a n nurses who worked w i t h him a t h i s c l i n i c and

young T i b e t a n s on l e a v e from c o l l e g e to conduct the s u r v e y . To h i s

dismay, however, he found t h a t the T i b e t a n nurses denied t h a t any

o r a c l e s e x i s t e d i n Dharmsala, and the c o l l e g e s t u d e n t s were not

e n t h u s i a s t i c about t h e i r t a s k . These students r e p o r t e d to the d o c t o r

t h a t the McLeod Ganj T i b e t a n s were not i n c l i n e d to respond to s u r v e y s .

T i b e t a n s a l s o have t h e i r own view of Westerners. The Red Cross

and v a r i o u s r e f u g e e a i d s o c i e t y workers who were on hand i n the e a r l y

1960's, a s s i s t i n g the r e f u g e e s , prompted the T i b e t a n s to d e v i s e a

nickname f o r those people (especially those who were American) - "USA

pag-pa rgyu-ma" o r "USA pork sausage". A less physically

disparaging but nonetheless s i g n i f i c a n t l a b e l a p p l i e d to most

Westerners by T i b e t a n s i s " I n j e e " (Russians a r e r e f e r r e d to as

"Ursu"). " I n j e e " n e a t l y combines " E n g l i s h speaker" w i t h "farengee" or

" f o r e i g n e r " i n H i n d i and Urdu. The connotations c a r r i e d by this label

range from p o s i t i v e to n e g a t i v e . When T i b e t a n s c h o o l c h i l d r e n a r e

cautioned t h a t an " I n j e e " i s coming, they may well associate the

" I n j e e " w i t h a sbyin-bdag or sponsor, a Westerner who sponsors their

s c h o o l i n g and should be respected.

However, " I n j e e Sgom-pa" - a Western monastery, " I n j e e a n i "

f o r a Western nun, and " I n j e e grwa-pa" - a Western monk, a r e a l l

d e s i g n a t i o n s which tend to impugn the s t a t u s of the signified.

Tibetans do r e s p e c t Westerners who take monastic vows and adopt

monastic dress i f they c o n s i d e r the Westerners to be serious students

of Buddhism who isolate themselves from the b u s t l e of McLeod Ganj and

s u b s i s t on a d i e t o f tsamba, r o a s t e d b a r l e y f l o u r . But a number of

Tibetans are acquainted with the Westerner who likes to t r y out the

r o l e of a monk o r nun f o r a few weeks. " I n j e e " becomes an extremely

d i s p a r a g i n g a d j e c t i v e when a p p l i e d by T i b e t a n parents or by monk

s c h o o l teachers to s t y l e of d r e s s , h a i r , music, dance, and parties

enjoyed by young T i b e t a n s .

A l t h o u g h disco-dances were bi-weekly a f f a i r s i n Dharmsala a t the

time I l e f t the f i e l d , they c o n t i n u e to I n s p i r e the o b j e c t i o n s of some

Tibetans. A young TCV lady teacher described the f i r s t such dances

h e l d i n McLeod G a n j . According to her, a l l of the o l d people of

McLeod Ganj peered through the windows o f the T i b e t a n r e s t a u r a n t where

the dance was b e i n g h e l d , and conveyed unfavourable r e p o r t s of the

event to the parents (who might be l i v i n g i n o t h e r s e t t l e m e n t s ) of the

 45

dancers. Some T i b e t a n mothers i n s t r u c t t h e i r s m a l l c h i l d r e n to c r y

" I n j e e Gdug-chag" ("Bad I n j e e " ) to Westerners who might walk up the

path from McLeod Ganj to a TIPA dance. But, on the o t h e r hand, d i s c o

dances have proved to be s u c c e s s f u l fund r a i s e r s , and these days many

people t r y to a r r a n g e them.

- An i n t e r e s t i n g l a b e l a p p l i e d to Westerners d e r i v e s from T i b e t a n

cosmology. For a j o k e , TIPA students began to r e f e r to non-Tibetans as

klu, the sub-human guardians o f w e a l t h , water, l a n d , and f e r t i l i t y .

I n the T i b e t a n opera Pema Womba (Pad-ma 'Aod-'abar), different

c o l o r e d k l u s i n k the s h i p b e l o n g i n g to the hero's father. The TIPA

performers, t a k i n g these k l u as t h e i r r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s , d e c i d e d to

classify f o r e i g n e r s a c c o r d i n g to c o l o r o f k l u . Hence, Europeans

became red k l u , Americans became y e l l o w k l u , A f r i c a n s became b l a c k

k l u , and A s i a n s became white k l u . T h i s symbolic l i n k i n g , thus,

p r e s e n t s non-Tibetans as sub-human b u t p o w e r f u l , n o t c o m p l e t e l y

s e n t i e n t , q u i c k to anger, wealthy, obsessed w i t h hygiene, and people

to whom one should show r e s p e c t and around whom one must e x e r c i s e

caution.

F u r t h e r E x p l o r a t i o n s o f the Western-Tibetan I n t e r f a c e

DeVoe (1983), a f t e r i n v e s t i g a t i n g the success o f the T i b e t a n

refugee community i n c o n t i n u i n g to secure s u b s t a n t i a l amounts o f

f u n d i n g from i n t e r n a t i o n a l a i d o r g a n i z a t i o n s , has concluded that

continued i n t e r n a t i o n a l a i d may be understood i n l i g h t o f Maussian

t h e o r i e s o f g i f t exchange. Where T i b e t a n s d i s t i n g u i s h themselves from

o t h e r refugee groups In q u a l i f y i n g as "worthy" r e c i p i e n t s is in their

i n g e n u i t y a t " r e t u r n i n g " the donor's g i f t , whether t h i s r e t u r n g i f t ,

for example, i s the c o m p l e t i o n of a new classroom, a photograph of a

sponsored c h i l d w i t h h i s o r her new item o f c l o t h i n g , o r an o r g a n i z e d

r e c e p t i o n f o r the donor's v i s i t to I n d i a , the donor i s a s s u r e d that

the g i f t g i v e n i s b e i n g put to the donor's intended use. DeVoe

suggests t h a t t h i s assurance, i n whatever m a n i f e s t a t i o n , complements

the gift.

However, she a l s o c i t e s the i n c o n g r u i t y o f T i b e t a n and Western

understandings of g i f t exchange. T h i s i n c o n g r u i t y , as we shall see,

r e s u l t s from the e x p e c t a t i o n on the p a r t of Westerners and Tibetans

t h a t the g i f t serves as the i d e n t i c a l symbolic o p e r a t o r f o r two

fundamentally d i s t i n c t " p r e s t i g e systems" ( B u r r i d g e 1969:133).

A c l a s s i c example of what DeVoe r e f e r s to as the " b a s i c

dissonance i n T i b e t a n and Western u n d e r s t a n d i n g of g i f t exchange"

(1983:108) was o c c a s i o n e d by the a r r i v a l of a Westerner who was one

c h i l d ' s sponsor (sbyin-bdag o r " g i f t - g i v e r " ) i n the s c h o o l complex

where the c h i l d was enrolled. These o c c a s i o n s can r i s e to minor

s p e c t a c l e s when the sponsor unbundles h i s o r her bounty o f gifts

(clothing, food, watches, toys) intended f o r one c h i l d b e f o r e an

audience including non-recipient children. I n one particular case,

the sponsor

was d i s t r e s s e d to c a t c h ' h i s ' " T i b e t a n c h i l d s h a r i n g amongst

h i s f r i e n d s the p r e s e n t s the sponsor had j u s t g i v e n him.
Here, the young s t u d e n t had i n a d v e r t e n t l y d i s c o v e r e d h i s
sponsor's r u l e — t h a t the g i f t s he g i v e s a r e s i n g u l a r l y
d i r e c t e d to him and n o t to be shared or...passed down the
l i n e (1983:112).
 The sponsor's e x p e c t a t i o n s of a r e t u r n on h i s g i f t would, t o a

c e r t a i n extent, devolve from h i s a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n and

a n t i c i p a t i o n of p r e s e n t i n g the g i f t to the c h i l d . But more

i m p o r t a n t l y , DeVoe suggests, the knowledge t h a t the sponsored child

would take e x c l u s i v e d e l i g h t i n the g i f t p r o v i d e s the sponsor w i t h a

s i g n i f i c a n t r e t u r n on h i s gift.

According t o the donor's p r e s t i g e system, the c h i l d ' s s t a t u s

would be enhanced by h i s or her e x c l u s i v e p o s s e s s i o n of the g i f t . In

the T i b e t a n c o n t e x t , however, the Western sponsor c o u l d be viewed as

denying the c h i l d the r i g h t to pass p a r t or a l l of the g i f t "down the

line." T h i s d e n i a l prevents the c h i l d (and, i n d i r e c t l y , the sponsor)

from assuming the h i g h e r s t a t u s T i b e t a n i d e o l o g y would c o n f e r upon the

initiator of g i f t s "passed down the line".

A second example a r i s e s from a t h r e e month s e s s i o n of dharma

t e a c h i n g s h e l d February through A p r i l 1982, and sponsored by a Western

dharma o r g a n i z a t i o n . The t e a c h i n g s were h e l d i n Dharmsala, where the

o r g a n i z a t i o n maintains a c e n t r e , and c o n s i s t e d of a graded s e r i e s of

initiations (dbang) g i v e n by prominent T i b e t a n lamas ( i n c l u d i n g

the D a l a i Lama). The p r e l i m i n a r y t e a c h i n g s were h e l d i n the main

temple i n Dharmsala, w h i l e more advanced t e a c h i n g s were conducted a t

the dharma c e n t r e itself.

DeVoe d e s c r i b e s the t e a c h i n g of Buddhism as "one of the highest

gifts one can g i v e " (1983:108) i n T i b e t a n s o c i e t y :

P a t t e r n e d on the o l d T i b e t a n way, T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s i n the

f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n t o do so w i l l sponsor t e a c h i n g s . That
means they w i l l pay the lamas' expenses and f e e s f o r p u t t i n g
on the t e a c h i n g and c a l l f o r the p u b l i c t o a t t e n d , u s u a l l y
 48

g i v i n g refreshments a f t e r w a r d s . In the T i b e t a n custom,

everyone i s welcome t o hear the t e a c h i n g s . Some may make
t h e i r own o f f e r i n g s of items o r rupees when the t e a c h i n g i s
over, but by no means w i l l a l l do t h i s , nor i s i t a f i x e d
and mandatory f e e (1983:108).

The p r e l i m i n a r y t e a c h i n g s provoked amazement i n the T i b e t a n

community and c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r o v e r s y when T i b e t a n s d i s c o v e r e d how

the dharma o r g a n i z a t i o n c o n t r o l l e d a c c e s s t o them. The dharma

o r g a n i z a t i o n s t a t i o n e d i t s " t i c k e t - t a k e r s " a t a l l temple e n t r y p o i n t s .

These " t i c k e t - t a k e r s " demanded s t u b s of any Westerners attempting to

g a i n a c c e s s to the temple to hear the t e a c h i n g s ; the s t u b s being proof

of payment by would-be i n i t i a t e s t o the t e a c h i n g s . While T i b e t a n s

were exempted from having t o produce any s t u b s , i t was the f i r s t time

t h a t Westerners outnumbered T i b e t a n s a t a r e l i g i o u s event inside the

main temple ( T i b e t a n Review :1982b). T i b e t a n s who witnessed several

Westerners p h y s i c a l l y r e s t r a i n e d from e n t e r i n g the temple by the

" t i c k e t - t a k e r s " were shocked a t t h i s new Western i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of

T i b e t a n Buddhism. T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n maintained that "to r e c e i v e a

t e a c h i n g , each i n d i v i d u a l had to o f f e r or g i v e the same amount of

money" (1983:109).

T h i s new Western i n t e r p r e t a t i o n broke the " e t h i c a l l y acceptable

code of o f f e r e d t e a c h i n g s " among T i b e t a n s - t h a t "those endowed w i t h

the wealth o f f e r t o sponsor the t e a c h i n g s ; the lamas i n t u r n a r e

t h u s l y i n a p o s i t i o n to o f f e r the t e a c h i n g s to a l l who seek i t "

(1983:109). DeVoe h i g h l i g h t s what she r e f e r s t o as the v i o l a t i o n of

a " t a c i t r u l e of g i f t exchange by p i c k i n g out those who 'deserved' the

t e a c h i n g by how much they had paid f o r i t " (1983:110). Furthermore,

o
 49

the payments f o r the teachings were absorbed by the dharma c e n t r e

itself, and were not p r e s e n t e d to the " r e v e r e d lamas who gave

teachings i n the temple!" (1983:110).

DeVoe notes t h a t T i b e t a n s never s t i p u l a t e t h a t r e c i p i e n t s of a

public religious t e a c h i n g must somehow " q u a l i f y " themselves f o r the

r o l e by p u r c h a s i n g a ticket.

-a

R e g a r d l e s s of the l e v e l o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g i n d i v i d u a l s come
i n t o a t e a c h i n g w i t h , a l l who hear i t w i l l b e n e f i t i n some
way from i t , T i b e t a n s s a y , and t h e i r v e r y attendance w i l l i n
t u r n c o n t r i b u t e to the betterment of a l l o t h e r human b e i n g s
(1983:110).

Thus, the dharma c e n t r e i n q u e s t i o n v i o l a t e d the norms of g i v i n g .

To extend the i m p l i c a t i o n s of this v i o l a t i o n a b i t further, the dharma

c e n t r e might be seen as f a i l i n g to s u b s c r i b e to r e q u i s i t e Tibetan

hierarchical principles. These p r i n c i p l e s e n j o i n the sponsor to both

"offer up" (mchod-pa p u l - b a ) and " g i v e down" (dge-ba gtong-ba).

The behaviour of the dharma c e n t r e members, the would-be sponsors of

the t e a c h i n g s , was more untoward f o r t h e i r r e f u s a l to a l l o w the gift

to " t r i c k l e down".

The c o n c l u s i o n of this three month course of dharma i n s t r u c t i o n

p r o v i d e s a t h i r d example of " b a s i c d i s s o n a n c e " i n T i b e t a n and Western

u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f g i f t exchange, an example which DeVoe does n o t

m e n t i o n , b u t one which s t i r r e d c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n t r o v e r s y and a

f i v e - m o n t h s p a t e of l e t t e r s to the e d i t o r of the T i b e t a n Review.

The i n c i d e n t o c c u r r e d d u r i n g a d i s c o - d a n c e g i v e n a t the T i b e t a n

I n s t i t u t e of P e r f o r m i n g A r t s and intended as a b e n e f i t for the dharma

c e n t r e which sponsored the t e a c h i n g s . Those a t t e n d i n g the dance

i n c l u d e d approximately 300 Westerners, and among those 300 were a

number of Western dharma students who had participated i n the three

month course and who had r e c e i v e d s e v e r a l dbangs (initiations).

Now, anyone may be p r e s e n t a t p r e l i m i n a r y Buddhist teachings and

d e r i v e b e n e f i t from such t e a c h i n g s , but i n order to be i n i t i a t e d into

higher teachings, t h a t i s , to r e c e i v e a dbang, one must make c e r t a i n

vows. The students who participated i n the course d e s i r e d these

i n i t i a t i o n s and, therefore, formally subscribed to p r e l i m i n a r y

monastic vows. T h e i r adoption of these vows was s i g n i f i e d by their

adoption of the h a b i t s o f B u d d h i s t monks and nuns.

When the band (The Subterranean Vajrahammer) began to p l a y ,

however, these students shed t h e i r h a b i t s i n a backroom of the

performance h a l l , donned t - s h i r t s and b l u e j e a n s , and danced. Several

young T i b e t a n s present, I n c l u d i n g the e d i t o r of the T i b e t a n Review,

witnessed t h i s costume t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . I n subsequent weeks, p o s t e r s

were d i s p l a y e d i n McCleod Ganj r e q u e s t i n g those who had taken vinaya

vows (the vows of i n i t i a t i o n ) not to a t t e n d d i s c o - d a n c e s , while the

e d i t o r found a good d e a l o f fodder f o r h i s r e p e r t o r i a l cannon. Almost

a l l of the T i b e t a n l e t t e r s i n response to the e d i t o r ' s r e p o r t were

h i g h l y c r i t i c a l o f the "dancing monks" (as they came to be called),

while those of Westerners were d i v i d e d i n o p i n i o n . The g i s t of a

number of the T i b e t a n l e t t e r s e s s e n t i a l l y c r i t i c i z e d the Western monks

and nuns f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e to r e s p e c t the " g i f t " (the teachings and

i n i t i a t i o n s ) which had been g i v e n to them by their public symbolic

disavowal ( t h e shedding of monastic h a b i t ) of t h e i r "offering" - their

 51

monas t i c vows.

Cosmology

The p r e - B u d d h i s t Botipo T i b e t a n cosmos c o n s i s t e d o f a tri-partlte

hierarchy: the upper world o f the white l h a ( g o d s ) ; the middle world

o f the y e l l o w gnyen ( t r e e and r o c k s p i r i t s ) and humans; and the lower

world o f the b l u e k l u . The l h a i n c l u d e d g r e a t e r and l e s s e r gods,

such as those o f the mountains as opposed to those o f the r o c k s , l o c a l

p r o t e c t i v e d e i t i e s , and gods o f war (dgra-lha). The middle world

was i n h a b i t e d by a number of ambiguously c a t e g o r i z e d numina such as

the b t s a n . T u c c i (1980) f i n d s no s t r i c t demarcation between, f o r

example, b t s a n and k l u . C e r t a i n b t s a n have been d e s c r i b e d to me,

however, as the progeny o f c r o s s - w o r l d m a r r i a g e s between humans and

k l u , which would p l a c e these b t s a n as h i e r a r c h i c a l m e d i a t o r s . Other

b t s a n a r e the ghosts o f humans who have d i e d i n b a t t l e . Btsan,

a c c o r d i n g to a Dharmsala cave m e d i t a t o r , a r e the guardians o f one's

personal I n t e g r i t y . I f , f o r example, someone i s p e r f o r m i n g a

r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l , but the b t s a n o b s e r v i n g the person f i n d s h i s o r her

i n t e n t i o n s q u e s t i o n a b l e , the b t s a n w i l l harm t h a t person. Btsan a r e

known to be i n t o l e r a n t and short-tempered, b u t t h e i r i n t e r e s t s appear

to l i e w i t h i n t e g r i t y o r l e g i t i m a c y o f one's a c t i o n s . "Btsan", as

w i l l be i l l u s t r a t e d i n Chapter V I I I , i s a l s o a common component o f the

names o f the d i v i n e T i b e t a n k i n g s . The lower world was i n h a b i t e d by

klu, the guardians o f the s o i l and water, who are reponsible f o r

r a i n , snow, h a i l , and the f e r t i l i t y of the l a n d . In r e l a t i o n to

 52

humans, each l e v e l of the Bonpo cosmos c o n t a i n e d numina who might be

e i t h e r p r o t e c t i v e or dangerous.

T h i s t r i - p a r t i t e cosmology i s r e s p e c t e d i n everyday contemporary

Tibetan r i t u a l practice. B e f o r e a T i b e t a n , f o r example, s i p s h i s

first cup o f chang ( b a r l e y b e e r ) , he employs the t h i r d f i n g e r of h i s

l e f t hand t o f l i c k t h r e e drops of the l i q u o r i n t o the a i r . The first

drop i s an o f f e r i n g t o the b e i n g s of the upper w o r l d ; the second, t o

those of the middle world; and the t h i r d , t o the d e n i z e n s of the lower

world. S i m i l a r l y , T i b e t a n L o - g s a r (New Year) t r a d i t i o n d i c t a t e s that

each household d i s p l a y a phye-mar on the a l t a r . Phye-mar i s a

d e c o r a t e d wooden box d i v i d e d i n t o two compartments, one containing

wheat f l o u r mixed w i t h b u t t e r , the o t h e r c o n t a i n i n g tsamba (roasted

b a r l e y f l o u r ) mixed w i t h b u t t e r . On the f i r s t day o f the new year,

each household member t a k e s a p i n c h o f wheat f l o u r and f l i c k s i t t h r e e

times i n the a i r w i t h the thumb and second f i n g e r of the r i g h t hand,

and r e p e a t s the o f f e r i n g w i t h a p i n c h o f the b a r l e y f l o u r . Anyone

paying the customary Lo-gsar v i s i t t o the household w i l l be

immediately d i r e c t e d t o the f a m i l y a l t a r , where the v i s i t o r w i l l offer

phye-mar t o the t h r e e realms as a s i g n o f f e l i c i t a t i o n s t o the

household.

Buddhism i n t r o d u c e d the I n d i a n pantheon t o T i b e t . Subsequently,

each o f the t h r e e Bonpo d i v i s i o n s o f the cosmos was more or l e s s

b i f u r c a t e d , y i e l d i n g s i x p o s s i b l e domains f o r a s o u l ' s r e b i r t h . These

domains a r e known c o l l e c t i v e l y by the S a n s k r i t term samsara. The

s i x domains a r e p o r t r a y e d i c o n o g r a p h i c a l l y i n the B u d d h i s t wheel o f

life.
 53

In descending o r d e r of s u p e r i o r i t y or preferred existence

a c c o r d i n g to common d o c t r i n a l interpretation are the following:

(1) L h a - y u l , the land o f the gods

(2) Lha-ma-yin-yul, the l a n d o f the w a r - l i k e titans (Sanskrit,

asura)

(3) Mi-yul, the world o f humans (mi)

(4) K l u - y u l , the realm o f the k l u and animals

(5) Y i - d w a g s - y u l , the realm of the hungry ghosts

(6) Mya-ba, the B u d d h i s t h e l l s

With the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Buddhism to T i b e t , the d o c t r i n e of the

t r a n s m i g r a t i o n of s o u l s o r metempsychosis and karma i n f l u e n c e d T i b e t a n

cosmology. A c c o r d i n g to t h i s d o c t r i n e , each s o u l (rnam-shes) is

s u b j e c t e d to an e n d l e s s c y c l e of r e b i r t h s (samsara) unless i t can

a t t a i n enlightenment, nirvana. One i s born i n t o one of these

c o s m o l o g i c a l n i c h e s a c c o r d i n g to o n e ' s a c c u m u l a t i o n s of m e r i t

(bsod-nams) and s i n ( d i k p a ) . When a d e n i z e n o f one of these

realms d i e s , h i s or her rnam-shes e n t e r s a l i m b o - l i k e p e r i o d known as

bar-do ("between s t a t e s " ) f o r a p e r i o d o f 49 d a y s . Upon the

completion of this period, the rnam-shes e n t e r s another realm.

Gshin-rje, the L o r d o f D e a t h , i s supposed to weigh o n e ' s merits

a g a i n s t o n e ' s s i n s to determine the c i r c u m s t a n c e s of o n e ' s rebirth

(Schlagintweit 1968:93), but the p r a y e r s o f B u d d h i s t monks and lamas

are thought to be a b l e to a s s i s t the rnam-shes t r a v e l i n g through

bar-do to a c h i e v e a good r e b i r t h .

Once enlightenment i s a c h i e v e d , however, the s o u l can transcend

the c y c l e of r e b i r t h s a l t o g e t h e r . I n T i b e t a n Buddhist ideology,

however, s e v e r a l o p t i o n s o b t a i n f o r the e n l i g h t e n e d s o u l . There a r e ,

f o r example, beings who have transcended the realm o f r e b i r t h s , but

who a r e not f u l l y e n l i g h t e n e d . Others become human emanations o f

B o d h i s a t t v a s , and may r e t u r n to samsara out o f compassion to a s s i s t

others i n obtaining salvation.

There i s a d i v i s i o n o f the B u d d h i s t heaven i n t o l e v e l s which

e x i s t above o r d i n a r y l h a - y u l , and transcend the realm o f samsara.

The supreme l e v e l i s t h a t of the A d i Buddha or V a j r a d h a r a (Rdo-rje

'Achang), the e t e r n a l Buddha. Beneath the A d i Buddha i s the level

of the thousand Dhyani Buddhas, who correspond to the Buddhas teaching

on e a r t h . Of these Dhyani Buddhas, f i v e a r e known to t h i s p e r i o d o f

the u n i v e r s e : Amitabha ('Aod-dpag-med), V a i r o c a n a

(Rnam-par-snang-mdzad), Ratnasambhava (Rin-chen 'Abyung-ldan),

Amoghasiddhi (Don-yod-grub-pa), and Aksobhya (Mi-Bskyod-pa).

The next l e v e l i n descending order i s t h a t of the Dhyani B o d h i s a t t v a s ,

who are considered to be the " s p i r i t u a l sons" of the Dhyani Buddhas

( S c h l a g i n t w e i t 1968:52). A Buddha t e a c h i n g on e a r t h i s s u b j e c t to the

physical limitations experienced by humans and, thus, may die. I t is

the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the Dhyani B o d h i s a t t v a s to c o n t i n u e the work of

the e a r t h l y Buddha u n t i l the next Buddha a p p e a r s . The f o u r t h and most

r e c e n t Buddha to appear on e a r t h was Sakyamuni. H i s Dhyani Buddha i s

Amitabha, and h i s Dhyani B o d h i s a t t v a i s Avalokitesvara

(Spyan-ras-gzigs). Since the D a l a i Lama i s c o n s i d e r e d to be the

i n c a r n a t i o n of A v a l o k i t e s v a r a , he r e p r e s e n t s the c o n t i n u a t i o n on e a r t h

of the work o f Sakyamuni.

 Ten stages o f v a r y i n g degrees o f enlightenment s e p a r a t e the

B o d h i s a t t v a s from the lowest l e v e l o f t r a n s c e n d e n t heavens. The

lowest o f these heavens i s i n h a b i t e d by chos-skyongs ("oracles"),

mkh'a-'agro-mas (khandromas), "sky-going goddesses", and mgon-pos,

various protectors of r e l i g i o n . These v a r i o u s Buddhas and stages o f

Buddhahood a r e r e f e r r e d to c o l l o q u i a l l y as the ' g r e a t e r l h a ' .

F o r those s u b j e c t to samsara, o n l y a r e b i r t h i n the lowest o f

heavens may be a n t i c i p a t e d , that of sensual d e l i g h t s , not of

enlightened understanding. Though these gods enjoy a l l manner o f

s e n s u a l d e l i g h t s and l e a d a b l i s s f u l e x i s t e n c e , t h e i r tenure i n t h i s

realm is finite. When a god o r goddess exhausts h i s or her store of

m e r i t , he o r she d i e s . A week b e f o r e a god d i e s , he s i c k e n s and i s

shunned by h i s f e l l o w gods, and death i s , t h e r e f o r e , as m i s e r a b l e f o r

a god as i t i s f o r a human. H i s s o u l may be r e b o r n a g a i n as a god o r

as a l e s s e r b e i n g .

Lha-ma-yin means l i t e r a l l y "god n o t i t i s " , and the lha-ma-yin

rank below the l h a b u t above humans. T h e i r realm i s c o n s i d e r e d to be

almost e q u i v a l e n t to t h a t o f the l h a i n i t s s e n s u a l d e l i g h t s . But

lha-ma-yin have a m a r t i a l n a t u r e and c o n s t a n t l y war upon each o t h e r

and envy the l h a , who enjoy h i g h e r s t a t u s and possess the f r u i t o f

the w i s h - g r a n t i n g t r e e . A c c o r d i n g to Waddell (1974:82), the

lha-ma-yin a r e f a t e d to d i e waging a war they cannot win a g a i n s t the

lha, and b i r t h i n t o t h i s realm f o l l o w s f o r those who boasted "during

t h e i r human c a r e e r " o f t h e i r s u p e r i o r p i e t y .

The human realm i s d e p i c t e d by Buddhists as one r i f e w i t h e i g h t

major m i s e r i e s : ( 1 ) b i r t h ; (2) o l d age; (3) s i c k n e s s ; (4) death;

 56

ENLIGHTENED BEINGS

MKH'A-'AGRO-MAS MGON-POS / SEMI-INUGHTENEO BEINGS

CHOS-SKYONGS

iiiHiiiQuAnitainii^^

LHA-YUl (WORLD O F THE GODS) S A M S A R A (REALM O f REBIRTHS)

LHA-MA-YIN-YUL (WORLD O F THE TITANS)

RGYAL-POS
(ghosts of apostate lamas)

. MI-YUL (WORLD OF HUMANS)

BTSAN (ghosts of slain warriors)

GHOSTS
BTSAN

t
(progeny of cross-world marriages

between humans and klu)

KLU-YUL (WORLD OF THE SERPENT BEINGS A N D SA-BDAGS)

YI-DWAGS (HUNGRY GHOSTS)

MYAL-BA (BUDDHIST HELLS)

designates attachment to, but not membership in, the living human world

•^rf" designates possibility of cross-world marriage

F i g . 1, D I A G R A M O F T I B E T A N COSMOLOGY
(5) u n f u l f i l l e d desires; (6) punishments f o r moral breaches; (7)

s e p a r a t i o n from l o v e d ones and v a l u e d o b j e c t s ; and (8) o f f e n s i v e

o b j e c t s and s e n s a t i o n s (as, f o r example, 'bad s m e l l s ' ) . Immediately

beneath the human realm i s t h a t o f animals and k l u . The f a t e o f

animals i s to be the prey o r the s l a v e s o f o t h e r s . The k l u , as

p o r t r a y e d i n Buddhist iconography, s u f f e r a l o n g w i t h animals s i n c e the

k l u a r e the prey o f the Garuda, a g i g a n t i c e a g l e - l i k e bird.

The yi-dwags o r hungry ghosts e x i s t between the a n i m a l world and

the B u d d h i s t h e l l s . These hungry ghosts a r e d e p i c t e d as b i g - b e l l i e d ,

narrow-necked c r e a t u r e s w i t h t i n y mouths. Though t h e i r world i s

f i l l e d with sensual d e l i g h t s , they a r e c o n s t a n t l y ravenous since they

are unable to i n g e s t o r d i g e s t f o o d . Waddell (1974:97) notes t h a t any

food these yi-dwags swallow i s thought to burn once I n s i d e t h e i r

mouths o r to be transformed i n t o sharp c u t t i n g implements. Any water

they d r i n k i s supposed to t r a n s f o r m i n t o f l a m e s . A common e x p l a n a t i o n

of the yi-dwags p l i g h t o f f e r e d by Dharmsala T i b e t a n s i s t h a t the

t h r o a t s o f the yi-dwags a r e so t h i n t h a t they a r e a b l e to swallow only

t h e i r own mucus. These hungry ghosts have been m i s e r l y , greedy, and

envious In t h e i r former human l i v e s ; hence, they have been r e b o r n i n a

realm which m i r r o r s t h a t o f the lha-ma-yin.

The lha-ma-yin do n o t r e a l i z e t h a t they l i v e i n a v i r t u a l heaven

because they preoccupy themselves w i t h envying the gods. The yl-dwags

are c o n t i n u a l l y t a n t a l i z e d by the s e n s u a l d e l i g h t s which they cannot

enjoy. The karmic f a c t o r p r e d i s p o s i n g a s o u l to r e b i r t h as a

lha-ma-yin i s presumptuous p i e t y ; those p r e d i s p o s i n g a s o u l to r e b i r t h

as a yi-dwags a r e envy and greed.

 The B u d d h i s t h e l l s a r e c a t e g o r i z e d i n t o e i g h t c o l d and e i g h t h o t

hells. To these v a r i o u s h e l l s a r e p a r c e l l e d o u t s u i c i d e s , murderers,

" f r a u d u l e n t t r u s t e e s , t y r a n t s , i g n o r a n t p h y s i c i a n s who k i l l e d their

p a t i e n t s , " those d i s r e s p e c t f u l to t h e i r p a r e n t s , the Buddha, o r to

lamas, t h i e v e s , those who have profaned the s c r i p t u r e s , c h e a t s ,

h e r e t i c s , wasters o f food, a p o s t a t e s , and, among o t h e r s , those who

have harmed o r shed the blood of a h o l y man (Waddell 1974:98).

A v a r i e t y o f numina n o t c i t e d above a l s o p o p u l a t e the T i b e t a n

cosmos and a r e r e f e r r e d to by Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1956), T u c c i (1980),

Ekvall (1964), and o t h e r s . Many o f these s u p e r n a t u r a l s are s p e c i f i c

to c e r t a i n r e g i o n s o f T i b e t . They g e n e r a l l y i n h a b i t one o f the s i x

realms, b u t , o c c a s i o n a l l y , as i s the case w i t h btsan,^ they fall

between c a t e g o r i e s , e i t h e r as o f f s p r i n g o f c r o s s - r e a l m m a r r i a g e s o r as

ghosts.

Some Major C o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n Tibetan Buddhist Religious Structure

Though a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n o f Buddhist philosophy and monastic

p r a c t i c e i s w e l l beyond the scope o f t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , I w i l l o u t l i n e

some o f the elements o f T i b e t a n monastic o r g a n i z a t i o n and T i b e t a n

Buddhism which p l a y i n t o the i d e o l o g y o f T i b e t a n h i e r a r c h y . The

T i b e t a n monastery i t s e l f i s organized hierarchically. Monks a r e

assigned d i f f e r e n t s t a t u s e s i n accordance w i t h the precepts o f

Buddhism they have vowed to observe. A dge-tshul i s a novice, while a

dge-slong i s a f u l l y o r d a i n e d monk. Since Tibetan Buddhism

incorporates the m y s t i c a l p r a c t i c e s o f T a n t r i c s c h o o l s , monks may be

further distinguished from one another a c c o r d i n g to the r e l i g i o u s

initiations (dbang) which they have r e c e i v e d . The Dge-lugs-pa

s e c t has a f u r t h e r r e l i g i o u s t i t l e , t h a t o f dge-bshes. This title

corresponds to "Doctor o f Theology", and i s a t t a i n e d upon the

s u c c e s s f u l c o m p l e t i o n o f examinations which t e s t the c a n d i d a t e ' s

knowledge o f " l o g i c a s a b a s i c f o r m a t i v e d i s c i p l i n e " o f Dge-lugs-pa

theology, ( T u c c i 1980:111).

M i c h a e l and Knez observe t h a t the monastic o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n Tibet

provided a "broad avenue by which a l l c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s i n T i b e t a n

s o c i e t y were overcome" (1981:56). Young boys o f f i v e o r s i x y e a r s o f

age, u s u a l l y - e i t h e r middle o r youngest sons, were e l i g i b l e to e n t e r a

monastery. G i r l s were a l s o e l i g i b l e a t the age o f s i x to e n t e r

nunneries.^ E n r o l l m e n t i n the monasteries was both v o l u n t a r y and,

g

in c e r t a i n a r e a s o f T i b e t , by c o n s c r i p t i o n . Monastic service

p r e s e n t e d a commoner w i t h the means to enhance h i s s o c i a l status,

s i n c e monks a r e h i g h l y respected i n Tibetan s o c i e t y . Furthermore,

M i c h a e l and Knez c i t e monastic s e r v i c e as an o p p o r t u n i t y for a

commoner to e n t e r the " h i g h e s t administrative positions i n the

c e n t r a l , r e g i o n a l , and l o c a l governments" (1981:57). The i m p l i c a t i o n s

of this opportunity were n o t l o s t to some o f the f a m i l i e s o f the

novitiates.

Buddhism teaches t h a t proper a c t i o n ( t h a b s ) w i l l enable one

to a c q u i r e p e r f e c t knowledge ( s h e s ) which w i l l i n turn lead to the

attainment of nirvana and escape from the c y c l e o f r e b i r t h s . But

d i f f e r e n t schools o f Buddhism h o l d d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f how

proper a c t i o n should be p r a c t i c e d . In Tibet, the p i v o t a l focus o f

Buddhism became the lama or g u r u , and f o r t h i s r e a s o n , Waddell (1974),

T u c c i (1980), and o t h e r s have r e f e r r e d to Buddhism i n T i b e t as

"Lamaism". The lama t r a n s m i t s the B u d d h i s t s c r i p t u r e ( l u n g ) and

its i n t e n t to the p u p i l through h i s " l i v i n g , d i r e c t c o n t a c t " , and

awakens i n the p u p i l a " m y s t i c a l " a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the t e x t (Tucci

1980:44). S t e i n remarks t h a t a d i s c i p l e had to go from t e a c h e r to

teacher i n o r d e r to study a new d o c t r i n e o r commentary (1972:149).

Tucci likens the bond between lama and d i s c i p l e to t h a t of spiritual

f a t h e r and s o n , a r e l a t i o n s h i p which transcends any bonds o f k i n s h i p .

Paul (1982), s e i z i n g the i m p l i c a t i o n s of this relationship, finds in

it a s y m b o l i c s o l u t i o n to the O e d i p a l c o n f l i c t s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h

s u c c e s s i o n s i n c e , he c o n t e n d s , the female element i s removed from the

scene. However, on the b a s i s of T i b e t a n h i s t o r y a l o n e (as w i l l be

c o n s i d e r e d i n Chapter V I I I ) , one f i n d s t h a t there was no shortage of

c o m p e t i t i o n between the adherents o f d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t u a l lineages in

Tibet.

Samuel (1978b) observes t h a t the terra "lama" has a number of

connotations i n Tibetan s o c i e t y . He d i s t i n g u i s h e s f o u r usages of the

term: (1) the abbot of a monastery, the h o l d e r of a s e n i o r

administrative p o s t i n the monastery, o r the h o l d e r of a s e n i o r

p o s i t i o n i n the s p i r i t u a l h i e r a r c h y o f the m o n a s t e r y ' ; (2) a

governmental, r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l , and j u d i c i a l functionary such as

the D a l a i Lama; (3) a guru o r teacher o f tantric practice within the

monastery; and (4) from the l a y p e r s p e c t i v e , a m a g i c a l practitioner

who performs r i t u a l s of c u r i n g , e x o r c i s m , and guides the s o u l o f the

deceased through b a r - d o to a f o r t u n a t e r e b i r t h . Though Samuel

 61

acknowledges the I n t e r - r e l a t i o n s o f these f u n c t i o n s , he suggests a

t e l e o l o g y - t h a t the lama as a teacher e a s i l y becomes the lama as

p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t y , e s p e c i a l l y I f he has secured h i s r e p u t a t i o n as a

performer of r i t u a l s .

I m p o r t a n t l y , Samuel f u r t h e r suggests:

In the case of the most s e n i o r lamas i n h i s own monastic

o r d e r . . . t h e T h i r t e e n t h D a l a i Lama s e l e c t e d these h i m s e l f ,
w i t h o u t r e s p e c t to i n c a r n a t e - l a m a s t a t u s , from monks who had
g r a d u a l l y worked t h e i r way up through the monastic
h i e r a r c h y . The most s e n i o r of these posts (Abbot o f
Dg'a-ldan) was In some r e s p e c t s s e n i o r to the D a l a i Lama
h i m s e l f , and i t would d o u b t l e s s have been uncomfortable to
have had t h i s p o s t f i l l e d by an i n c a r n a t e - l a m a l i n e which
would be bound to c o n s t i t u t e a s e r i e s o f p o t e n t i a l r i v a l s
f o r the D a l a i Lama's own power (1978a:5).

Thus, i n T i b e t , where as Samuel (1982) suggests, the r e l i g i o u s

a s p e c t o f s o c i e t y was n o t secondary to the s e c u l a r , the lama, as a

s i g n i f i c a n t m a g i c a l p r a c t i t i o n e r and/or t e a c h e r , c o u l d e a s i l y play a

complex p o l i t i c a l role.

S e v e r a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , who have worked i n B u d d h i s t societies,

and who have s t u d i e d r i t u a l s addressed to v a r i o u s s u p e r n a t u r a l b e i n g s ,

have found the popular a t t e n t i o n p a i d to these numina to be

problematic. S p i r o (1967), i n h i s a n a l y s i s o f Burmese

s u p e r n a t u r a l i s m , appears to be convinced t h a t the Burmese simply

r e f u s e to see the I n c o n s i s t e n c i e s In the e x i s t e n c e of s u p e r n a t u r a l

beings (such as n a t s ) and the laws o f karma. Tarabiah (1977)

suggests t h a t there a r e n e c e s s a r y i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s between both beliefs

s i n c e they serve d i s t i n c t s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l i n t e r e s t s . Holmberg

(1984) has proposed t h a t among the Tamang, a N e p a l i people who

s u b s c r i b e to Buddhism, t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n i s served by the o p p o s i t i o n

between the l i v i n g and the dead. F o r the Tamang, m a g i c a l c o n t r o l o f

the s u p e r n a t u r a l i s important f o r the l i v i n g , b u t Buddhist rites

concern the dead. But I suggest t h a t the p o l i t i c a l a s p e c t o f the lama

i n T i b e t may shed some l i g h t on what has h e r e t o f o r e been observed as a

major c o n t r a d i c t i o n .
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NOTES

1. F o r a t h e o r e t i c a l treatment o f the r o l e o f the sbyin-bdag o r

Western sponsor i n T i b e t a n refugee l i f e , see DeVoe (1983).

2. F o r a thorough d i s c u s s i o n o f the e d u c a t i o n o f T i b e t a n c h i l d r e n i n
e x i l e , see Nowak (1984).

3. T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala a p p l y the terra bu (boy) to any male between

the ages o f about n i n e years and f o r t y y e a r s . T i b e t a n speakers o f
E n g l i s h o f t e n a p p l y the E n g l i s h word "boy" i n such r e f e r e n c e s . I f a
male i n t h i s age range i s known to be m a r r i e d and a f a t h e r , o r a
h o l d e r o f h i g h o f f i c e , however, the speaker w i l l employ o t h e r terms o f
r e f e r e n c e b e f i t t i n g the known s t a t u s - e.g., pho ("man"), pa-lags
( " r e s p e c t f u l terra f o r f a t h e r " - l a g s b e i n g an h o n o r i f i c s u f f i x ) , mi
("man"), sku-dngon ("high o f f i c i a l " ) , e t c . S i m i l a r l y , a young woman
between the ages o f roughly e i g h t years and t h i r t y years w i l l be
r e f e r r e d to a s bu-mo ( " g i r l " ) , u n l e s s the woman i s wearing an apron,
which s i g n i f i e s m a r r i a g e , o r i s known by t h e speaker to be m a r r i e d .
Women known to be married would be r e f e r r e d to as ama-lags; o l d e r
women would be r e f e r r e d to as mp_ o r mo-lags. P a r t i c u l a r terms o f
r e f e r e n c e a l s o d e s i g n a t e women o f h i g h b i r t h and immediate f a m i l y
members o f a D a l a i Lama.

4. The T i b e t a n Youth Congress was o r g a n i z e d i n 1970 i n response to a

speech g i v e n by the D a l a i Lama c a l l i n g f o r the need o f T i b e t a n youth
to keep i n touch w i t h the problems o f the T i b e t a n people. The avowed
aim o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n i s the c r e a t i o n o f an independent T i b e t a n
n a t i o n . Membership i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n c o n s i s t s o f "young" T i b e t a n
men and women between the ages o f s i x t e e n years and f o r t y y e a r s . The
TYC p u b l i s h e s a b l - l l n g u a l magazine, d i r e c t s i t s e l f to community a i d
p r o j e c t s ( e . g . , l a t r i n e c o n s t r u c t i o n , clean-up campaigns), and a l s o
p a r t i c i p a t e s i n numerous p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . The TYC, f o r example,
r e g u l a r l y submits demands to the Chinese Embassy i n D e l h i , and w r i t e s
to the U.N. and heads of" s t a t e s , i n an attempt to f o s t e r more
c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the T i b e t a n c a s e .

5. I n the raid-1970'is, s e v e r a l TCV female teachers were asked by the

a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to r e s i g n t h e i r p o s t s , because t h e i r romantic a f f a i r s
had become "too p u b l i c " . One such teacher expressed h e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g
of the s i t u a t i o n i n terms o f c o n f l i c t i n g m o r a l i t i e s . She was educated
i n what i s c o n s i d e r e d to be a p r e s t i g i o u s g i r l s ' s c h o o l i n I n d i a ,
where she had l i t t l e c o n t a c t w i t h T i b e t a n s . When she came to
Dharmsala to teach, she d i s c u s s e d l i f e i n T i b e t w i t h some o f the o l d e r
Dharmsala l a d i e s , and d i s c o v e r e d t h a t the c o n s t r i c t i o n s p l a c e d upon
female s e x u a l i t y i n I n d i a d i d n o t conform to the more l i b e r a l a t t i t u d e
towards female s e x u a l i t y i n T i b e t . Although t h i s young woman's
assessment o f d i s p a r a t e m o r a l i t i e s suggests a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n on h e r
 64

p a r t of the a c t i v i t i e s l e a d i n g up to her being f i r e d as a teacher,

romantic a f f a i r s between unmarried and married T i b e t a n s abound i n
Dharmsala.
Furthermore, i n most o f T i b e t , w i t h , perhaps, the e x c e p t i o n o f
Lhasa, young T i b e t a n men and women engaged r e l a t i v e l y f r e e l y i n
romantic i n v o l v e m e n t s . Boys would o f t e n sneak i n t o the tents
i n h a b i t e d by t h e i r paramours a t n i g h t . T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala say t h a t
parents were aware of the young l o v e r s ' a c t i v i t i e s . Such a c t i v i t i e s
were g e n e r a l l y s a n c t i o n e d u n l e s s the p a r e n t s happened "to see" (as
opposed " t o hear") the l o v e r s .
Thus, the i s s u e of m o r a l i t y , i n the TCV c a s e , appears to be
d i r e c t e d more towards p r e s e r v i n g a c e r t a i n image of the s c h o o l to the
p u b l i c i n g e n e r a l , and to the sponsors i n p a r t i c u l a r .

6. The ten B u d d h i s t p r e c e p t s observed by the d g e - t s h u l and dge-slong

a r e : not to k i l l ; not to s t e a l ; not to d r i n k a l c o h o l ; c e l i b a c y ; n o t to
e a t a t i n a p p r o p r i a t e times; not to engage i n music, s i n g i n g , dancing,
o r to a t t e n d t h e a t r i c a l performances; n o t to deck o n e s e l f w i t h
f l o w e r s , perfume, o r ornaments; not to s l e e p on a h i g h bed; and n o t to
r e c e i v e g o l d or s i l v e r ( T u c c i 1980:111).
These p r e c e p t s o f t e n s u s t a i n e d m u l t i p l e I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s i n the
monastic communities o f T i b e t . Monks a r e , o f c o u r s e , h i g h l y s k i l l e d
i n monastic dance, and i n the p l a y i n g o f r e l i g i o u s music.
Furthermore, i n Lhasa, one of the major opera troupes was composed
e n t i r e l y o f monks. The p r e c e p t f o r b i d d i n g a monk to r e c e i v e g o l d or
s i l v e r was d i r e c t e d to the i n d i v i d u a l monk, and n o t to the monastic
o r g a n i z a t i o n , as monasteries o f t e n r e t a i n e d v a s t l a n d h o l d i n g s , and
made l o a n s .

7. No s t a t i s t i c s are a v a i l a b l e on the a c t u a l number of monks

v i s - a - v i s t h a t of nuns i n T i b e t , but n u n n e r i e s and nuns i n T i b e t were
f a r outnumbered by monks and m o n a s t e r i e s . T i b e t a n men i n Dharmsala
tend to r e g a r d nuns w i t h amusement, s i n c e they a s s e r t t h a t sexual
a b s t i n e n c e f o r women i s w e l l - n i g h i m p o s s i b l e . A l t h o u g h nuns may be
r e q u e s t e d to perform a r i t u a l i n one's home, nuns would n o t be as
p r e s t i g i o u s f o r the sponsor of the r i t u a l as monks would be.
Few T i b e t a n g i r l s i n Dharmsala enter a nunnery. The nunnery i s
c o n s i d e r e d to be a p l e a s a n t r e t i r e m e n t home, however, f o r widows or
o l d e r women.

8. I n some a r e a s o f Mng'a-ri, f o r example, nomad f a m i l i e s who

wished to r e t a i n t h e i r sons, who were i n v a l u a b l e c o n t r i b u t o r s to the
f a m i l y economy, p a i d a tax to a v o i d the sons' c o n s c r i p t i o n i n both
monastic and m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e .
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CHAPTER I I I

RITUAL APPEASEMENT: ALIGNING THE COSMOLOGICAL HIERARCHY

The s t r a t e g i e s adopted i n the c u r i n g r i t u a l s T i b e t a n s perform i n

e x i l e d i f f e r markedly a c c o r d i n g to whether o r n o t the p a t i e n t i s found

to be m o r a l l y responsible for h i s or her i l l n e s s . I f the decree o f

d i v i n e r o r o r a c l e sought by the p a t i e n t , the p a t i e n t ' s r e l a t i v e s , o r

f r i e n d s , h o l d s the p a t i e n t r e p r e h e n s i b l e f o r some t r e s p a s s a g a i n s t a

cosmological being, then the focus o f the ensuing c u r i n g r i t u a l i s the

appeasement, u s u a l l y through p r e s t a t i o n s , o f t h a t b e i n g . The numina

so i n f r i n g e d upon, however, come from but two realms o f samsara, that

of the l h a o r gods and the k l u o r nagas. While the realm o f the l h a

is superior to t h a t o f humans, the ranks o f the k l u a r e i n f e r i o r . But

each realm " l e g i t i m a t e l y " takes o f f e n s e a g a i n s t human t r e s p a s s and

must be appeased through p r e s t a t i o n . T h i s p r e s t a t i o n through r i t u a l

might be viewed as an a l i g n m e n t o f the cosmos, an a l i g n m e n t which a t

once avows the e x i s t e n c e of a cosmological h i e r a r c h y and expresses the

unique p o s i t i o n o f humans v i s - a - v i s t h a t hierarchy.

For T i b e t a n s , " p r e s t a t i o n " connotes two d i s t i n c t a c t i o n s ,

" o f f e r i n g up" (mchod-pa p u l - b a ) and " g i v i n g down" (dge-ba

gtong-ba). While an " o f f e r i n g " i s always d i r e c t e d up, t h a t i s ,

towards any b e i n g or beings s u p e r i o r to humans i n the cosmic ranks,

" g i v i n g " presumes the i n f e r i o r s t a t u s o f the r e c i p i e n t . In either

form o f a c t i o n , T i b e t a n r i t u a l p r e s t a t i o n s a f f i r m status

relationships. Moreover, the performance of a T i b e t a n Buddhist

r i t u a l , whether i t be " b i g " ( w r a t h f u l ) o r " s m a l l " ( p e a c e f u l ) , as

i n f o r m a n t s g l o s s r i t u a l a c t i o n , r e q u i r e s the i n v i t a t i o n o f members o f

the f o u r cosmic realms as g u e s t s . These c a t e g o r i e s i n c l u d e : (1)

Buddhas who have a t t a i n e d n i r v a n a ; (2) the mgon-pos, w r a t h f u l

protectors of r e l i g i o n ; (3) the s e n t i e n t b e i n g s from the s i x l e v e l s o f

samsara - the l h a ( g o d s ) , lha-ma-yin ( t i t a n s o r a s u r a s ) , human b e i n g s ,

klu (nagas) and a n i m a l s , yi-dwags (hungry g h o s t s ) , and h e l l beings;

and (4) those " e v i l s p i r i t s around h e r e " who f r e q u e n t r e l i g i o u s

events. A l l o f these guests must be tendered p r e s t a t i o n s , b u t the

first two realms, t h a t o f the Buddhas and mgon-pos, u n q u e s t i o n a b l y

r e c e i v e " o f f e r i n g s " , w h i l e w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f the l h a ( g o d s ) , the

c r e a t u r e s i n h a b i t i n g samsara and the e v i l s p i r i t s a r e " g i v e n "

something as a r e q u i s i t e a c t o f compassion on the p a r t o f the donor.

Thus, any r i t u a l o f appeasement i n v i t e s the members o f the cosmic

ranks to w i t n e s s and p a r t i c i p a t e i n the a l i g n m e n t o f the h i e r a r c h y .

T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l address the i s s u e o f cosmic a l i g n m e n t by

discussing the nature o f the more o r l e s s immediate n e i g h b o r s o f

humans i n the c o s m o l o g i c a l h i e r a r c h y , the l h a o r gods and the k l u o r

s e r p e n t b e i n g s , some i l l n e s s e s caused by l h a and k l u r e s u l t i n g from

the moral r e p r e h e n s i b i l i t y o f humans, why humans might be deemed so

r e p r e h e n s i b l e , and, f i n a l l y , the importance o f the i n t e n t i o n a l ! t y o f

appeasement.
The Lha

Lha (gods) and lha-mo (goddesses) a r e terms T i b e t a n s a p p l y to

e n l i g h t e n e d beings (those Buddhas who have transcended samsaric

e x i s t e n c e ) , p r o t e c t o r s of the f a i t h , the 'compassionate' beings to

whom humans may a p p l y f o r a s s i s t a n c e , l o c a l gods and goddesses who

p r e s i d e over s p e c i f i c r e g i o n s such as v a l l e y s , mountains, mountain

passes, or the household, as w e l l as t o o t h e r i n h a b i t a n t s of the

v a r i o u s l e v e l s of T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t heaven. Lha a r e , above a l l , the

most powerful members of the c o s m o l o g i c a l h i e r a r c h y and u s u a l l y the

most i n t e l l i g e n t . Lha appear e i t h e r i n w r a t h f u l o r p e a c e f u l

manifestations. Some e x c l u s i v e l y adopt one m a n i f e s t a t i o n as does the

w r a t h f u l p r o t e c t o r e s s of S p y a n - r a s - g z i g s , the compassionate Buddha,

who i n c a r n a t e s i n the person of the D a l a i Lama, w h i l e o t h e r l h a may

manifest themselves i n two o r more forms. In T i b e t a n Buddhist

temples, s t a t u e s of w r a t h f u l d e i t i e s a r e s e t i n a l c o v e s and typically

v e i l e d w i t h gauze pendants i n rainbow c o l o r s . As one monk e x p l a i n e d ,

if people e n t e r the temple t o r e c e i v e b l e s s i n g s and l o o k upon the

images o f these w r a t h f u l d e i t i e s , they w i l l suddenly become a f r a i d and

t h e i r f e a r c o u l d produce an adverse e f f e c t upon t h e i r b l e s s i n g s . The

rainbow-colored gauze v e i l would s h i e l d the v i e w e r s ' eyes, causing the

image to r e v e a l i t s e l f s l o w l y , and, thereby, "wear o u t " the immediate

horrific effect.

Iconographic d e p i c t i o n s of l h a , whether p a i n t e d scrolls

(thang-ka) i l l u s t r a t i n g the e n l i g h t e n e d ones and t h e i r h i s t o r i e s or

c o s m o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , or paper r e p r o d u c t i o n s o f these scrolls

framed, i f p o s s i b l e , i n g l a s s ( i n o r d e r to p r e v e n t any noxious odors

from r e a c h i n g the l h a ) , a r e the "ornaments" o f every T i b e t a n home

and a r e always hung above e y e - l e v e l . In fact, these p a i n t e d scrolls

r e p r e s e n t windows f o r the human eye and a r e i l l u m i n a t e d w i t h the light

o f b u t t e r lamps b u r n i n g on the a l t a r beneath the s c r o l l . This

l i g h t i n g arrangement r e v e a l s the p e r s p e c t i v e of the p a i n t i n g to

advantage and emphasizes the e l e v a t e d s t a t u s o f the l h a . When

households d i s p l a y a pantheon o f T i b e t a n d e i t i e s on their altars, care

Is taken to preserve the r a n k i n g o f the l h a and o f the sprul-skus,

o r r e i n c a r n a t e d lamas; a p o r t r a i t of the D a l a i Lama, f o r example, must

always occupy the h i g h e s t p o s i t i o n o f any of the i n c a r n a t e d lamas.

The s i z e o f the l h a (as w e l l as of o t h e r numina) a l s o must be

taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n by humans who might venture into lha

habitats. During a r i t u a l g i v e n to c o n s e c r a t e a new Rnying-ma-pa

sgom-pa In Dharmsala, a p r o c e s s i o n c a r r i e d an e f f i g y o f the Fifth

D a l a i Lama, a demon, and a t r i a n g u l a r box c o n t a i n i n g e v i l s p i r i t s that

would be d e s t r o y e d (the s i g n i f i c a n c e of which w i l l be d i s c u s s e d in

Chapters V and VI) from the new sgom-pa to a c r o s s i n g o f paths some

d i s t a n c e from the sgom-pa. The p r o c e s s i o n was l e d by a l a y man

c a r r y i n g a s c r o l l p a i n t i n g (thang-ka) d e p i c t i n g the wheel o f life.

A sngags-pa (one who Is a s p e c i a l i s t i n magic s p e l l s ) e x p l a i n e d to me

the importance o f the thang-ka i n warning the l o c a l d e i t i e s about the

p r o c e s s i o n and what i t conveyed. The warnings were d i r e c t e d to three

d i f f e r e n t numina - g r e a t e r l h a , l e s s e r l h a , and sa-bdag. The

g r e a t e r l h a were requested to remove t h e i r l e g s and not stand i n the

way; the medium-sized l h a , to remove t h e i r bodies; and the short

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sa-bdags, tx> bend down i n o r d e r to a v o i d b e i n g s t r u c k by the

e f f i g i e s o r box. I f any o f these numina touched the " g i v i n g s " o f the

ritual, they would be harmed. The t r i - p a r t i t e r e q u e s t , then, i s

addressed to three l e g i t i m a t e cosmic l e v e l s , and i s p r e s e n t e d as a

demonstration o f human concern f o r their welfare. A gtor-ma, a cake

molded from b a r l e y f l o u r (upon which I w i l l e l a b o r a t e l a t e r ) ,

comprises the medium f o r both " o f f e r i n g s " and " g i v i n g s " . As i t would

be d e l e t e r i o u s f o r l o c a l l h a to come i n t o c o n t a c t w i t h gtor-mas

designated f o r e v i l s p i r i t s , Tibetans t h i n k , by the same token, that

gtor-mas o f f e r e d to l h a might cause r a b i e s i n dogs t h a t might happen

upon them. A gtor-ma f o r a l h a would n e c e s s a r i l y overpower a l e s s e r

b e i n g l i k e a dog. Students o f monastic dance a r e , on o c c a s i o n , the

victims of a s i m i l a r status discrepancy. I f the l h a whom the dancer

depicts i s too p o w e r f u l , the dancer might become extremely ill. Both

cases illustrate the i n v e r s i o n o f the intended d i r e c t i o n o f the

prestation.

A d d i t i o n a l l y , T i b e t a n domestic a l t a r s might d i s p l a y an image o f

the god i n h a b i t i n g the p a r t i c u l a r v a l l e y o r a r e a i n T i b e t which was

the o r i g i n a l f a m i l i a l r e s i d e n c e . T h i s l h a , ( t h e s k y e s - l h a or

y u l - l h a ) , would n o t be a Buddha o r e n l i g h t e n e d b e i n g b u t r a t h e r a

member o f the ' w o r l d l y ' c l a s s o f l h a , those a t t a c h e d to samsaric

e x i s t e n c e as opposed to i t s e n l i g h t e n e d t r a n s c e n d e r s . The supreme

form o f l h a i s Buddhahood and i s f o l l o w e d c l o s e l y by the B o d h i s a t t v a s ,

who embody the compassionate a s p e c t o f Buddhahood. These l h a p r o v i d e

the source o f wisdom, guidance, and a s s i s t a n c e f o r the s o t e r i o l o g i c a l

goals o f Buddhists - the t r a n s c e n d i n g o f samsaric existence or, a t

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least, a favorable rebirth t h a t would f u r t h e r the i n d i v i d u a l a l o n g the

path to enlightenment. As one dge-bshes i n s i s t e d , "These supreme

beings can h e l p f o r m i l l i o n s o f y e a r s , b u t these l e s s e r l h a do n o t

have t h a t power. They a r e o n l y a b l e to help i n simple day to day

activities." The remark o f the dge-bshes was prompted by h i s

admission t h a t "we T i b e t a n s c o n s t a n t l y seek the a d v i c e of the l e s s e r

lha."

Though the two s t a t e o r a c l e s , the Nechung O r a c l e (Gnas-chung

Chos-rgyal) and Ganden O r a c l e (Dg'a-ldan Chos-rgyal) a r e

government l h a and, n e c e s s a r i l y , o f a 'higher type', the o r a c l e s

available to the g e n e r a l p u b l i c a r e f r e q u e n t l y o f lower s t a t u s and c a n

be a t once e a s i l y i n s u l t e d and r e a d i l y appeased. I f these l e s s e r l h a

a r e p r o p e r l y approached, however, they w i l l r e a d i l y g i v e p r e d i c t i o n s

c o n c e r n i n g human w e l f a r e . The l e s s e r l h a depend upon human o f f e r i n g s

to a c e r t a i n e x t e n t and, t h e r e f o r e , e x i s t i n t e r d e p e n d e n t l y w i t h

humans: they a r e n o t those i n whom people can 'take r e f u g e ' , as

d i c t a t e d by B u d d h i s t t e n e t , o r a c t as "guide, p h i l o s o p h e r , and

f r i e n d " , as may be expected o f Buddhas and B o d h i s a t t v a s . Furthermore,

u n l i k e the l e s s e r l h a (whom people c o n t i n u a l l y seek f o r a d v i c e and

d a i l y a s s i s t a n c e ) , the supreme beings w i l l never l e a v e one, so to

speak, " i n a l u r c h " .

Lesser l h a are, nonetheless, the focus o f c o n s i d e r a b l e ritual

a t t e n t i o n and i n s p i r e no s m a l l degree o f human d e v o t i o n . The

s k y e s - l h a , the l h a a s s i g n e d to one from b i r t h and u s u a l l y the l o c a l

g u a r d i a n o f the v a l l e y i n which one i s born, a r e known to rescue their

human charges from dangerous s i t u a t i o n s , as the f o l l o w i n g examples

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illustrate:

(1) One time i n T i b e t a monk was performing the bar-do r i t e s f o r

a person who had d i e d . As the r i t u a l , which was a b i t b o r i n g , wore

on, the monk began to yawn, and, finally, nodded o f f to s l e e p . In h i s

dream, he saw h i m s e l f p r a y i n g a l o n g w i t h the monks, b u t suddenly a

r i d e r on a white horse appeared i n h i s dream, and k e p t running back

and f o r t h b e f o r e him, disturbing h i s prayers. At l a s t the monk became

so angry t h a t he reached f o r h i s tea cup to throw a t the r i d e r . This

thought awakened him and he heard the o t h e r monks o u t s i d e c a l l i n g him

to come out. Then, to h i s h o r r o r , he n o t i c e d t h a t the hand o f the

c o r p s e , which was covered w i t h white gauze kha-btags (ceremonial

s c a r v e s ) , was moving. The monk jumped up and r a n out to save h i m s e l f

from this ro-langs (walking corpse). He d i s c o v e r e d t h a t the r i d e r on

the white horse was h i s s k y e s - l h a t h a t had come to save him.

(2) Once i n T i b e t there l i v e d a f a m i l y c o n s i s t i n g of a father,

mother, and a beloved son. They were v e r y r e l i g i o u s and never failed

to p r o p i t i a t e t h e i r s k y e s - l h a . When t h e i r son was s i x y e a r s o l d , he

was o r d a i n e d as a monk and admitted to a monastery. Many y e a r s passed

w i t h no e v i l f o r c e s p l a y i n g upon the f a m i l y u n t i l one day, when the

f a t h e r became b e d - r i d d e n w i t h a mysterious i l l n e s s , and the source of

his i l l n e s s eluded the l o c a l d o c t o r . Finally, the man's w i f e

consulted the l o c a l o r a c l e who p r e s c r i b e d the a p p r o p r i a t e r e l i g i o u s

r i t e s , o f f e r i n g s , and p r a y e r s to ward o f f the e v i l s p i r i t s r e s p o n s i b l e

f o r the d i s e a s e . The o r a c l e f u r t h e r prophesied t h a t the s i c k man's

rlung-rta ( h i s " l u c k " ) was a t i t s lowest ebb, l e a v i n g him extremely

vulnerable to a t t a c k s from e v i l s p i r i t s and, t h e r e f o r e , t h a t the man

must r e f r a i n from l e a v i n g the house a t dawn o r dusk (busy hours f o r

e v i l s p i r i t s ) f o r some time.

The man f o l l o w e d the o r a c l e ' s p r e s c r i p t i o n s and began to r e c o v e r .

But, i g n o r i n g the o r a c l e ' s admonition, the f a t h e r l e f t the house one

evening. As he s t r o l l e d away, he reached a wooded a r e a where he saw a

number o f people e n j o y i n g a p i c n i c , d r i n k i n g , and s i n g i n g songs. He

even r e c o g n i z e d some o f h i s f r i e n d s , who e n t i c e d him to j o i n them and

d r i n k a g r e a t d e a l o f beer. Amidst t h i s f e s t i v i t y , the man n o t i c e d

h i s son, the monk, h u r r y i n g to f e t c h him home. T h i s annoyed the man

considerably, and he s c o l d e d h i s son f o r l e a v i n g the monastery w i t h o u t

permission. A l t h o u g h the f a t h e r threatened to b e a t h i s son upon their

r e t u r n home i f the son d i d n o t a t once d e p a r t f o r h i s monastery, the

monk r e f u s e d to budge u n l e s s accompanied by h i s f a t h e r .

The father a t l a s t resigned himself to r e t u r n i n g home d e s p i t e the

e n t r e a t i e s o f h i s new f r i e n d s to s t a y . H i s f r i e n d s , however, loaded

the pockets o f h i s wool phyu-pa ( c l o a k ) w i t h e a t a b l e s to take home.

The son guided h i s drunken f a t h e r home where the f r a n t i c w i f e finally

saw her husband w a l k i n g a l o n e , s i n g i n g , and s h o u t i n g w i t h h i s eyes

closed i n a state of delirium. The " i n t e l l i g e n t " w i f e i n s t a n t l y put

her husband i n t o bed r a t h e r than q u a r r e l w i t h him, b u t the man r e f u s e d

to s l e e p u n t i l he and h i s w i f e had eaten the food he had brought from

the p i c n i c . When the w i f e went to r e t r i e v e the food, she found that

the 'eatables' were dismembered human f l e s h . Despite h e r h o r r o r , she

retained the presence o f mind to throw away these remains and r e p l a c e

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them w i t h food from her own p a n t r y . She p r e s e n t e d h e r husband with

the s u b s t i t u t e food as he n a r r a t e d h i s adventure w i t h the p i c n i c k e r s ,

and complained t h a t t h e i r son had run away from the monastery to j o i n

him a t the p i c n i c .

The woman, however, was s u r p r i s e d to hear o f her son's presence

s i n c e she had n o t seen him r e t u r n w i t h h e r husband. The n e x t day, h e r

husband became extremely ill, and the w i f e a g a i n c o n s u l t e d the o r a c l e .

She was a t once rebuked by the l h a f o r a l l o w i n g her husband to go o u t

l a t e a t n i g h t , c o n t r a r y to the l h a ' s a d v i c e . The o r a c l e informed

her t h a t the son who had rescued her husband was a c t u a l l y the man's

s k y e s - l h a , n o t t h e i r monk son. F u r t h e r r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l s were

p r e s c r i b e d and the man f i n a l l y recovered.

The above two i l l u s t r a t i o n s c o n f i r m the importance o f a l o c a l god

such as a s k y e s - l h a i n s a v i n g one's l i f e d e s p i t e one's s t u p i d a c t i o n s .

But, i n some i n s t a n c e s , b l i n d n e s s o r s i c k n e s s can be caused by one's

s k y e s - l h a because the s k y e s - l h a f e e l s n e g l e c t e d by humans. I f one Is

born i n Lhasa, f o r example, one's s k y e s - l h a i s Panden Lhamo (Dpal-ldan

Lha-mo), the w r a t h f u l p r o t e c t o r e s s o f the D a l a i Lama. She i s known

to become o f f e n d e d i f she i s n o t thought about a l l the time and the

object of prayers. One man dreamed t h a t a young monk was t r y i n g to

s t r a n g l e him. Upon c o n s u l t i n g an o r a c l e , the man l e a r n e d t h a t the

"young monk" was h i s s k y e s - l h a who was angered a t the man's

inattentiveness. The s k y e s - l h a i s n o t an e n l i g h t e n e d b e i n g b u t c a n be

relied upon i n most events to come to one's a s s i s t a n c e , e s p e c i a l l y i f

the s k y e s - l h a enjoys the r e s p e c t o f h i s o r h e r charges and t h e i r level

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o f r l u n g - r t a i s low.

Oracles a r e v e n e r a t e d f o r t h e i r r o l e as " i n f o r m a t i o n brokers".

H i g h - r a n k i n g o r a c l e s such as the Nechung a r e compared by some T i b e t a n s

to the D a l a i Lama's press secretary, someone who transmits critical

knowledge from "on h i g h " down to the g e n e r a l p u b l i c and a l s o confirms,

denies, or corrects public queries. Lesser o r a c l e s , however, have

s e n s i t i v e n a t u r e s and demand f a i t h f u l n e s s as w e l l as o f f e r i n g s from

their followers. Tibetans s t r e s s the importance o f d e v e l o p i n g a

r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r lama to whom one should customarily go

f o r mo_ ( d i c e d i v i n a t i o n ) . To seek p r e d i c t i o n s from one lama i s o f t e n

expressed as an " i d e a l " s i t u a t i o n , b u t common p r a c t i c e c o n t r a d i c t s

t h i s i d e a l s i n c e many T i b e t a n s w i l l "go f o r mo" from s e v e r a l sources

and weigh each r e s u l t i n l i g h t o f h i s o r h e r p e r s o n a l considerations.

One i n f o r m a n t emphasized t h a t when mo p r e d i c t i o n s r e g a r d i n g the

c u r i n g of s i c k n e s s do n o t prove a c c u r a t e , the lama p e r f o r m i n g the

d i v i n a t i o n should n o t be blamed, t h a t the p a t i e n t ' s karma i s

responsible. But i n p r a c t i c e , I found t h a t T i b e t a n s tend to blame

"karma" as a l a s t r e s o r t and p r e f e r , i n s t e a d , to "rank" d i v i n e r s , have

their personal f a v o r i t e s , and might be s a i d , indeed, to r e c r u i t

clients f o r these f a v o r i t e s , thereby b o l s t e r i n g the p r e s t i g e o f t h a t

d i v i n e r , and making i t f a s h i o n a b l e to c o n s u l t him o r her. Of c o u r s e ,

in Tibetan s o c i e t y , monks and lamas a r e s a i d to perform d i v i n a t i o n

through t h e i r own m e d i t a t i o n s and a r e never imputed to h a r b o r emotions

such as j e a l o u s y , anger, and h a t r e d .

The p r a c t i c e o f ranking d i v i n e r s when c a r r i e d o v e r to the

o r a c u l a r sphere, bears s e r i o u s consequences. Those s e e k i n g the a d v i c e

of more than one o r a c l e r i s k e x c i t i n g t h e wrath o f whichever oracle's

pronouncements were n o t f o l l o w e d . I f one r e j e c t s an o r a c l e t o whom

one has c u s t o m a r i l y gone, one may expect t h a t o r a c l e o r , r a t h e r , t h e

lha posessing t h a t o r a c l e , t o become j e a l o u s . Such wrath r e s u l t s i n

sickness, blindness, o r death f o r t h e former c l i e n t , and stems from

human impugnation o f o r a c u l a r and, t h e r e b y , o f l h a s t a t u s .

A r a t h e r unusual case was t h a t o f one young T i b e t a n who, worried

that h i s f a i l i n g a school subject (geography) might h u r t h i s chances

of f u t u r e employment w i t h t h e T i b e t a n G o v e r n m e n t - i n - E x i l e , consulted

the l a d y o r a c l e (who happened t o be h i s d i s t a n t r e l a t i v e ) . During t h e

s e s s i o n , he ended up a r g u i n g w i t h t h e o r a c l e and e v e n t u a l l y winning

the d i s p u t e , p e r s u a d i n g the l h a t h a t h i s i n t e n t i o n s were n o t t o make

money, but t o s e r v e the Tibetan people. The young man r e q u e s t e d ,

however, t h a t I n o t mention t o o t h e r T i b e t a n s t h a t he had q u a r r e l e d

w i t h an o r a c l e .

While t h e h i g h s t a t e o r a c l e s , t h e Nechung and Ganden, a r e

government i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n v i t e d t o p r e s e n t annual r e p o r t s on t h e

prospect o f T i b e t as w e l l as t o supply practical directives for

m i n i s t e r s o f s t a t e , many l e s s e r o r a c l e s announce themselves i n o r d e r

to d e r i v e some b e n e f i t s from human b e i n g s . F o r example, s i n c e these

l e s s e r l h a a r e disembodied, some r e q u i r e t h e use o f a human form i n

order to partake o f desired sensual pleasures such a s e a t i n g ,

d r i n k i n g , and s m e l l i n g p l e a s a n t aromas. Furthermore, l e s s e r l h a come

t o enjoy t h e s t a t u s and a t t e n d a n t p r i v i l e g e s o f a valued consultant.

Although, as mentioned above, lamas a r e a v a i l a b l e f o r d i v i n a t i o n s ,

they a r e , as one government o f f i c a l put i t , " a f t e r a l l human and n o t

possessed by a superpower. Lamas do n o t d e a l i n w o r l d l y t h i n g s . "

O r a c l e s r e p r e s e n t an i n t e r f a c e o f the cosmic o r d e r between l h a - y u l

(gods' c o u n t r y ) and m i - y u l (the realm o f humans). To c o n s u l t an

oracle, then, i s to i n t e r a c t w i t h a god. An o r a c l e i s c o n s i d e r e d to

be an u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y (which e x p l a i n s the young T i b e t a n ' s

r e l u c t a n c e to have the f a c t known t h a t he c o n t e s t e d t h a t a u t h o r i t y ) .

T h i s p o s i t i n g o f god-human complementarity i s n o t l o s t upon

i n f e r i o r gods and those ghosts who c o n t r i b u t e to the phenomenon,

p u r p o r t e d l y common to T i b e t a n refugee s e t t l e m e n t s i n I n d i a , o f the

f a l s e o r a c l e ( s e e a l s o E p s t e i n 1978). whereas h i g h o r a c l e s m a n i f e s t

moral a c t i o n ( t o the extreme o f k i l l i n g people who are social

pariahs), lesser oracles f u l f i l l themselves as much as they a s s i s t

humans. I t i s the l a t t e r o r a c l e s who e x c i t e the envy o f i n f e r i o r l h a

and g h o s t s . The human v i c t i m chosen to be a medium by the false

o r a c l e or ghost d i s p l a y s a t f i r s t the f i v e s t a g e s o f p o s s e s s i o n : (1)

s h i v e r i n g ; (2) a f a c e c o n t o r t e d w i t h p a i n ; (3) back and stomach p a i n ;

(4) tensed muscles and t r e m b l i n g ; and (5) sudden screams and jumps -

a l l o f which a r e f o l l o w e d by the announcement of the p o s s e s s i n g

l h a ' s name. However, the p r e d i c t i o n s made by a f a l s e o r a c l e will

n o t be f u l f i l l e d , and w i l l thereby disavow the l e g i t i m a c y o f the

oracle.

T i b e t a n s s h a r p l y d i s t i n g u i s h ghost from l h a p o s s e s s i o n . I n the

event a person i s possessed by a g h o s t , he o r she shouts or screams,

but due to "some g u i l t y complex o r i n f e r i o r i t y feeling," the possessed

i n d i v i d u a l avoids looking into the f a c e s o f those around him o r her

and i s a f r a i d of f i r e (a t o o l o f e x o r c i s t s ) . Someone possessed by a

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l h a , on the o t h e r hand, w i l l become much more imposing, gaze

directly into the f a c e s of o t h e r s , and immediately announce t h a t he or

she is a certain lha.

The t r u t h o f the p o s s e s s i n g l h a ' s statements i s tested i n

another way. When a new o r a c l e i s brought i n t o the presence of a very

h i g h lama or o r a c l e such as the Nechung, the l a t t e r o r d e r s the

p r o s p e c t i v e o r a c l e to e n t e r t r a n c e and throws "mantra" g r a i n s (mustard

seeds which have been empowered through the m e d i t a t i o n s o f lamas) on

him o r her. I f the o r a c l e i s the a c t u a l l h a , he can " d i g e s t the

power" of these g r a i n s ; i f the o r a c l e i s f a l s e , he must come out of

trance. The Nechung O r a c l e c u s t o m a r i l y entered trance along with the

new o r a c l e and threw g r a i n s a t him to determine h i s l e g i t i m a c y

(Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956:419), presumably a d i r e c t c h a l l e n g e from one

lha to another.

The Klu

K l u , who a r e somewhat a k i n to the I n d i a n naga, a r e among

those b e i n g s ranked below humans In the c o s m o l o g i c a l h i e r a r c h y b u t

possessing superhuman powers. The k l u and their close r e l a t i v e s , the

sa-bdags ( l a n d l o r d s o f the s o i l ) guard the p u r i t y o f water, the

h e a r t h , and the f e r t i l i t y o f the l a n d . The T i b e t a n opera Nor-bzang

b e g i n s w i t h the p o i s o n i n g of a l a k e , and the subsequent immediate

departure o f the klu-mo (a k l u queen), who had ensured the abundance

o f crops and c l a r i t y of the water. Her departure results in drought

and famine. Ortner notes the k l u " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f being closely

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concerned w i t h people and t h e i r a f f a i r s " and t h e i r extreme s e n s i t i v i t y

to any infringement upon t h e i r environment from "burning a n i m a l matter

- meat, m i l k , h a i r , n a i l s , bloody c l o t h e s , and so on - i n the

household f i r e " to the p o l l u t i o n o f streams or l a k e s w i t h human

excreta (1978b:279). K l u a r e always s e a r c h i n g for a clean place to

l i v e , and, thus, a r e forced to move on whenever t h e i r h a b i t a t i s

despoiled. The response of k l u and sa-bdag to such o f f e n s e s i s to

afflict the human p e r p e t r a t o r s of such a c t i o n s w i t h disease,

e s p e c i a l l y with diseases of the s k i n such as b o i l s , i n f e c t i o n s ,

swollen j o i n t s , and leprosy. Such d i s e a s e s would a f f e c t one's

appearance, and, t h e r e f o r e , one's p r e s e n t a t i o n o f s e l f , an a s p e c t of

status i n Tibetan society.

K l u a r e known to be l e s s s e n t i e n t than humans and inspire

exasperated p a r e n t s to c h i d e t h e i r c h i l d r e n w i t h the s i m i l a r i t y of

t h e i r b e h a v i o r to t h a t o f k l u , b e h a v i o r t h a t i s i r a s c i b l e ,

r e l e n t l e s s , and unforgiving. One lama a d v i s e d t h a t I t Is b e t t e r not

to seek any f r i e n d s h i p w i t h k l u , t h a t one might indeed become s i c k

a t the mere s i g h t o f one. K l u never f o r g e t an i n s u l t or i n j u r y ,

whether o r not i t be i n t e n t i o n a l , and are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a

p e r s i s t e n t anger i f n o t appeased.

Klu, l i k e the l h a , a r e s o c i a l c r e a t u r e s whose s o c i e t y i s

structured i n t o f o u r c a s t e s - the r g y a - g l i n g or r o y a l f a m i l y , bram-ze

or p r i e s t s , dmangs-rig o r commoners, and, finally, the dor-pa or

r e c a l c i t r a n t e v i l doers. Each " c a s t e " , as T i b e t a n s literally

c a t e g o r i z e k l u , would have i t s a r i s t o c r a t s , f a m i l y r e t a i n e r s , and

general followers. While the f i r s t three c a s t e s w i t h the e x c e p t i o n of

c e r t a i n r o y a l k l u a r e d i s t i n g u i s h e d as white and g e n e r a l l y h e l p f u l to

humans, the m a l e v o l e n t dor pa and c e r t a i n k l u k i n g s a r e b l a c k . White

klu must be appeased; b l a c k k l u , e x o r c i z e d .

White k l u a r e p r o p i t i a t e d w i t h " g i v i n g s " ( s i n c e they rank beneath

humans on the c o s m o l o g i c a l s c a l e ) o f three w h i t e substances (milk,

b u t t e r , and c u r d ) and three sweet substances (white sugar, brown

sugar, and honey). I n the event t h a t a person's illness o r i n j u r y has

resulted from h i s o r h e r p h y s i c a l l y harming a k l u by, f o r example,

a c c i d e n t a l l y s t e p p i n g on the k l u ' s arm o r l e g , the k l u i s a l s o

o f f e r e d medicine specifically designed to cure i t s l i m b . I f the

k l u ' s hand has been i n j u r e d , a c e r t a i n f r u i t resembling a hand i s

pulverized i n t o a m e d i c i n a l i n g r e d i e n t and g i v e n to the k l u , such as

b e f i t s homeopathic l o g i c . A h a b i t a t p l e a s i n g to k l u , such as a

p a t c h o f g r a s s on a p l a t f o r m f e s t o o n e d w i t h p r a y e r f l a g s and b a r l e y

cakes (gtor-ma), might a l s o be p r e s e n t e d .

I n the appeasement o f k l u , the s t r i c t observance o f r i t u a l

c o n t e x t i s as important as i s the p r e s t a t i o n i t s e l f . The o f f i c i a n t s

of the r i t u a l must n o t e a t meat o r have a n y t h i n g to do w i t h blood the

day o f the ceremony. Furthermore, the t i m i n g o f the r i t u a l i s

critical. I f i t i s performed on the wrong d a t e , the zhal-'adon

(meaning r e l i g i o u s r i t u a l o r p u j a i n H i n d i ) might have a r e v e r s e

e f f e c t - that i s , antagonize r a t h e r than appease the k l u .

A s t r o l o g i c a l c a l c u l a t i o n s can f o r e c a s t the o c c a s i o n s o f k l u meetings,

p a r t i e s , or general get-togethers. Tibetan l o g i c d i c t a t e s that r i t u a l

p r o p i t i a t i o n s o f k l u prove most e f f e c t i v e when the k l u themselves a r e

h a v i n g a b i g p a r t y s i n c e the p r e s t a t i o n s w i l l augment the food s t o c k s

 80

o f the k l u h o s t s . But i f k l u a r e e n t i c e d to a r i t u a l d u r i n g their

p e r i o d of h i b e r n a t i o n or p e r i o d s o f r e t r e a t , their sleep i s disturbed,

their own r u l e s a r e b r o k e n , and the e f f e c t s of these v i o l a t i o n s can

prove harmful t o humans. j

Dharmsala i s r e p l e t e w i t h t a l e s of those who have s u f f e r e d from

klu attacks:

(1) There was a man who c u t wood f o r the monastery. One day he

became s i c k and bent o v e r . No c u r e c o u l d be found because i t was the

a c t i o n of k l u . The man had c u t too many t r e e s .

(2) An a r c h i t e c t s u f f e r e d b o i l s on h i s hand. When a monk

noticed t h i s , the a r c h i t e c t was informed t h a t the b o i l s were caused by

klu. S i n c e the a r c h i t e c t had so much c o n t a c t w i t h c o n t r a c t o r s and

builders, some of the k l u ' s d i s p l e a s u r e had c a r r i e d over t o h i m .

(3) One young man, whose i n f a n t son s u f f e r e d from a s e r i o u s k l u

d i s e a s e , had f i n a l l y r e s o r t e d t o Western medicine and had moved h i s

w i f e and son t o a l o c a l Western c l i n i c . B e f o r e the f a m i l y ' s r e t u r n to

their o r i g i n a l home, I n o t i c e d the young man washing the family

cooking p o t s i n the t r i c k l e o f water coming from a f a u c e t which was

c l o s e to a l a r g e w e l l . He was a f r a i d to d i p the pots i n the w e l l

u n l e s s they were f i r s t very c l e a n , s i n c e k l u were known t o i n h a b i t the

w e l l and might take o b j e c t i o n t o d i r t y pots. I looked a t i t , a

somewhat run-down w e l l w i t h g r a s s and p l a n t s growing from i t s broken

b r i c k s , and suggested t h a t i t looked l i k e a p l a c e where k l u might

 81
dwell. To t h i s the young man r e p l i e d with a warning to me not to talk

about them and a suggestion that I go to have some tea.

(4) A young boy who accidentally crushed a frog (one form of

klu) while shutting a door, broke out i n a skin rash for two weeks as

a result.

(5) A young g i r l b i t t e n by a mad dog, was also discovered to be

suffering from a klu attack, when her family consulted an oracle. In

her case, the e f f i c i e n t cause of the attack was not her

responsibility. Someone, the oracle revealed, had c a r e l e s s l y tossed a

n a i l c l i p p i n g on the ground and had thereby polluted the home of

certain klu. A bird ate the c l i p p i n g and then died. The b i r d , i n

turn, was eaten by a dog, and the dog, as a r e s u l t , became rabid. The

mad dog then b i t the g i r l . The i l l n e s s e s of the b i r d , dog, and the

g i r l were a l l a consequence of the klu's rage. The g i r l was cured

a f t e r the oracle managed to suck a small stone dog from her body, and

her family made prestations to the k l u . The c u l p r i t who committed

the offense against the klu suffered no r e t r i b u t i o n because h i s

rlung-rta was high. The g i r l ' s rlung-rta, however, was, at the time

of her attack, very low.

(6) One young monk provided the following account of h i s

encounter with k l u :

"One day a few years ago we monks went to the Tibetan Children's
Village for a s p e c i a l puja. The o l d e r monks got to r i d e i n j e e p s , but

we younger ones had to walk. Therefore, we took the middle road (the

s h o r t c u t ) back and were r a c i n g to see i f we c o u l d reach McGleod Ganj

before the jeep d i d . We o f t e n used to r a c e each o t h e r and this day,

although n o t on every day, I happened to be ahead. I was not thinking

about a n y t h i n g but suddenly f e l t t h a t I was going too f a s t and should

s t o p , b u t I c o u l d not stop myself. I j u s t k e p t on running. I fell

f a c e forward, h i t t i n g my knees, the palms o f my hands, and my face and

was unconscious f o r about 10-15 minutes. The o t h e r boys (young monks)

tried to h e l p me but I was not able to walk even w i t h their help for

some time. Although I f e l l , I d i d n o t f e e l any pain inside, just a

stunned f e e l i n g on the o u t s i d e . We were i n a h u r r y but I had to move

slowly.

Blood was coming from my f a c e and hands, and, as we passed the

Gorkha F o u n t a i n (a f o u n t a i n which was b u i l t by the Gorkha R i f l e s ) , I

thought to wash i t o f f . There were some Western h i p p i e s washing their

d i s h e s and c l o t h e s i n the f o u n t a i n a t t h a t time. Then I washed the

blood o f f . I was not t h i n k i n g a t the time t h a t k l u l i v e d there, I d i d

not t h i n k any were there, I was not t h i n k i n g about i t . The others

went ahead so they would not be l a t e and c o u l d e x p l a i n why I would be.

One Western h i p p i e i n v i t e d me to come back w i t h him to h i s h o t e l where

he had bandages and ointment. I went w i t h him and he put the ointment

and bandages on my wounds. Then I r e t u r n e d to the monastery.

The f i r s t n i g h t 1 f e l t n o t h i n g and d i d not think anything about

it. The second n i g h t my face began to s w e l l . Monks s a i d , "Oh, look

a t your face!" But I d i d not think anything of i t . By the'third or

fourth day, however,rayface was so swollen I could not see. One boy

went to a high Rinpoche (reincarnated lama) for mo (dice) divination.

The Rinpoche threw mo and discovered that I was being attacked by klu.

The Rinpoche then asked the boy to find out from me what had happened

the past few days. The boy asked me and I thought, "1 have been in

the temple doing zhal-'adon the past few days and nothing happened."

Then finally I thought about falling down and washing i n the fountain.

The boy returned to the Rinpoche with my story, but the Rinpoche had

already thrown mo and informed the boy that I had washed in the

fountain and offended the klu. He prescribed the appropriate

zhal-'adon to be performed in order to please the klu. So I had

four monks from the monastery perform the ritual. They gathered items

such as incense and sweet things that klu like. Then, when the

zhal-'adon was finished, I took those items to the Gorkha fountain.

No other monks were with me, since, i f their rlung-rta was high, i t

would prevent the klu from appearing.

I set the ritual offerings down by the fountain and apologized to

the klu in three languages - Tibetan, Hindi, and then English -

because the Rinpoche advised that I did not know which language the

klu might speak. I said, 'Klu, please forgive me for washing my

blood off here. If I had known you were here, I never would have done

so, e t c ' That night the swelling went down, so the klu had accepted

ray apology."'''

The interpretation of rlung-rta and its relationship to the young

monk is a subject I w i l l elaborate upon in Chapter VII. For the

present, t h e p o i n t t o be made i s t h a t t h e young monk i n i t i a l l y refused

to accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s o f f e n s e a g a i n s t t h e k l u , but t h e

Rinpoche had r e c o g n i z e d t h a t t h e s t a t u s o f t h e k l u had been i n f r i n g e d

upon. Humans and k l u occupy a d j a c e n t niches i n Tibetan cosmological

h i e r a r c h y and can have r e c i p r o c a l e f f e c t s upon one a n o t h e r . One adage

s t a t e s t h a t humans can d e t e c t t h e s k i n c a s t o f f by snakes (who a r e

a l s o a form o f k l u ) and t h a t k l u can see t h e s k i n c a s t o f f by

humans, but n e i t h e r humans nor k l u a r e aware o f t h e i r own sloughed

skins. Ortner s t r e s s e s t h a t t h e "touchy" c h a r a c t e r o f k l u d e r i v e s

from t h e i r " g r e a t s u s c e p t i b i l i t y and s e n s i t i v i t y " t o human p o l l u t i o n

of t h e i r environment (1978b:279). Anyone s u f f e r i n g from a k l u d i s e a s e

i s g u i l t y o f committing a moral t r a n s g r e s s i o n w i t h r e s p e c t t o k l u by

s u l l y i n g t h e i r h a b i t a t , causing them p h y s i c a l i n j u r y , o r d i s r u p t i n g

t h e i r own s o c i a l r e g u l a t i o n s . However, k l u who r e t a l i a t e against

human a f f r o n t s a r e n o t e x o r c i z e d but appeased. T h e i r vengeance i s

morally appropriate because human r e s p e c t f o r k l u s t a t u s and i t s

concomitants was n o t f o r t h c o m i n g . Despite t h e lower cosmic r a n k i n g o f

k l u , humans a r e e n j o i n e d through t h e d e c r e e s o f d i v i n e r s and o r a c l e s

t o be m i n d f u l o f t h e l e g i t i m a t e c l a i m s o f these i n f e r i o r creatures.

The t e r r i t o r y o f humans and t h a t o f k l u n e c e s s a r i l y o v e r l a p s and,

perhaps, i l l u s t r a t e s Dumont's c o n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e problem t o be

negotiated i s n o t t h e ownership o f t h e l a n d , but "a complementarity

between d i f f e r e n t r i g h t s b e a r i n g on t h e same o b j e c t " (1970:201).

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The IntentionalIty of the Gift

Thus far, I have discussed two cosmological levels requiring

appeasements, whether these appeasements be "offerings up" (mchod-pa

pul-ba) or "givings down" (dge-ba gtong-ba), the nature of lha

and klu, their beneficial or detrimental effects upon humans, and

their reactions to insult or injury in response to infringements upon

their statuses. But one significant factor remains to be considered -

the intentionality of Tibetan appeasement.

The four following examples illustrate a concern with the

intentions of the donor:

(1) Seven water bowls are considered to be the "best" offering one may

make to a lha since when butter lamps are burned, one may be too

attached to the expense of the butter or o i l used to burn the lamps.

If there^is some attachment to the butter because of its cost, the

meaning of the offering is lost. Water, on the other hand, is free

and the offerer would not form an attachment to i t .

(2) Once a man and his dog were travelling the mountains and f e l l into

a huge ice crevasse. Both managed to land safely and, after a few

days, the man grew accustomed to his new situation. He noticed that

though he was starving, his dog had grown fat. The dog had been

licking something which the man decided to try. I t was a

wish-fulfilling gem (norbu) and instantly sated the man's

appetite. When summer arrived, a dragon flew into the crevasse and
p i c k e d up the norbu to l i c k as i t flew skyward. The man grabbed hold

of the dragon's t a i l and was c a r r i e d up to heaven where e v e r y t h i n g was

very beautiful. The l h a asked the man what he d e s i r e d , and, though

heaven was e n t i c i n g , the man e x p r e s s e d h i s wish to r e j o i n h i s w i f e and

children. The l h a agreed to t h i s b u t i n s i s t e d t h a t he f i r s t a s k f o r

a n y t h i n g he wanted and take p r e s e n t s w i t h him. The man chose g o l d and

silks, which were packed i n a sack f o r h i s j o u r n e y . Upon the man's

r e t u r n to h i s f a m i l y , he n a r r a t e d the s t o r y o f h i s j o u r n e y and boasted

of h i s new w e a l t h . However, when he opened the sack, he found that

a l l he had were s m a l l s t r i p s o f c l o t h and a few t i n y b i t s o f g o l d .

This t a l e , as my i n f o r m a n t p o i n t e d o u t , s a t i r i z e s the human

c o n v i c t i o n t h a t the l h a and k l u a r e q u i t e s a t i s f i e d w i t h b e i n g t o l d o f

the riches to be p r e s e n t e d to them and w i t h r e c e i v i n g s m a l l p i e c e s o f

s i l k c l o t h , a few c o i n s , e t c . (which a r e common r i t u a l prestations).

A b i t of c l o t h or coins s u f f i c e s to symbolize the g i f t . The i n t e n t i o n

of the l h a ' s g i f t must e q u a l l y supercede the g i f t itself in

importance.

(3) One day a man a r r i v e d a t a w e l l where k l u were known to l i v e and

d e f e c a t e d on the edge o f the w e l l . The man Informed the k l u that he

had p r e s e n t e d them w i t h a golden water p o t (bum-pa). While this

man c o n t i n u e d on h i s way, another man approached the w e l l and was

shocked a t the s i g h t o f excrement on i t s r i m . As he c l e a n e d the w e l l ,

he s p e c u l a t e d a l o u d as to who might have committed such a n a s t y deed.

T h i s second man was thus r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a r o u s i n g the wrath o f the k l u

and became very ill.

Two explanations provided f o r t h i s s t o r y from the same i n f o r m a n t

were: (1) t h a t as the k l u had been convinced p r e v i o u s l y t h a t they had

r e c e i v e d a handsome g i f t b e f i t t i n g t h e i r importance, they were a l l the

more incensed a t the t r u t h and the t h o u g h t l e s s n e s s o f the second man

i n so i n f o r m i n g them; and (2) t h a t the f i r s t man's r l u n g - r t a was

s u f f i c i e n t l y high to e n a b l e him to t r e a t the k l u so r e c k l e s s l y and yet

avoid t h e i r wrath, w h i l e the second man's r l u n g - r t a was very low.

The l o g i c a l outcome of the u n w i t t i n g second man's "good

i n t e n t i o n s " was a debasement o f the s t a t u s presumed by the k l u . A

quintessential point, the importance o f one's r l u n g - r t a l e v e l , as in

the young monk's t a l e , I w i l l discuss i n Chapter V I I . For the

present, i t s u f f i c e s to note t h a t the i n t e n t i o n s o f the second man,

though o s t e n s i b l y d i r e c t e d towards c o r r e c t i n g a transgression,

a c t u a l l y debased the s t a t u s o f the k l u . He i n d i r e c t l y pointed up

t h e i r g u l l i b i l i t y and l a c k of i n t e l l i g e n c e by d i r e c t i n g a t t e n t i o n to

t h e i r p o l l u t e d home, (a s i t u a t i o n which f o r c e s them to s e a r c h for a

new residence). The second man, then, became r e s p o n s i b l e for his

e t h i c a l v i o l a t i o n of the p r e r o g a t i v e s of status. This ethical

v i o l a t i o n served him f a r worse than the a p p r o p r i a t e l y proferred,

a l b e i t p o l l u t i n g g i f t from the f i r s t man.

(4) For the r e t u r n of the D a l a i Lama from h i s 1980 tour of the United

States, the T i b e t a n s o f Dharmsala b u i l t three d i f f e r e n t g a t e s through

which the D a l a i Lama's entourage would p a s s . The f i r s t gate to

r e c e i v e the motorcade was the work o f young government o f f i c i a l s and

decorated w i t h the i n t r i c a t e p a i n t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the door

frames of the monasteries and temples of Lhasa. A second gate was

bordered w i t h p i n e branches and supported a banner of welcome. The

t h i r d gate, which l e a d s i n t o McCleod Ganj, d i s p l a y e d e l a b o r a t e l y

f a s h i o n e d s i l k brocade banners. These gates were c o n s t r u c t e d as

offerings to the D a l a i Lama and as an e x p r e s s i o n of happiness a t h i s

r e t u r n , but the g a t e s , as was g e n e r a l l y known, a l s o r e p r e s e n t e d a

f r i e n d l y c o m p e t i t i o n amongst three major neighborhoods o f Dharmsala.

While many were aware t h a t a c o m p e t i t i o n was t a k i n g p l a c e , one young

T i b e t a n was very much d i s p l e a s e d w i t h the c o m p e t i t i v e s p i r i t s i n c e , as

he s a i d , each gate was an o f f e r i n g to the D a l a i Lama.

H i s o b j e c t i o n , then, expresses an i d e a l , t h a t an o f f e r i n g i s not

an o f f e r i n g i f i t i s a l s o the donor's e n t r y i n t o some c o m p e t i t i o n , a

competition enhancing the p r e s t i g e of the winner. In p r a c t i c e ,

however, the v e r y process of r e c o r d i n g the names and amounts g i v e n by

donors, and, i n c e r t a i n contexts, the p u b l i c announcement of such

i n f o r m a t i o n , s t i m u l a t e s the amount o f p u b l i c o f f e r i n g w h i l e subverting

this ideal.

Conclus i o n

The d i r e c t i v e o f appeasements i n T i b e t a n c u r i n g r i t u a l s i s to

l e g i t i m a t e o r r e c o n f i r m the s t a t u s o f l h a and k l u w i t h r e s p e c t to

humans. W h i l s t humans may come i n t o c o n f l i c t w i t h both l h a and k l u ,

these two c a t e g o r i e s of numina never c o n f l i c t w i t h each o t h e r . I t is

humans who must take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the "alignment" o f s t a t u s .

S i n c e appeasements a r e p r o f f e r e d to l h a and k l u when humans have

s u f f e r e d as a r e s u l t o f i g n o r i n g o r i n f r i n g i n g upon the p r i v i l e g e s o f

l h a o r k l u s t a t u s , the l o g i c emerging from the young man's d i s t r e s s a t

competitive o f f e r i n g s i s t h a t humans cannot pursue t h e i r own s t a t u s

i n t e r e s t when a p p e a s i n g the s t a t u s i n t e r e s t of others ( t h e l h a and the

k l u ) , who a r e the more o r l e s s immediate neighbors o f humans i n the

Tibetan cosraological hierarchy.

Important as appeasements a r e In humbling the p a t i e n t and

enhancing the s t a t u s o f offended l h a and k l u , o r i n r e - n e g o t i a t i n g

the s t a t u s o f the p a t i e n t v i s - a - v i s t h a t o f the numina, the s u c c e s s f u l

cure seems to depend n o t upon the p a t i e n t ' s s k i l l a t s e l f - e f f a c e m e n t ,

but r a t h e r upon h i s o r h e r r l u n g - r t a .
 NOTES

1. S u d h i r Kakar (1982) d e s c r i b e s t h i s same i n c i d e n c e o f k l u a t t a c k .

H i s r e s e a r c h a s s i s t a n t came to Dharmsala f o r two weeks i n an attempt
to g a t h e r data on T i b e t a n r i t u a l c u r i n g , and r e q u e s t e d my h e l p . I
i n t r o d u c e d him to the young monk, and we were both p r e s e n t as the
young monk recounted h i s i l l n e s s episode. The young monk, however,
was not, as Kakar s t a t e s (1982:111), one o f " N a g p a l l a ' s " p a t i e n t s .
The young monk appealed to a venerated Dge-lugs-pa Rinpoche f o r a
d i a g n o s i s and p r e s c r i p t i v e r i t u a l .
 91

CHAPTER IV

THE AMBIVALENCE OF HIERARCHICAL ASCENT

As Turner has shown, i n a s o c i e t y w i t h o u t c e n t r a l i z e d political

i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as t h a t of the Ndembu, d i s t u r b e d social

r e l a t i o n s h i p s are expressly thought to m a n i f e s t themselves i n

i l l n e s s e s (1967:51). However, i n the g r e a t m e d i c a l t r a d i t i o n s o f A s i a

- Ayurvedic, Tibetan, and Chinese - which have emerged w i t h

centralized political systems and s t r i c t social hierarchies, disease

i s commonly found to r e s u l t from an i n t e r n a l imbalance of b o d i l y

humours o r e n e r g i e s and the e x t e r n a l cosmos. This e t i o l o g y , endemic

to the n o n - b i o m e d i c a l " g r e a t m e d i c a l t r a d i t i o n s " , suggests, then, that

the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s of the p a t i e n t ' s c l o s e k i n are not c o n s i d e r e d to

be v i t a l to d i s e a s e diagnosis or cure. D i a g n o s t i c a t t e n t i o n In these

"great t r a d i t i o n s " i s o f t e n addressed to the l a c k o f synchrony between

a p a t i e n t ' s " i n n e r b a l a n c e " and a s t r o l o g i c a l harmony. I suggest that

t h i s endeavor to s y n c h r o n i z e the p a t i e n t ' s "inner workings" with

astral t r a j e c t o r i e s i s a masking of the o b l i g a t i o n s humans bear

towards the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e or the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y . Since the

peregrinations of the s t a r s are beyond the reach o f human

m a n i p u l a t i o n s , i t i s the p a t i e n t ' s i n n e r humours which must be

adjusted to conform to cosmic rhythms. I f the cosmos i s a symbolic

 92

p r o j e c t i o n o f the f i x e d n e s s of s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y , then the p a t i e n t must

r e a l i g n h i m s e l f o r h e r s e l f to concur w i t h these s o c i a l d i c t a t e s .

One maxim which seemingly i s u n i v e r s a l to h i e r a r c h i e s Is a

systematic p r e s c r i p t i o n f o r ascending o r descending i n the h i e r a r c h y

-i.e., the l e g i t i m a t e means f o r t r a n s c e n d i n g one's s t a t u s and,

concomitantly, the c a t e g o r y o f e r r o r s which would impel one's descent

i n the h i e r a r c h y . I n Chapter I I I , I d i s c u s s e d the c o n t e x t which might

a s s i g n the p a t i e n t moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r h i s or her i l l n e s s . This

moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y a r i s e s from the p a t i e n t ' s i n d i f f e r e n c e o r n e g l e c t

o f the s t a t u s p r e r o g a t i v e s o f s u p e r n a t u r a l b e i n g s . But what then can

we say about i l l n e s s e s r e s u l t i n g from a t t a c k by e v i l spirits,

i l l n e s s e s which T i b e t a n s do n o t diagnose a s the p a t i e n t ' s

responsibility? Such i l l n e s s e s , I w i l l argue, a r e a l s o the r e s u l t of

moral t r a n s g r e s s i o n s a g a i n s t the c o s m o l o g i c a l hierarchy, but this time

they a r e the t r a n s g r e s s i o n s o f demons.

Demons, u n l i k e humans, do n o t d i r e c t l y insult their status

s u p e r i o r s , y e t they t r a n s g r e s s a g a i n s t the h i e r a r c h y . What then do

demons do, o r , more a p p r o p r i a t e l y , e x a c t l y what i s i t t h a t demons

want? T h i s q u e s t i o n has n o t gone unargued I n t h e o l o g i c a l and

p h i l o s o p h i c a l c i r c l e s and i s b e g i n n i n g to be addressed by

anthropologists. Kapferer, i n his analysis of Sinhalese exorcisms,

views demons as b o t h a symbol o f the s u b j u g a t i o n o f lower c l a s s e s and.

as an a n t i - s t r u c t u r a l element:

Demons when they a t t a c k a r e fearsome beings o f domination

who i s o l a t e t h e i r v i c t i m s In a h o r r i f y i n g r e a l i t y and
determine t h e i r e v e r y a c t i o n . I n many ways, t h e r e f o r e ,
demonic a t t a c k symbolizes the s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f a S i n h a l e s e
 93

working c l a s s and p e a s a n t r y who are caught i n an obdurate

w o r l d , weakened i n i t s s t r u c t u r e , and who a r e s o c i a l l y and
p o l i t i c a l l y fragmented by economic and p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s
beyond t h e i r c o n t r o l . Demons are the t e r r o r s which prowl a t
the base of the h i e r a r c h y . But a l s o , l i k e t h e i r working
c l a s s and peasant v i c t i m s , demons are the c o n t r a d i c t i o n o f
an o r d e r i n which they are n o r m a l l y subjugated and a r e a
hidden power w a i t i n g to break f r e e (1983:35-36).

Tibetan demons, however, f o r reasons which w i l l become c l e a r

l a t e r , do n o t e x i s t p r e c i s e l y a t the "base of the h i e r a r c h y " nor do

they n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s t i t u t e an element of a n t i - s t r u c t u r e . Their case

may be drawn i n p a r t from some of the c o n c l u s i o n s reached by

0 ' F l a h e r t y i n her i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of Hindu demons. She finds, for

example, t h a t somewhere between the w r i t i n g o f the Rg Veda and the

Puranas the demons tumbled out o f heaven, and n o t e s t h a t "the gods are

usually the ones who make demons i n t o demons, because of the divine

d i s i n c l i n a t i o n to share heaven" (1976:66). The Vedic period

e s t a b l i s h e d a cosmos c o n s i s t i n g o f heaven and e a r t h where transactions

were conducted e x c l u s i v e l y between gods i n heaven and men on e a r t h and

demons were an e x t e r i o r t h r e a t to both w o r l d s . The Puranic period,

however, c o n s t r u c t e d a t r i - p a r t i t e cosmos, heaven and the gods were

m i r r o r e d by an underworld p o p u l a t e d w i t h demons and connected by a

world mountain (Meru), which p r o v i d e d a s t a i r w a y to heaven f o r humans

or demonic a s c e t i c s (1976:81). T h e r e f o r e , the cosmos was re-mapped,

and the means to n e g o t i a t e the a s c e n t to heaven was p r o v i d e d by the

a c q u i s i t i o n o f r e l i g i o u s power.

The Brahmanic p r i e s t s o f the p e r i o d , however, found such

possibilities threatening to the gods and to t h e i r v o c a t i o n , and

authored t e x t s d e s c r i b i n g a p p r o p r i a t e and i n a p p r o p r i a t e methods o f

o b t a i n i n g r e l i g i o u s power. While those who conformed to the

prescribed r i t u a l sphere were regarded as e t h i c a l , a s c e t i c s , who

a c h i e v e t h e i r power through i n d i v i d u a l a c t i o n , were " m o r t a l s who

aspired to r e l i g i o u s power o u t s i d e the r i t u a l sphere" and "inherited

the r o l e o f demons i n the cosmic masque" (1976:80). In this way,

0 ' F l a h e r t y notes t h a t e v i l e n t e r e d the system and cosmology became

"ethically dualized". I n a d d i t i o n , Hindu gods, demons, and mortals

began to compete f o r a l i m i t e d good - "power, I m m o r t a l i t y , heaven"

(1976:81).

A c c o r d i n g to K a p f e r e r , the S i n h a l e s e B u d d h i s t cosmic h i e r a r c h y

ranks s u p e r n a t u r a l beings w i t h r e s p e c t to the degree to which they

f o l l o w B u d d h i s t t e a c h i n g s o r a r e committed to the B u d d h i s t p a t h

(1983:114). But the T i b e t a n cosmic h i e r a r c h y , drawing from the

P u r a n i c t h e o r i e s , o c c a s i o n a l l y a s s i g n s r a t h e r u n e t h i c a l beings to

relatively high places. Such beings are e x e m p l i f i e d by the lha-ma-yln

("god-not-is") who rank above humans but below the l h a . Vedic

mythology p i t s Devas ( l h a ) a g a i n s t Asuras ( l h a - m a - y i n ) , but

a l s o , as E l i a d e suggests (1976:59), p o i n t s up a " c o n s u b s t a n t i a l i t y "

between the two. T h i s c o n s u b s t a n t i a l l t y p e r s i s t s d e s p i t e the P u r a n i c

t o p o g r a p h i c expansion of the cosmos and guarantees the Asuras a

ranking close to the gods. Such a h i g h p o s i t i o n f o r them, however,

may have proved somewhat p r o b l e m a t i c f o r the P u r a n i c d e s i r e to

e t h i c i z e the newly formed hierarchy. 0 ' F l a h e r t y n o t e s t h a t the

P u r a n i c e t h i c i z a t i o n of the c o n f l i c t between Deva and Asura resulted

i n the replacement o f the o p p o s i t i o n god/demon w i t h g o o d / e v i l o r

"enlightened/proud" (1976:61).

The Tibetans took t h i s c o n f l i c t s e r i o u s l y as may be seen i n the

f o l l o w i n g a c c o u n t of the " w i s h - f u l f i l l i n g tree":

D u r i n g the time of Buddha, a l o n g time ago, there was a

b i g t r e e growing i n the u n i v e r s e . Though the r o o t s of the
t r e e were i n a kingdom populated by lha-ma-yin, i t s
branches were i n l h a - y u l (gods' c o u n t r y ) . T h e r e f o r e , the
l h a were always e n j o y i n g the f r u i t s o f t h i s t r e e , f r u i t s
which would p r o v i d e a n y t h i n g the e a t e r d e s i r e d . The
lha-ma-yin were not p l e a s e d w i t h t h i s s i t u a t i o n and b e l i e v e d
t h a t s i n c e the r o o t s o f the t r e e were i n t h e i r l a n d , the l h a
were e n j o y i n g the f r u i t u n j u s t i f i a b l y . The lha-ma-yin,
t h e r e f o r e , d e c l a r e d war a g a i n s t the l h a . A g r e a t war
p e r s i s t e d f o r a v e r y long time and the lha-ma-yIn were
s l o w l y g e t t i n g the b e t t e r of the l h a . I f the l h a were
d e f e a t e d , then the Buddhist r e l i g i o n would be a f f e c t e d
because the l h a p r o v i d e p r o t e c t i o n f o r the r e l i g i o n .
T h e r e f o r e , the l h a requested a p r e v i o u s L o r d Buddha (not the
p r e s e n t one) to p r o v i d e them w i t h a s o l u t i o n . The Buddha
r e p l i e d , "Appease Dgra-lha ( t h e god o f war) and o b t a i n h e l p
from him." The l h a then took n i n e weapons to Dgra-lha and
performed pujas r e q u e s t i n g h i s a i d , o f f e r i n g him many
t h i n g s . F i n a l l y , Dgra-lha agreed to h e l p . He conquered the
l h a -ma-yin and e s t a b l i s h e d , once and f o r a l l , the
d i s p o s i t i o n of the f r u i t s from the w i s h - f u l f i l l i n g t r e e .
From t h i s time on, we T i b e t a n s have sought Dgra-lha's
p r o t e c t i o n i n a war.

T h i s account presents a number of i n t e r e s t i n g i s s u e s , but f o r the

present, the p o i n t of n o t e i s t h a t the l h a , who are the 'protectors

o f r e l i g i o n ' , were l o s i n g . T h e i r p l a c e , though below t h a t of the

Buddhas, l e g i t i m a t e l y r e s t s w e l l above everyone e l s e ' s and yet their

power c o u l d be e f f e c t i v e l y c h a l l e n g e d by those r a n k i n g beneath them.

The primal s i n of the demon appears to be h i s or her

determination to buck the r u l e s o f h i e r a r c h y o r , r a t h e r , to assume the

b e n e f i t s o f the upper e c h e l o n through w i l l f u l , independent a c t i o n and

the s e i z u r e o f u n s a n c t i o n e d power. T h i s demonic " s i n " , as K a p f e r e r so

s u c c i n c t l y puts i t , i s t h a t "demons t r a n s g r e s s the r u l e s o f movement

through the cosmic h i e r a r c h y , which i s dependent on both a

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n appearance and a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n the a t t i t u d e and

essence o f t h e i r b e i n g " (1983:126). The p o t e n t i a l movement o f demons

up the h i e r a r c h y through the t r i c k s they a r e wont to p l a y on the

senses o f f e n d s those who s u b s c r i b e to the n o t i o n o f a s y s t e m a t i c and

e t h i c a l p r o g r e s s i o n ' through the ranks', and a t t a c k s the p r i n c i p l e s

s t r u c t u r i n g h i e r a r c h y — i . e . , the power o f Buddha's t e a c h i n g s .

Kapferer l a b e l s i t i n v e r t i n g "the s t r u c t u r e o f d e t e r m i n a t i o n s i n the

cosmic o r d e r " (1983:126).

I suggest t h a t what d i s t i n g u i s h e s S i n h a l e s e from T i b e t a n demons

a r e the c r i t e r i a by which r a n k i n g i n the h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e o f the

r e s p e c t i v e demonic realms i s determined. F o r the S i n h a l e s e , Kapferer

argues t h a t more h i g h l y ranked demons a r e somewhat persuaded by the

Buddha's t e a c h i n g s , w h i l e the more l o w l y demons a r e " i n - a c c o r d w i t h

the e x t e n t to which they a r e p o l l u t i n g , a b s o l u t e representations of

nature d i s o r d e r e d , and o f the e x t e n t to which they p e r s o n i f y i n t h e i r

c r e a t i o n the d i s o r d e r o f c u l t u r e " (1983:115). Thus, K a p f e r e r

concludes t h a t degree o f adherence to the Buddha's t e a c h i n g s , relative

p u r i t y , and e x p r e s s i o n o f the o r d e r i n g p r i n c i p l e s o r u n i t y o f c u l t u r e ,

as opposed to the d i s o r d e r i n g p r o p e n s i t i e s o f n a t u r e , a r e the k e y

f a c t o r s r a n k i n g d e i t i e s or demons " r e l a t i v e to each o t h e r and w i t h i n

t h e i r ( r e s p e c t i v e ) c a t e g o r i e s " (1983:115). Although the degree o f

adherence to the Buddha's teachings o f f e r s a r e s p e c t a b l e l o g i c o f

r a n k i n g where degrees o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g may be opposed to degrees o f

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i g n o r a n c e , T i b e t a n cosmology acknowledges the i n d i v i d u a l power,

w e a l t h , and n o t o r i e t y o f demons. These f a c t o r s c o n s t i t u t e demonic

a s s e t s , and measure o u t the p r e s t i g e and r a n k i n g a demon enjoys

v i s - a - v i s o t h e r demons. I f a demon can a c q u i r e s t a t u s i n such a

fashion, there e x i s t s a h i e r a r c h y i n the demonic realm. But t h i s

h i e r a r c h y i s n o t c o n s t r u c t e d a c c o r d i n g to B u d d h i s t t e n e t s . The

implication, then, i s t h a t e x t e r n a l determinants o f c o s m o l o g i c a l

r a n k i n g may n o t n e c e s s a r i l y r e f l e c t the i n t e r n a l c r i t e r i a applied

w i t h i n any c o s m o l o g i c a l n i c h e .

The H i e r a r c h y o f Demons

Demons a r e i n v a r i a b l y thought o f as t h r e a t e n i n g and o f t e n

d e s c r i b e d by a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s as "the c o n t r a d i c t i o n o f an o r d e r "

( K a p f e r e r 1983, O r t n e r 1980, e t a l ) . T i b e t a n demons a r e c e r t a i n

s p i r i t s who managed to elude the e f f o r t s of Padmasambhava to c o n v e r t

any r e b e l l i o u s beings to Buddhism, and ghosts who have n o t been

e x o r c i s e d , and, thus, who have grown more p o w e r f u l as time p a s s e s .

T i b e t a n demons, then, c o n s t i t u t e a c a t e g o r y c o m p r i s i n g b o t h a n c i e n t

s p i r i t s and p o w e r f u l g h o s t s , and the d i s t i n c t i o n between these demons

and ghosts i s permeable.

T i b e t a n demons and ghosts do n o t f i t p r e c i s e l y i n t o any o f the

p r e s c r i b e d c o s r a o l o g i c a l o r d e r s (the ghosts who worry humans a r e n o t

yl-dwags), b u t tend i n s t e a d to hover about the i n t e r s t i c e s o f the

legitimate hierarchy. But T i b e t a n s say t h a t p o w e r f u l demons and

p o w e r f u l ghosts have t h e i r own f o l l o w e r s , as do p o w e r f u l inhabitants

of any p a r t i c u l a r c o s m o l o g i c a l n i c h e . What appears t o emerge, then,

from T i b e t a n accounts i s t h a t demons compose and adhere to t h e i r own

h i e r a r c h i e s w i t h i n the demonic realms. In the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r , I

noted the s o c i a l s t r a t a o c c u p i e d by the l e s s e r l h a and the k l u where

both groups are c o n s i d e r e d t o be s o c i a l c r e a t u r e s who enjoy company,

d i s l i k e i s o l a t i o n , and arrange themselves i n four castes: royalty,

p r i e s t s , commoners, and c r i m i n a l s . Although I d i d not hear of demons

a l i g n i n g themselves a c c o r d i n g t o c a s t e s , t h e r e a r e r e p o r t e d l y

h i e r a r c h i e s of e v i l spirits.

For example, the h i e r a r c h y of ghosts may be d e t e c t e d i n the

r e p o r t s some T i b e t a n s have made o f s e e i n g a f r i e n d who has died

walking a l o n g a path. The e n t i r e f i g u r e of the deceased person i s

v i s i b l e but i t s appearance i s very shabby - the ghosts c l o t h e s may be

r e n t , h i s or her h a i r unkempt, and, perhaps, t h e r e are s o r e s or wounds

on the "body". T h i s s o r r y s t a t e i s c o n s i d e r e d proof t h a t the ghost

(or the deceased's rnam-shes) has been made the s e r v a n t of o t h e r

ghosts who have more s e n i o r i t y - t h a t i s , have been ghosts f o r a

l o n g e r p e r i o d of time and have a c q u i r e d a c e r t a i n amount of power i n

that capacity. The shabby ghosts a r e , thus, i n the s e r v i c e o f the

more powerful g h o s t s .

A c c o r d i n g to T i b e t a n Buddhist e s c h a t o l o g y , one becomes a ghost

if, a t the p o i n t of death, one's rnam-shes ( t r a n s m i g r a t i n g

c o n s c i o u s n e s s ) , the e t e r n a l s o u l which w i l l go through a bar-do period

and e v e n t u a l l y on t o r e b i r t h , remains a t t a c h e d t o persons or t h i n g s ,

to samsaric e x i s t e n c e . A ghost i s , i n essence, a rnam-shes t h a t i s

a t t a c h e d t o i t s former l i f e and unable t o t r a v e l through bar-do i n

search of r e b i r t h . T h i s r e b i r t h , which would f i x the s o u l i n t o

another and p o s s i b l y s u p e r i o r rung o f the h i e r a r c h y (depending, o f

c o u r s e , upon the s o u l ' s karmic p r e d i s p o s i t i o n or amassment of

bsod-nams - m e r i t ) , i s denied the ghost. A rnam-shes which remains

too a t t a c h e d to i t s former l i f e a l s o r i s k s f a l l i n g i n t o the s e r v i c e of

i t s more p o w e r f u l ghost predecessors.

T i b e t a n ghosts and demons r e l i s h , above a l l , the conquest o f

human s o u l s . Though rnam-shes may be r e b o r n i n t o any one of the s i x

categories of s e n t i e n t b e i n g s , o n l y those humanly embodied whet the

demonic a p p e t i t e . Ghosts u s u a l l y adopt a r a t h e r p a s s i v e strategy for

obtaining souls. O f t e n they merely appear i n some g u i s e b e f o r e their

intended v i c t i m , who is likely to be w a l k i n g a l o n e l y path a t night.

The v i c t i m ' s consequent shock i s s u f f i c i e n t to f r i g h t e n h i s secondary

soul, the b l a , Into l e a v i n g h i s or her body, which, i n t u r n , will

cause the v i c t i m to d e c l i n e i n h e a l t h and eventually die. Upon the

v i c t i m ' s death, the ghost s e i z e s the rnam-shes. The bdud (demons)

take a more a g g r e s s i v e tack and o f t e n apply themselves d i r e c t l y to

effecting the a c t u a l death o f their victim. Whether the s o u l - s t e a l e r s

be g h o s t s or demons, they a r e wont to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e i r own social

gatherings a t dawn o r dusk, which mark, i n o p p o s i t i o n to human custom,

t h e i r evening and e a r l y morning r e s p e c t i v e l y , and meet i n designated

places such as the c r o s s i n g o f three roads or under b r i d g e s . The talk

In such p l a c e s , a t such times, and amongst such company i s b e l i e v e d to

c o n s i s t mostly o f b o a s t i n g about the r e s p e c t i v e number of rnam-shes

captured and m a l e v o l e n t a c t i o n s d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t humans.

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The Demon as a "Bad F i t "

While the most p o w e r f u l e v i l s p i r i t s are i n t e n t upon c a p t u r i n g

and e n s l a v i n g s o u l s , there a r e o t h e r s who appear to be preoccupied

w i t h a c q u i r i n g human embodiment. T h i s group i s e x e m p l i f i e d by

w i t c h e s , l e s s e r l h a , and w a l k i n g c o r p s e s . Witches (son-'adre,

bdud-mo, ba-mo) a r e somewhat unique i n t h i s spectrum as they

r e p r e s e n t the o n l y e v i l s p i r i t "grounded" by a p r e s e n t "human life"

birth. Under normal human c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a person's life i s near i t s

end i f the b l a or secondary s o u l l e a v e s the body. However, i n the

case of w i t c h e s , i t i s a d i f f e r e n t matter entirely. Witches a r e

almost invariably female (none of ray informants c o u l d r e c o l l e c t a male

w i t c h ) , may comprise o n e - f o u r t h o f the T i b e t a n female p o p u l a t i o n , and

may a l s o be unaware of t h e i r p r o p e n s i t i e s . While a w i t c h s l e e p s , her

bla o r secondary s o u l l e a v e s her body and wanders about a t t e m p t i n g to

take p o s s e s s i o n of someone and, i n so doing, take c o n t r o l of t h a t

person's body. The c o n n e c t i o n o f the w i t c h ' s b l a to her own body i s

not, however, severed.

One a c c o u n t o f w i t c h p o s s e s s i o n d e s c r i b e d the a r r i v a l i n a small

Khams v i l l a g e o f a g r e a t l o r d and h i s b e a u t i f u l w i f e from Lhasa. A

known v i l l a g e w i t c h took a fancy to t h i s woman and one n i g h t , w h i l e

the couple was d i n i n g and d r i n k i n g chang, the b e a u t i f u l w i f e

suddenly began to j o k e and s i n g i n Khams-pa d i a l e c t , a speech

h e r e t o f o r e unknown to h e r . From t h i s very f a c t people knew t h a t the

w i t c h had taken p o s s e s s i o n o f the w i f e . T h i s t a l e r e c o u n t s , then, the

d e s i r e of the w i t c h to occupy a n o t h e r ' s body and takes note of the

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f a c t t h a t the woman's speech b e t r a y e d her. Another instance of

u n a c c e p t a b l e o r a t o r y may be seen i n the d e t e c t i o n o f a f a l s e oracle

( p r e s e n t e d i n Chapter I I I ) , where u n f u l f i l l e d predictions c a l l into

q u e s t i o n the ' l e g i t i m a c y ' o f the o r a c l e .

I f speech can i n d i c a t e the i n t r u s i o n o f e v i l i n T i b e t a n s o c i e t y ,

so may body movement. The case i n p o i n t i s the T i b e t a n phenomenon o f

the 'walking c o r p s e ' ( c f . Wylie 1964) The w a l k i n g c o r p s e or r o - l a n g s

i s c r e a t e d by an e v i l s p i r i t who upon a death, hastens to t r y to 'make

a go' o f the d i s c a r d e d body. The r o - l a n g s i s h o r r i f y i n g because i t is

believed t h a t h i s touch w i l l induce a s i m i l a r c o n d i t i o n i n another

person, but he may be d e t e c t e d through h i s s i n g u l a r body movements. A

r o - l a n g s i s extremely s t i f f and unable to bend h i s body a t a l l . For

t h i s reason, doorways and windows i n Lhasa were supposedly b u i l t v e r y

low so the r o - l a n g s , unable to s t o o p , would be prevented from

e n t e r i n g a home. Corpses were c u s t o m a r i l y bent and tied i n

monasteries to p r e v e n t t h e i r p o s s i b l e f u t u r e as r o - l a n g s .

Each o f the above examples i l l u s t r a t e s a 'bad f i t ' between a body

and the disembodied as w i t h the r o - l a n g s , o r unseemly speech

resulting from w i t c h p o s s e s s i o n o r the f a l s e p r e d i c t i o n s from dubious

oracles. The urge on the p a r t o f the o f f e n d i n g s p i r i t to assume the

shape or speech of another h i n t s a t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h i t s c u r r e n t

position. Now, anyone f a m i l i a r w i t h T i b e t a n cosmology might well

argue t h a t these e v i l s p i r i t s a r e ranked beneath humans and,

t h e r e f o r e , might y e a r n f o r the human advantage s i n c e o n l y human b i r t h

a f f o r d s a p o s s i b l e e x i t ( e n l i g h t e n m e n t ) from samsara o r a chance f o r

r e b i r t h i n the g o d l y realm, and women, who occupy an i n f e r i o r status

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to men i n the human realm, may w e l l d e s i r e c o n s c i o u s l y o r

unconsciously to be someone e l s e . But the above examples a l s o suggest

t h a t attempts to i n h a b i t another human's body a r e u l t i m a t e l y doomed to

f a i l u r e because the mis-match w i l l become r e a d i l y apparent to o t h e r

humans.

A t h i r d example o f a 'bad f i t ' concerns an I n t r i c a t e case

i n v o l v i n g , among o t h e r t h i n g s , a TIPA g h o s t . In this example,

however, the ghost was c o n s i d e r e d to be a r e f l e c t i o n o f the

I n a p p r o p r i a t e behaviour o r the 'bad f i t ' o f her former husband:

The TIPA Ghost

A famous romance i n Dharmsala, the l o v e a f f a i r o f two a d o l e s c e n t

dancers a t the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f P e r f o r m i n g A r t s , soured i n the

p u b l i c view a f t e r the young c o u p l e m a r r i e d . The young man expected

h i s w i f e to perform a l l domestic t a s k s , and l e f t h e r c o n s t a n t l y i n

o r d e r to gad about w i t h o t h e r young men, as i s the custom w i t h

unmarried men. T i b e t a n s p e r c e i v e d the young man's treatment o f h i s

w i f e a s d i s r e s p e c t f u l , s i n c e he o f t e n stayed o u t a l l n i g h t , and never

Informed her o f h i s whereabouts o r a c t i v i t i e s .

The f i r s t s i g n observed by h i s f e l l o w TIPA members as r e t r i b u t i o n

f o r h i s i n a t t e n t i o n to h i s w i f e was the young man's c o n t r a c t i o n of a

klu . d i s e a s e . He had s o r e s c o v e r i n g h i s e n t i r e body, had to shave h i s

head, and c o u l d n o t walk e a s i l y . The young man became i l l while h i s

w i f e was pregnant, and c o u l d n o t a s s i s t d u r i n g h e r l a b o u r (most o f the

o t h e r members o f the I n s t i t u t e were on tour i n Europe and N o r t h

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America at t h i s time). The baby died during the b i r t h , and the young

wife died two days l a t e r .

The young man arranged f o r bar-do r i t u a l s to be performed, but,

i n the opinion of h i s peers, h i s arrangements were f a r too meager.

His friends l a t e r agreed that the young man, though poor, should have

borrowed money i n order to pray properly f o r h i s wife's soul. To make

matters much worse, the young man i n i t i a t e d an a f f a i r with another

woman before the 49-day bar-do period had been completed. Thus,

before h i s former wife's soul had taken r e - b i r t h , the young man had

already forgotten her for another woman.

The night after the funeral, the room formerly belonging to the

young couple had been locked. Their neighbor, another performer, and

his v i s i t i n g s i s t e r were sleeping i n an adjacent room. They both

heard a scratching sound coming from the locked room, and the noise

persisted thoughout the night. The next morning, the s i s t e r related

the story to her mother, who discounted i t completely. The mother

agreed, however, to spend the next night i n the adjacent room with her

son. Her son f o r t i f i e d himself with a l o t of rum, hoping i t would

make him f a l l sleep. His t a c t i c , however, did not work. His mother

heard the same noise coming from the locked room, and became t e r r i b l y

frightened.

The mother, who l i v e d i n TCV, sought the help of the major

Dharmsala exorcist (sngags-pa), who, at that time, also l i v e d i n

TCV. When the exorcist performed a dice divination, he discovered

that the young man's wife had become a ghost, and had returned to

TIPA. Her exorcism, then, was thought to be extremely important,

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s i n c e a n u n e x o r c i s e d g h o s t o n l y becomes more p o w e r f u l . When the

e x o r c i s t a r r i v e d a t TIPA, he ordered the I n s t i t u t e members to open a l l

the doors and windows. E v e r y t h i n g w i t h a l i d was uncovered. Every

room i n the TIPA d o r m i t o r y , o f f i c e , and t h e a t e r was searched f o r the

presence o f the g h o s t . Finally, the e x o r c i s t l o c a t e d the g h o s t i n a

locked trunk In the c o u p l e ' s former room ( t h e d e t a i l s o f t h i s mode o f

exorcism a r e p r e s e n t e d i n Chapter V I ) . The box i n which the young

woman's g h o s t had been h i d i n g c o n t a i n e d the s c h o o l u n i f o r m she had

worn b e f o r e she became a member o f TIPA.

The d i s c o v e r y o f the s c h o o l uniform by the e x o r c i s t was

y thought

p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t by the TIPA members, s i n c e the young woman's

romance w i t h h e r husband had blossomed d u r i n g t h e i r s c h o o l days b e f o r e

they j o i n e d TIPA. A t the p o i n t o f her death, the young woman was

thought to have been too a t t a c h e d to h e r s c h o o l days, and h e r romance

w i t h h e r husband. The husband p r e c i p i t a t e d h e r ghosthood by h a v i n g an

untimely a f f a i r . Though the husband married the woman he had begun to

see so soon a f t e r h i s f i r s t w i f e ' s death, TIPA members agreed t h a t the

exorcism had chastened hira. He now prays f o r h i s f i r s t w i f e every

day.

A f u r t h e r t w i s t to t h i s episode may be seen i n the f a c t t h a t the

man's p r e s e n t w i f e i s p e r c e i v e d by some o f the TIPA members as a

witch. She has r e v e r s e d the r e l a t i o n s o b t a i n i n g i n h e r husband'is

f i r s t marriage, s i n c e she has been known to b e a t him, o r d e r him about,

and enjoy h e r own romantic a f f a i r s . What i s c o n s i d e r e d to be more

c o n v i n c i n g e v i d e n c e , however, i s the f a c t t h a t one o f h e r former

l o v e r s has twice been d i s c o v e r e d s l e e p - w a l k i n g to the c o u p l e ' s door.

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When h i s f e l l o w performers awakened him, he had no r e c o l l e c t i o n o f h i s

reason f o r b e i n g t h e r e , and concluded t h a t the woman, though she might

n o t be c o n s c i o u s o f the f a c t , had somehow drawn him to her. Several

o f t h i s s l e e p - w a l k e r ' s male f r i e n d s a t the I n s t i t u t e t r i e d to

encourage t h i s woman to v i s i t the Sa-skya K h r i - c h e n , the h i g h e s t

Sa-skya lama, who l i v e s i n the s t a t e o f U t t a r Pradesh. T h i s lama was

suggested to her, s i n c e he i s known to have the power to c o n t r o l

witches. She d i s a g r e e d w i t h t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, and d i d

not v i s i t the lama.

The TIPA members do r e f e r to the young husband'!s bad karma ( l a s )

in their i n i t i a l r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f the m i s f o r t u n e s o f these two

c o u p l e s , but Dharmsala T i b e t a n s tend to p r e f e r more e x p l i c i t

rationalizations than those a f f o r d e d by a n answer o f "karma" p e r s e .

I n c o n s i d e r i n g the young husband, s e v e r a l TIPA performers viewed the

young husband's i n a t t e n t i o n to h i s w i f e to be r e f l e c t e d in his klu

attack. S i n c e a k l u d i s e a s e i s thought to d i s f i g u r e one's appearance,

i t e n t e r s i n t o one's i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h o t h e r s . Poor s o c i a l relations,

then, c o u l d be r e f l e c t e d i n a k l u disease. Furthermore, while

T i b e t a n s u s u a l l y c o n s i d e r ghosts to be the p r o d u c t o f i n a p p r o p r i a t e

attachments, the young w i f e ' s g h o s t i s a t once such a p r o d u c t as w e l l

as a r e f l e c t i o n o f h e r husband's infidelity.

A f o u r t h example p r e s e n t s the case o f a 'bad f i t ' w i t h r e s p e c t to

'mind'. T h i s anomaly i s r e p r e s e n t e d by a p a r t i c u l a r type o f T i b e t a n

g h o s t known as a r g y a l - p o which l i t e r a l l y means ' k i n g * . Lichter

(1981) i n h i s ethnography o f the Tsumbas, a T i b e t a n o i d ( G o l d s t e i n

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1975:69) people o f northwestern Nepal, t r e a t s the r g y a l - p o phenomenon

at some l e n g t h . Among the Tsumbas, r g y a l - p o a r e the ghosts o f "greedy

or i r a s c i b l e lamas" (Lichter 1981:285). Furthermore, lamas or monks

who become ghosts b e t r a y the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the monastic community

to be exemplars of detachment s i n c e ghosthood i s c o n d i t i o n a l upon

c l i n g i n g t o t h i n g s , c o n d i t i o n s , or persons i n l i f e .

Dharmsala accounts of r g y a l - p o s concur w i t h those o f Tsumbas i n

d e p i c t i n g t h e i r i n t o l e r a n c e and the f a c t t h a t t h e i r former human

' s e l v e s ' had not a t t a i n e d enlightenment ( e n l i g h t e n e d beings can choose

to r e i n c a r n a t e or l e a v e samsara a l t o g e t h e r , but never become g h o s t s ) .

Dharmsala s t o r i e s a l s o s t r e s s the tendency of many r g y a l - p o s t o

become p r o t e c t o r s of a household, and p r o t e c t o r s i n p a r t i c u l a r o f the

household's r e s o u r c e s . One r g y a l - p o known as Shera - "the b l i n d one"

accompanied the household h e r d s . Whenever the animals went t o d r i n k

from a stream, Shera would p u l l t h e i r t a i l s t o prevent them from

falling i n the water (a v i a b l e p r o s p e c t i n many Himalayan river

valleys).

In t h i s way, the r g y a l - p o was thought t o take c a r e o f the

household and h i s i r a s c i b i l i t y d e r i v e s from the a n x i e t i e s he fosters

in this role. I f , f o r example, the f a t h e r of a household h o s t s many

p a r t i e s and g i v e s away expensive p r e s e n t s d u r i n g the course o f these

parties, the r g y a l - p o who 'looks a f t e r ' the household becomes

i n f u r i a t e d a t the waste o f money and w i l l harm the f a t h e r i n

retribution. Such d e s c r i p t i o n s of the r g y a l - p o would agree i n p a r t

w i t h O r t n e r ' s c o n t e n t i o n (1978:153) t h a t Sherpa monastic a s c e t i c i s m

c o n t r a d i c t s the e s s e n t i a l s o c i a l l u b r i c a n t of h o s p i t a l i t y and
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r e a f f i r m s L i c h t e r ' s p o i n t about the m a t e r i a l attachments of

rgyal-pos.

Dharmsala d e s c r i p t i o n s , however, p o i n t up a more i n t r i g u i n g

aspect of rgyal-pos - namely, t h a t they occupy d i f f e r e n t ranks, and

t h a t those i n the h i g h e s t echelons must be appeased through ritual;

t h a t r g y a l - p o s were r e l i g i o u s persons who l a t e r became d i s o r i e n t e d

and r e b e l l e d a g a i n s t r e l i g i o n , and t h a t they a r e extremely dangerous.

They have a " v e r y powerful way o f harming" as a r e s u l t o f the high

education they r e c e i v e d i n t h e i r former l i v e s . Rgyal-pos, thus,

have accumulated a l a r g e amount o f r e l i g i o u s knowledge and the power

t h a t such knowledge e n t a i l s , but have gone a g a i n s t r e l i g i o n by

c o n s t r u c t i n g a new h i e r a r c h y , o r , a t l e a s t , by a d h e r i n g to a h i e r a r c h y

o u t s i d e the l i m i t s o f s a n c t i o n e d Buddhist structure. T h e i r '[wrong

mindfulness', then, e s t a b l i s h e s them as a 'bad fit' i n the religious

o r d e r , but p l a c e s them a t the top o f an a l t e r n a t e h i e r a r c h y . Tibetan

demons and g h o s t s , then, who commonly assume i n a p p r o p r i a t e s t a t u s e s ,

symbolize " m i s - d i r e c t e d " ambition, and may further c a l l into question

the d e f i n i t i o n o f " a c c e p t a b l e ambition" i n Tibetan society.

The Problem o f Dbang

T u c c i d e f i n e s dbang tang as a " p s y c h i c a l and material strength

and s e c u r i t y r e s t i n g upon the knowledge o f p a s t karma" (1980:176).

Dbang tang o r l a s dbang (karmic dbang), I was t o l d , emerges from

one's p r e v i o u s l i v e s due to the e f f e c t of karma, and i s a type of

power. A l t h o u g h i t may r e s u l t i n p a r t from good deeds performed i n

p r e v i o u s l i v e s , i t i s not synonymous w i t h bsod-nams or m e r i t . One's

r e l a t i v e s t o c k of bsod-nams, also the r e s u l t of good deeds, i s a key

determinant i n directing the rnam-shes ( t r a n s m i g r a t i n g c o n s c i o u s n e s s )

to the next r e b i r t h . I f one's s t o c k o f bsod-nams i s h i g h , a

favourable b i r t h w i l l o b t a i n , i f i t i s low, the o p p o s i t e r e s u l t s . But

dbang tang i s a d i f f e r e n t sort of p o t e n t i a l . I f , f o r example, one i s

d e s t i n e d to be r e b o r n as a dog, but one has accrued a s i g n i f i c a n t

amount of dbang, then one w i l l indeed be a dog, but one w i l l be the

most powerful of dogs, l i v e i n the best of households, and enjoy

f a v o u r a b l e treatment from one's masters.

An important d i s t i n c t i o n between dbang tang and bsod-nams i s t h a t

the l a t t e r i s i n e x t r i c a b l y linked to karmic c a u s a l i t y . The bsod-nams

a c q u i r e d i n one's p r e s e n t l i f e w i l l have no b e a r i n g on one's p r e s e n t

life, and a c t i o n s d i r e c t e d t o i t s i n c r e a s e w i l l have e f f e c t o n l y i n

one's next l i f e . Dbang tang, however, may be i n c r e a s e d i n the here

and now and bear d i r e c t l y upon one!s p r e s e n t l i f e situation. The

power one may a c q u i r e w i t h i n the parameters of a l i f e t i m e i s known as

dbang and connotes power i n the animal kingdom, i n human s o c i e t y , and,

as I w i l l argue, power i n the realms o f e v i l .

If one has enough dbang, one may even t r a n s c e n d karmic

dictates. For example, a l t h o u g h a s t r o l o g y i s b e l i e v e d t o p r e d i c t the

k a r m i c a l l y determined l i m i t s t o one's l i f e s p a n , a person who has a

g r e a t amount of dbang w i l l be a b l e t o l i v e beyond t h i s " i n b o r n l i m i t "

u n t i l t h i s s t o c k of dbang i s exhausted. Dbang a l s o denotes the power

one may o b t a i n through m e d i t a t i o n a l d e i t i e s , r e l i g i o u s i n i t i a t i o n s

g i v e n by lamas, or even from the mere touch of a lama (phyag-dbang or

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'hand-blessing'). E p s t e i n r e f e r s to such a t r a n s f e r o f dbang as

"metonymical i n t h a t i t r e v e a l s s a c r e d power as a whole and

unspecified form f l o w i n g from the most h i g h l y d i s v a l u e d level of

existence, the body, from which a c t i o n o r i g i n a t e s " (1978:193).

Epstein i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s flow by c i t i n g the ingestion of "medicine

p i l l s made o f lamas' b o d i l y e f f l u v i a " , and the T i b e t a n p r a c t i c e of

bowing to touch t h e i r lama's f e e t "with the top o f t h e i r heads (the

most profound p a r t of the body)" (1978:193). But o f p a r t i c u l a r

s i g n i f i c a n c e , as E p s t e i n i n d i c a t e s , i s t h a t once a lama o b t a i n s his

dbang, "nothing can d i v e s t him of this generalized form of power

through which he can transmit b l e s s i n g s " whatever h i s c h a r a c t e r or

degree of l e a r n i n g (1978:232).

Religious i n i t i a t i o n s , according to n a t i v e e x e g e s i s , are an

e s s e n t i a l and graded s e r i e s of steps towards enlightenment. One does

n o t a t t a i n e n l i g h t e n m e n t by one's s e l f a l o n e , but rather through

a p p l i c a t i o n to B o d h i s a t t v a s , the e n l i g h t e n e d meditational deities. In

his e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n of the c u l t o f T a r a (Sgrol-ma) among the

Bk'a-rgyud-pa s e c t o f T i b e t a n Buddhism, Beyer (1973) p r e s e n t s the

e t i q u e t t e of approach an adept must f o l l o w i n h i s q u e s t f o r s a l v a t i o n .

The most b a s i c i n i t i a t i o n , f o r example, p r o v i d e s the frame

through which the a p p l i c a n t requests permission simply to p r a c t i c e the

r i t u a l s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h T a r a and i s an o b l i g a t o r y " p r e c u r s o r to her

r i t u a l s e r v i c e , her e v o c a t i o n and employment" (1973:375). Only a lama

can i n i t i a t e a d i s c i p l e since i n i t i a t i o n requires the t r a n s f e r of

m a g i c a l power from the lama to d i s c i p l e i n o r d e r to " c a t a l y z e " , as i t

were, o r e f f e c t the d i s c i p l e ' s c o m p l e t i o n o f the r i t u a l s t e p . This

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magical power and the initiation itself i s r e f e r r e d to as dbang.

When a d i s c i p l e completes an initiation, he or she becomes empowered

w i t h a c e r t a i n amount of dbang which w i l l p r o l o n g h i s or her life and

i d e a l l y extend the p o s s i b i l i t y of a c q u i r i n g more r e l i g i o u s knowledge

w i t h i n a l i f e t i m e and enhance h i s or her chances of enlightenment.

As I mentioned above, the s u c c e s s f u l c o m p l e t i o n of a preliminary

initiation prepares one to be a c a n d i d a t e f o r a secondary initiation,

and so on. A lama cannot bestow an i n i t i a t i o n upon a d i s c i p l e i f the

lama has not himself received t h a t s p e c i f i c i n i t i a t i o n , and initiatory

c a n d i d a t e s f o r any but the most b a s i c i n i t i a t i o n s are purportedly

screened c a r e f u l l y f o r t h e i r s u i t a b i l i t y , s i n c e the f u r t h e r one ascends

the sequence of i n i t i a t i o n s , the more dbang one accumulates.

The s u c c e s s f u l completion of an i n i t i a t i o n i s marked symbolically

when the a p p l i c a n t r e c e i v e s a srung-mdud " b l e s s i n g t h r e a d " to be tied

around h i s or her neck from the o f f i c i a t i n g lama. These t h r e a d s are

blessed when the lama t i e s a s a c r e d knot or s e r i e s of knots and blows a

spoken mantra onto the k n o t ( s ) , which imbues i t w i t h dbang and protects

the wearer from e v i l i n f l u e n c e s . Some T i b e t a n s venture t h a t a

srung-mdud may be so powerful i t c o u l d contravene the e f f e c t of an

i n n o c u l a t i o n a d m i n i s t e r e d to the wearer and, thus, a c t as an e f f e c t i v e

barrier against any external intrusion. Moreover, srung-mdud may take

the form of mantras w r i t t e n or p r i n t e d on r i c e paper and folded into

squares to be wrapped i n threads of the f i v e c o l o r s ( r e d , white, blue,

green, and yellow), or r o l l e d and worn i n amulet cases ( g ' a u ) .

While o b t a i n i n g some of the p a r t i c u l a r s on these srung-mdud, I

asked one informant why a great sngags-pa might wear one and his reply
suggested t h a t i t would p r o t e c t the sngags-pa from e v i l i n f l u e n c e s or

f e e l i n g s of g u i l t - b u t j u s t as my informant was about to expand upon

t h i s concept, another monk e n t e r e d the sgom-pa where I was conducting

the i n t e r v i e w . In l i g h t of t h i s a d d i t i o n to h i s audience, my

informant requested t h a t I ask q u e s t i o n s p e r t a i n i n g s o l e l y to T i b e t a n

' c u l t u r e ' and not to s p e c i f i c r e l i g i o u s m a t t e r s . The rationale for

h i s a n x i e t y s p r i n g s from a maxim commonly pronounced by T i b e t a n s i n

exile to f o r e i g n e r s - t h a t i t i s a s i n to make any mistakes in

e x p l a i n i n g dharma. The presence of the o t h e r monk a l l e g e d l y c r e a t e d

the c o n t e x t f o r t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y . S i n c e , however, my informant was

b e g i n n i n g to expand upon an ambivalence t h a t accompanies sngags-pas

as the o t h e r monk e n t e r e d , I i n t e r p r e t e d h i s h e r e t o f o r e underaonstrated

r e l u c t a n c e to answer any q u e s t i o n s as a r e s u l t of a tacit

u n d e r s t a n d i n g among sngags-pas and o t h e r r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i t i o n e r s not

to communicate c e r t a i n m a t t e r s to Westerners and, e s p e c i a l l y , not to

e l a b o r a t e upon any s u b j e c t s which might p o i n t up c e r t a i n religious

paradoxes.

Dbang, however, conveys f a r more than p r o t e c t i o n f o r those who

possess i t . A p a r t from i t s c a p a c i t y to extend the l i f e s p a n , dbang

produces an e f f e c t known as dngos-grub. This e f f e c t i s designated

i n two ways. The first i s mchog dngos-grub which r e f e r s to the

wealth, fame, and power one might d e s i r e i n t h i s w o r l d o r t h i s life.

A cave m e d i t a t o r e x p l a i n e d the concept as f o l l o w s :

A t a s o c i a l g a t h e r i n g o r p a r t y , many people w i l l be t a l k i n g
but one person w i l l become the c e n t e r of a t t e n t i o n .
Everyone would f i n d t h i s person's speech to be e l e g a n t and,
as i f he e x e r t e d some i n v i s i b l e i n f l u e n c e , he would be v e r y
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p e r s u a s i v e . The i n v i s i b l e i n f l u e n c e i s the r e s u l t o f t h i s
person's accumulated dbang. Others may t a l k and t a l k but
f a i l t o c o n v i n c e anyone, and t h i s i s a consequence o f t h e i r
l a c k o f dbang.

Mchog dngos-grub i m p l i e s m a t e r i a l s u c c e s s as w e l l a s an a b i l i t y

to i n f l u e n c e o t h e r s , that i s t o say, t o c r e a t e a ' f o l l o w i n g * . The

second type i s thun mong ma y i n dngos-grub and i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e

s u p e r i o r o f t h e two as t h i s second type w i l l enhance one's f u t u r e

l i v e s , n o t j u s t one's p r e s e n t l i f e . Thun mong ma y i n dngos-grub

e n a b l e s one n o t o n l y t o impress people i n t h i s l i f e but a l s o conveys

the power t o h e l p those i n h e l l , o r lower beings i n g e n e r a l , t o a t t a i n

a b e t t e r r e b i r t h by changing t h e i r mental a t t i t u d e o r t h e i r

intentionality. The importance o f ' r i g h t thought' i s a c o n s t a n t theme

in Buddhism, and even s u r f a c e d on t h e o c c a s i o n o f t h e 1980 a n n i v e r s a r y

of t h e March 10th u p r i s i n g by T i b e t a n s i n Lhasa a g a i n s t t h e C h i n e s e ,

when H.H. t h e D a l a i Lama, i n h i s u n o f f i c a l extemporaneous speech t o

the T i b e t a n p u b l i c , c a u t i o n e d monks not t o change t h e i r c l o t h e s (adopt

a monk's h a b i t ) u n l e s s they had changed t h e i r minds.

I n f l u e n t i a l p e o p l e , then, a r e thought t o have been c o l l e c t i n g

dbang i n p r e v i o u s l i v e s as w e l l as i n t h e i r p r e s e n t l i v e s . The f r u i t s

o f such a c c u m u l a t i o n prove e x c e e d i n g l y u s e f u l on a m a t e r i a l plane and

may, w i t h c o r r e c t a p p l i c a t i o n , prove u s e f u l on a s p i r i t u a l p l a n e .

Dbang i s a l s o a power which one c o l l e c t s i n a d e l i b e r a t e manner, but

not n e c e s s a r i l y i n an e t h i c a l manner. One sngags-pa, f o r example,

i n s i s t e d t h a t even a bad man who sought i n i t i a t i o n s c o u l d garner some

dbang. E v i l deeds o r a l e s s than d e s i r a b l e m o t i v a t i o n would not

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p r e v e n t i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s from s e e k i n g i n i t i a t i o n s and o b t a i n i n g i t .

A wealthy Dharmsala f a m i l y e v i n c e d this ' u n e t h i c a l ' approach to

initiation, i n the l o c a l view, by the c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n which they left

the son's new b r i d e w h i l e the f a m i l y trooped o f f to the temple to

r e c e i v e teachings and i n i t i a t i o n g i v e n by the D a l a i Lama a f t e r the New

Year. The young b r i d e had, i n obedience to h e r a r i s t o c r a t i c but

impoverished parents, r e l u c t a n t l y left s c h o o l and m a r r i e d the son o f

the f a m i l y i n q u e s t i o n . Her e x c e l l e n t command o f E n g l i s h was u s e f u l

in s e r v i n g the f a m i l y e n t e r p r i s e , b u t her unhappiness was w e l l known

to them and to s e v e r a l Western v i s i t o r s In Dharmsala. On the day o f

the temple t e a c h i n g s , the g i r l had been l e f t behind to s u p e r v i s e the

b u s i n e s s and to a w a i t the a r r i v a l o f c o n c r e t e f o r the f a m i l y ' s

b u i l d i n g expansion. The c o n c r e t e was d e l i v e r e d as a n t i c i p a t e d , b u t

the young woman was t h r u s t i n t o a n embarassing p o s i t i o n when the

c o n t r a c t o r s demanded payment f o r the l o a d . The g i r l ' s in-laws had

taken c a r e to l e a v e h e r w i t h no money l e s t she 'run away', and the

girl, i n t e a r s , appealed to a Westerner f o r a l o a n (which was promptly

r e p a i d when the f a m i l y r e t u r n e d ) . T h i s episode drew c o n s i d e r a b l e

commentary and sympathy from the community, who found a g r e a t degree

of h y p o c r i s y i n the f a m i l y ' s p u r s u i t o f r e l i g i o n but, a t the same

time, a s s e r t e d t h a t the f a m i l y ' s presence a t the t e a c h i n g s would,

n o n e t h e l e s s , augment t h e i r s t o c k o f dbang.

In h i s study o f a Sherpa monastery, P a u l , u s i n g the Sherpa ong

for dbang, notes t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s p i r i t u a l p r o g r e s s i s measured

i n h i s c o m p l e t i o n o f f o u r stages o f i n i t i a t i o n s o r ong. The f i r s t

stage enables the s t u d e n t to conform h i s a c t i o n s and body to the

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t e a c h i n g s of Buddha; the second a d j u s t s h i s speech; the t h i r d raises

his thought to the l e v e l o f a 'Buddha raind't and i n the f o u r t h s t a g e ,

enlightenment or becoming the Buddha i s a c h i e v e d (1970:475). Now,

almost i n l i n e w i t h Bateson's (1972) s t a g e s o f l e a r n i n g , something can

go wrong b e f o r e the s u c c e s s f u l c o m p l e t i o n o f the n e x t s t a g e , o r , f o r

some reason - e.g. u n t i m e l y death - the c a n d i d a t e does n o t complete

the s t a g e s . Few become e n l i g h t e n e d i n a l i f e t i m e and, f o r most,

thousands upon thousands o f l i v e s must be run through b e f o r e the s o u l

achieves t h i s ultimate goal. The worst p o s s i b i l i t y , from the

r e l i g i o u s p e r s p e c t i v e , i s t h a t the c a n d i d a t e ' s mind can t u r n a g a i n s t

r e l i g i o n a f t e r the c a n d i d a t e has r e c e i v e d c o n s i d e r a b l e dbang and

r e l i g i o u s knowledge. Those who have accumulated the g r e a t e s t amount

o f dbang a r e i n v a r i a b l y monks o r lamas; hence, i f t h e i r minds ' t u r n ' ,

they a r e d e s t i n e d to become g h o s t s , ghosts w i t h a g r e a t d e a l o f power

but w i t h o u t the p r e s c r i b e d r e l i g i o u s a t t i t u d e to d i r e c t i t s use.

Dbang may a l s o be o b t a i n e d i n more mundane ways than through

i n i t i a t i o n s , as many T i b e t a n s a r e c o n v i n c e d t h a t the mere touch from

o r s i g h t o f a g r e a t lama w i l l bestow dbang. But the a c q u i s i t i o n o f

dbang i s n o t f o r our purposes so important as i s i t s c o r r e c t

a p p l i c a t i o n , and the c o n t r a s t between h i g h Dge-lugs-pa lamas and the

sngags-pas i s , i n t h i s r e s p e c t , most r e v e a l i n g . Sngags i s the

p r a c t i c e of T a n t r a ( t h e u t t e r a n c e of a magic mantra) and a sngags-pa

is a Tantric practitioner. Sngags-pas are o f t e n o f the Rnying-ma-pa

o r Bk'a-rgyud-pa s e c t s and when q u e s t i o n e d on what d i s t i n g u i s h e s these

sngags-pas from o t h e r lamas, T i b e t a n s respond t h a t sngags-pas

f u n c t i o n as weathermakers, e x o r c i s t s , and p o t e n t i a l l y as s o r c e r e r s .
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I n Dharmsala, the m a j o r i t y s e c t i s Dge-lugs-pa, o f which the

D a l a i Lama i s the head, but the Rnying-ma-pas enjoy a s i g n i f i c a n t ,

a l b e i t subsidiary, position. The Rnying-ma-pa sngags-pas i n

Dharmsala a r e o f p a r t i c u l a r importance to the community a t l a r g e and

to the T i b e t a n government because they agree to undertake and have

g r e a t success w i t h q u e s t i o n a b l e and dangerous t a s k s . Such tasks

i n c l u d e s t o p p i n g r a i n o r h a i l and e x p e l l i n g ghosts and demons.

Weathermaklng i s a q u e s t i o n a b l e , i n t h a t i t i s s i n f u l a c t i v i t y because

it tampers w i t h the r i g h t f u l p r e r o g a t i v e s o f the k l u , who r e g u l a t e

precipitation. Stopping the r a i n , f o r example, i s no simple matter,

as one sngags-pa e x p l a i n e d , but i n v o l v e s a g r e a t d e a l o f p r e p a r a t i o n .

It i s much e a s i e r to p r e v e n t r a i n on some s p e c i f i c f u t u r e date than i t

is to stop r a i n t h a t i s a l r e a d y falling. Furthermore, s t o p p i n g the

r a i n r e q u i r e s t h a t the sngags-pa d i r e c t l y c h a l l e n g e the k l u . I n so

doing, he m a n i f e s t s h i s dbang a g a i n s t t h e i r power, and thereby changes

the n a t u r a l o r d e r . The k l u , who p r e f e r to d o l e o u t the weather a t

t h e i r own whim, r e t a l i a t e a g a i n s t t h i s m a n i p u l a t i o n where they can.

Although k l u a r e unable to b e s t the weatherraaker, they a r e s a i d to

take revenge upon h i s w i f e , who o f t e n e x p e r i e n c e s s o r e s on her body (a

k l u induced disease).

Despite the s i n f u l a s p e c t o f weathermaklng, i t i s an e s s e n t i a l

career. Weathermaklng i s o r d e r e d by the T i b e t a n government f o r

important official functions. The weather must always be "made", f o r

example, on each March 10th a n n i v e r s a r y o f the 1959 Lhasa u p r i s i n g ,

f o r T i b e t a n New Year ( e s p e c i a l l y f o r the day the D a l a i Lama bestows

p u b l i c b l e s s i n g s ) , f o r s p e c i a l pujas o r t e a c h i n g s , and by the T i b e t a n

I n s t i t u t e o f Performing A r t s when an opera i s to be p r e s e n t e d . I was

witness to a number o f the above o c c a s i o n s when the weather p r i o r to

and f o l l o w i n g the s p e c i f i e d event was t e r r i b l e (hailstorms), but

proved sunny and p l e a s a n t f o r the d e s i r e d p e r i o d .

Tibetans w i l l , however, remark on subsequent n a s t y weather as

i n d i c a t i v e o f the k l u ' s rage, s i n c e the k l u may be bent but

temporarily to the w i l l o f the sngags-pa. For a K a l a c a k r a

I n i t i a t i o n h e l d i n Ladakh, the D a l a i Lama r e p o r t e d l y requested h i s

c h i e f weathermaker to p r o v i d e clouds to s h e l t e r the 60,000 expected

i n i t i a t e s from the sun. The weathermaker journeyed to Ladakh w e l l i n

advance of the i n i t i a t i o n i n o r d e r to make p r e p a r a t i o n s , the d e s i r e d

c l o u d s formed f o r the i n i t i a t i o n (a r a r e s i g h t i n Ladakh), but their

u n f o r t u n a t e and unexpected product, snow, f e l l upon the people. The

D a l a i Lama o r d e r e d the weathermaker to remove them, and so he d i d .

But t h i s was accomplished only a f t e r a great outburst f e l l from the

sky. L a t e r , the weathermaker c o n f i d e d to one Informant t h a t those who

o

blamed him f o r the snow should ask the D a l a i Lama about i t . "Since

t h e r e a r e never c l o u d s In Ladakh d u r i n g the monsoon (which a f f e c t s the

r e s t o f I n d i a ) , I t might be expected t h a t c l o u d s would p r o v i d e snow."

The n a t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f weathermaking i n i t i a l l y emphasizes

its s i n f u l a s p e c t , but almost immediately adds a compensatory coda:

namely, t h a t the sngags-pa, i n committing the s i n , Is a c t u a l l y

s a c r i f i c i n g h i m s e l f ( i n c u r r i n g bad karma) f o r the b e n e f i t o f o t h e r s .

On c e r t a i n o c c a s i o n s such as h o l y days, the weather must be

c o n t r o l l e d , and the f a c t o f h i s s a c r i f i c e f o r the b e n e f i t o f o t h e r s

a c t u a l l y r e v e r s e s any sins the sngags-pa may acquire. But w h i l e l a y

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T i b e t a n s w i l l c i t e a sngags-pa's i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h n a t u r a l o r d e r as

the cause of the s i n In t h i s case, h i g h Dge-lugs-pa lamas criticize

and d e r i d e the weathermakers f o r the f a c t t h a t they have made a p u b l i c

d i s p l a y o f t h e i r power, and a s p e c t a c u l a r one a t t h a t . One Dharmsala

account r e c a l l s an o c c a s i o n when an o f f i c i a l weathermaker was

supposedly unable to c o n t r o l the weather b e f o r e a c r i t i c a l event, and,

f i n a l l y , a f t e r much r e l u c t a n c e , a v e r y h i g h Dge-lugs-pa i n c a r n a t e

agreed to do i t j u s t once "to show p e o p l e . " His e f f o r t s purportedly

met w i t h resounding s u c c e s s , b u t he has r e f u s e d ever s i n c e to r e p e a t

the feat.

The Dangers o f Dbang

The dbang o f g r e a t t a n t r i c p r a c t i t i o n e r s i s a t t a i n e d through

l e a r n i n g the mantras r e l a t e d to a p a r t i c u l a r d e i t y , undertaking

m e d i t a t i o n a l r e t r e a t s f o r p e r i o d s o f three y e a r s , three months, and

three days, and spending 108 n i g h t s p e r f o r m i n g r i t e s of gcod (offering

up one's body to c a n n i b a l s p i r i t s ) i n a cemetery and 108 nights at a

s p r i n g ( t h e home of k l u ) . Such power i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y t r a n s m i t t e d

through r e i n c a r n a t i o n , b u t must be s y s t e m a t i c a l l y gained. The

i n t e n s i v e t r a i n i n g and m e d i t a t i o n i s c o n s i d e r e d to be e s s e n t i a l s i n c e

the p r a c t i c e o f T a n t r a always imposes extreme danger to the performer.

A sngags-pa, i n the view o f T i b e t a n s , i s most s p e c t a c u l a r i n h i s

r o l e s as weathermaker and exorcist.

E x o r c i s m does n o t d i s t u r b the l e g i t i m a t e cosmic o r d e r , but r a t h e r

c h a l l e n g e s and subdues, i n one way o r another, ghosts and demonic

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elements. However, o n l y a sngags-pa w i t h g r e a t power and intense

c o n c e n t r a t i o n can succeed a t exorcism. I f h i s dbang i s i n s u f f i c i e n t ,

and h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n w a i v e r s d u r i n g the r i t u a l , the g h o s t s or demons

w i l l n o t submit, r a t h e r , they w i l l grow more powerful from having

defeated the e x o r c i s t and, thereby, pose a f a r more s e r i o u s threat

calling f o r the e f f o r t s of an even g r e a t e r t a n t r i c p r a c t i t i o n e r . As a

T i b e t a n cave m e d i t a t o r noted:

I t so happens t h a t those e v i l beings have a l l the d e f e c t s o f

human b e i n g s ; i n f a c t , they a r e even worse than we a r e .
They have a l l the weaknesses because they tend to l o o k down
upon those monks who read s c r i p t u r e s b u t who a r e n o t
l e a r n e d , who a r e not p r a c t i c i n g B u d d h i s t s .

If the e x o r c i s t o r the e x o r c i s t i n a l l i a n c e w i t h h i s t u t e l a r y

d e i t y p o s s e s s e s s u f f i c i e n t dbang, then the e v i l Is c o n t r o l l e d by

v i r t u e of the e x o r c i s t ' s s u p e r i o r power. With t h i s l o g i c comes a

r a t i o n a l e which s u b s t a n t i a t e s the r e l u c t a n c e o f t e n p r o f e s s e d by

T i b e t a n sngags-pas to d i r e c t w r a t h f u l measures a g a i n s t ghosts and

demons - i . e . , t h a t i f the e x o r c i s t ' s dbang i s i n s u f f i c i e n t , he will

fail i n h i s c o n t e s t with the demon, a f a i l u r e which w i l l enhance the

demon's power and f u r t h e r the demon's chances o f b e s t i n g an e x o r c i s t

i n the f u t u r e . I n a d d i t i o n , f a i l u r e on the p a r t of the e x o r c i s t n o t

only endangers him but a l s o promotes the demon's o r ghost's s t a t u s i n

the 'alternate hierarchy'.

This p o s s i b i l i t y i s i l l u s t r a t e d by the exorcism of a contractor's

g h o s t i n the T i b e t a n C h i l d r e n ' s V i l l a g e or "TCV". TCV, which i s one

o f the most r i c h l y endowed T i b e t a n i n s t i t u t i o n s i n exile, i s also the

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s i t e o f ongoing c o n s t r u c t i o n o f classrooms, d o r m i t o r i e s , and d i n i n g

h a l l s designed to serve the orphan i n f a n t s , elementary and h i g h s c h o o l

students who r e s i d e t h e r e . Therefore, a c o n t r a c t o r working f o r TCV i s

likely to be a s u c c e s s f u l businessman. B u t , by v i r t u e o f h i s

vocation, he i s bound to d i s t u r b the e a r t h and, t h e r e f o r e , the k l u and

sa-bdag t h a t c l a i m l e g i t i m a t e r e s i d e n c e there. A c o n t r a c t o r working

f o r TCV then must take s p e c i a l p r e c a u t i o n s to appease those who a r e

d i s p l a c e d and d i s p l e a s e d by the c o n s t r u c t i o n . One TCV c o n t r a c t o r ' s

d i s r e g a r d f o r such p r e c a u t i o n s l e d to the exorcism o f h i s g h o s t :

The Contractor's Exorcism

One evening, a TCV c o n t r a c t o r was r i d i n g h i s m o t o r c y c l e a l o n g the

road c o n n e c t i n g TCV w i t h McCleod G a n j . A f o u n t a i n donated by the

Gorkha R i f l e s i s a major landmark a l o n g t h i s road and acknowledged to

be the d w e l l i n g o f many k l u (who a r e n a t u r a l l y a t t r a c t e d to s p r i n g s ,

w e l l s , b o d i e s o f water, s t r a n g e rock formations, and c e r t a i n t r e e s ) .

T r a v e l l e r s approach t h i s f o u n t a i n w i t h c a u t i o n , taking care to a v o i d

polluting the f o u n t a i n . But as the c o n t r a c t o r rode p a s t the f o u n t a i n ,

a snake c r o s s e d the road. The man stopped h i s m o t o r c y c l e , but a f t e r

becoming i m p a t i e n t w i t h the snake's slow pace, he surged ahead.

As the c o n t r a c t o r rode over the snake, he imagined t h a t i t might

somehow wind i t s e l f up on the m o t o r c y c l e wheel and b i t e him. This

thought f r i g h t e n e d him to the p o i n t t h a t he l o s t h i s b l a o r secondary

soul. The c o n t r a c t o r became very ill immediately f o l l o w i n g this

i n c i d e n t and c o n s u l t e d a renowned l a d y o r a c l e . She presented a

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d i a g n o s i s and c h a s t i s e d him s e v e r e l y , c a l l i n g him an ' e v i l man' who

had angered the k l u and informed him t h a t he would d i e w i t h i n a week.

The c o n t r a c t o r subsequently d i e d w i t h i n the week. Shortly

afterwards, the TCV cooks, who b e g i n work a t f o u r a.m., discovered to

their horror t h a t huge l o g s had m a g i c a l l y appeared i n the ovens, and

t h a t the g r e a t c a u l d r o n s w i t h i n which meals were mixed f o r the e n t i r e

s c h o o l were f l o a t i n g about the k i t c h e n . The l a d y o r a c l e was consulted

once more c o n c e r n i n g the o r i g i n of t h i s p o l t e r g e i s t and she pronounced

it the work of the c o n t r a c t o r ' s g h o s t . Her s o l u t i o n to the m a t t e r

required the performance o f a w r a t h f u l sbyln sreg r i t u a l , which

Nebesky-Wojkowitz d e s c r i b e s as "the b u r n i n g of an e v i l spirit, mostly

done a f t e r a l l e f f o r t s to subdue the e v i l doer and to b r i n g him on the

p a t h o f v i r t u e have f a i l e d " (1956:528).

Monks were h i r e d by TCV to perform t h i s r i t u a l , but f a i l e d - the

p o l t e r g e i s t remained. Following t h i s f a i l u r e , TCV requested the c h i e f

Dharmsala sngags-pa, a r e i n c a r n a t e Rnying-ma-pa lama who i s the

o f f i c i a l weathermaker and the major Dharmsala e x o r c i s t , to subdue the

c o n t r a c t o r ' s ghost. But t h i s sngags-pa was exceedingly r e l u c t a n t to

perform the exorcism, c l a i m i n g t h a t now i t would r e q u i r e an extremely

wrathful zhal-'adon to c o n t r o l the ghost and t h a t he h i m s e l f doubted

his capabilities to d e f e a t i t , i t s power h a v i n g i n c r e a s e d by the

f a i l u r e o f the f i r s t exorcism. The people, however, p e r s i s t e d and,

finally, a f t e r o f f e r i n g s u f f i c i e n t l i b a t i o n s o f b a r l e y beer (chang)

to the sngags-pa, h i s consent was secured.

The e x o r c i s t I n s t r u c t e d some TCV r e s i d e n t s to go to the

c o n t r a c t o r ' s house, where they would f i n d h i s c h i l d r e n p l a y i n g outside

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and h i s widow s i t t i n g i n the d o o r s t e p r e c i t i n g her r o s a r y . As the

sngags-pa p r e d i c t e d , the c o n t r a c t o r ' s f a m i l y were found so engaged,

and the TCV r e s i d e n t s took c o n f i d e n c e i n the e x o r c i s t ' s power. He

then gave the r e s i d e n t s a l a r g e s k i n bag and ordered them to take i t

to the c o n t r a c t o r ' s house and walk around i t . While the man carrying

the bag c i r c l e d the house, he suddenly found t h a t the empty bag

appeared to weigh one kilo. The bag was returned to the e x o r c i s t who

burned i t i n a f i r e . The ghost d i d n o t return.

T h i s l a y r e t e l l i n g of an e x o r c i s m weaves together a number o f

themes. I t condemns a wealthy c o n t r a c t o r who failed to r e s p e c t the

cosmic h i e r a r c h y and thereby h i n t s a t the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t wealth as

w e l l as dbang might pose dangers f o r the 'legitimate' hierarchy. But

i t a l s o suggests t h a t the c o n t r a c t o r had s u f f i c i e n t importance to

enable him to become a p o w e r f u l ghost. I t cautions against

underestimating the s t r e n g t h of an e v i l s p i r i t , a message the e x o r c i s t

may have wished to communicate to h i s p a r i s h , who did not, a f t e r a l l ,

initially seek h i s s e r v i c e s . But I t i s the e x o r c i s t ' s emphasis upon

the enormity o f the task and the u n c e r t a i n t y o f the outcome that

presses upon everyone the t h e s i s t h a t i n s u f f i c i e n t r e l i g i o u s power can

be defeated.

Furthermore, a sngags-pa who has n o t mastered a l l o f the mantras

related to h i s t u t e l a r y d i e t y , whose thoughts s t r a y from m e d i t a t i o n at

the p o i n t o f h i s death, o r who engages i n u n e t h i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n o f h i s

dbang, w i l l become a r g y a l - p o c a p a b l e of a c c o m p l i s h i n g much harm.

I n the h i e r a r c h y o f g h o s t s , sngags-pas w i t h incomplete religious

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knowledge ( n o t y e t e n l i g h t e n e d ) o r those who have turned away from

r e l i g i o n , assume the h i g h e s t s t a t u s . One Dge-lugs-pa s p r u l - s k u

commented t h a t such a t a n t r i c g h o s t can even m a n i f e s t i t s e l f w i t h the

animal head o f i t s former t u t e l a r y d e i t y and w i e l d much o f t h a t

d e i t y ' s power, b u t do so, of c o u r s e , w i t h o u t the i n t e n t i o n a l i t y and

d i r e c t i o n o f the d e i t y . The f a r - r e a c h i n g impact t h a t a major r g y a l - p o

may have on T i b e t a n s o c i e t y i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g h i s t o r y :

The Shugs-ldan Rgyal-po

Many y e a r s ago a f t e r the time of Srong-btsan Sgam-po (the first

great king of a united T i b e t ) , there was a dge-bshes who was extremely

l e a r n e d and wrote commentaries on Buddhism. Something went wrong,

however, and there was much c o n t r o v e r s y about h i s w r i t i n g s . The

T i b e t a n government f i n a l l y d e c i d e d to do away w i t h him and caught him,

wrapped him up i n a sheepskin, sewed i t c l o s e d , and threw him into the

river. A t t h a t time h i s mother saw him d y i n g and f o l l o w e d him as he

f l o a t e d down the r i v e r . The s h e e p s k i n reached the bank o f the river

and she opened i t . He was about to d i e of s u f f o c a t i o n and she was

beside h e r s e l f .

She meant to i n s t r u c t him as f o l l o w s : "You a r e educated, you know

so much, do n o t be a f r a i d of what might happen to you and remember to

a s s i s t whomever has helped you i n t h i s l i f e and harm those who have

h u r t you." But i n her h a s t e , the mother's wording went awry. Instead

she s a i d , "Harm those who helped you and h e l p those who harmed you."

Thus her words became engraved i n h i s mind. He was r e b o r n as a

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r g y a l - p o and proceeded to harm a l l those who had helped him and helped

those who had harmed him. Even those members o f the T i b e t a n

government who had k i l l e d him he now a s s i s t e d .

While the mother gave h e r mistaken a d v i c e , a b l a c k c a t sprang o u t

of the bag and r a n to a nearby mountain where the c a t was absorbed

into the mountain. A t t h a t p o i n t he changed i n t o the r g y a l - p o . The

knowledge o f the e x i s t e n c e o f t h i s r g y a l - p o spread f a r and wide.

D u r i n g the time o f one o f the D a l a i Lamas, t h i s Shugs-ldan r g y a l - p o

was c r e a t i n g o b s t a c l e s a f f e c t i n g whatever the D a l a i Lama wished to do.

The D a l a i Lama c o n s u l t e d h i s c h a m b e r l a i n and informed him o f the need

of a sngags-pa to perform a dur puja and asked i f one were a v a i l a b l e .

The chamberlain r e p l i e d t h a t one e x i s t e d and the government

subsequently s e n t a message down from the P o t a l a r e q u e s t i n g the

sngags-pa's presence.

When the sngags-pa r e c e i v e d h i s i n v i t a t i o n to the P o t a l a he was

at first f u l l o f f e a r as to what might happen, he w o r r i e d t h a t he

might have been the cause o f c e r t a i n t h i n g s . When he reached the

p a l a c e , the D a l a i Lama asked him, "What do you do these days?" The

sngags-pa answered t h a t he performed dur exorcisms and earned h i s

living. The D a l a i Lama then asked hira i f he c o u l d do r g y a l - d u r

exorcisms. The sngags-pa replied t h a t he c o u l d and the D a l a i Lama

then asked him to perform such a r i t u a l i n o r d e r to e x o r c i s e the

Shugs-ldan. The sngags-pa prepared gtor-mas and f a s h i o n e d

thread-crosses referred to by T i b e t a n s as rnara-mkh'as.

The most simple rnam-rakh'a c o n s i s t s o f two c r o s s e d s t i c k s which

are bound w i t h c o l o r e d threads u n t i l the o b j e c t resembles a cob-web

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(Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956:369). More complex forms include elaborate

geometric configurations of thread-crosses which may reach ten or more

meters i n height. According to Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1956:370), these

thread-crosses, when used for e x o r c i s t i c purposes, entangle e v i l

spirits "just l i k e a f l y [ i s entangled] i n a cob-web." Dharmsala

sngags-pas, however, maintain that, i n the perception of the e v i l

s p i r i t , a rnam-mkh'a becomes a rainbow, and thereby serves to a t t r a c t

the s p i r i t .

While the sngags-pa prepared the rnam-mkh'as f o r the r i t u a l ,

the Shugs-ldan rgyal-po appeared a t the exorcism s i t e . He watched h i s

body being sculpted into a gtor-ma (dough cake) and wondered what the

sngags-pa was up to, thinking, "He's making my shape on the a l t a r . "

The sngags-pa could see that the Shugs-ldan was present. Suddenly, he

threw some powerful mantras and the Shugs-ldan was absorbed into the

gtor-ma. But when the Shugs-ldan found himself imprisoned i n the

gtor-ma, everything was a t once completely transformed for him. The

rnam-mkh'as became rainbows, he believed that he was inhabiting a

palace and had wonderful things to eat, a r i v e r , and many b e a u t i f u l

things. Then he was cast away by the sngags-pa. The Shugs-ldan

could not escape because there was too much temptation for him.

He was banished beyond the great ocean f o r twelve years. At the

end of this period he returned and found h i s way to Tibet. He spent

some time eating cast-away gtor-mas and food and slowly recovered

his harming strength. Once more he became extremely powerful and

harmful, although on occasion he was h e l p f u l . There was a time when

people mistook him for a lha. People gave equal status to both the
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Shugs-ldan O r a c l e and t o Pehar ( t h e Nechung O r a c l e , chief state oracle

of T i b e t ) . Therefore, the D a l a i Lama had t o make i t c l e a r t o people

how Pehar o r i g i n a t e d and how the Shugs-ldan o r i g i n a t e d , what t h e i r

d i f f e r e n c e s were, and which c o u l d be c o n s u l t e d . The Shugs-ldan Oracle

i s not usually consulted because he always harms. Some people do

c o n s u l t him, however.

T h i s h i s t o r y of a famous r g y a l - p o i s r e p l e t e with contradictions:

a learned dge-bshes w r i t i n g h e r e t i c a l B u d d h i s t commentaries; k i l l i n g a

man by sewing him i n t o a m e t a p h o r i c a l "womb" and c a s t i n g him in a

r i v e r ; mistaken a d v i c e from a mother; and harming those who helped him

w h i l e a s s i s t i n g those who harmed him. These o p p o s i t i o n s underscore

the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e o f a r g y a l - p o - that everything about him is

contradictory. But w i t h o u t , f o r the p r e s e n t , a n a l y z i n g the

r g y a l - p o ' s exorcism, we must remark upon the e x o r c i s t ' s a n x i e t y when

summoned b e f o r e the D a l a i Lama. T h i s sngags-pa f e a r s t h a t something

may have gone amiss as a r e s u l t of the a p p l i c a t i o n s of h i s powers.

The above h i s t o r y presented by a Rnying-ma-pa sngags-pa d i f f e r s

markedly from a v e r s i o n g i v e n by Nebesky-Wojkowitz wherein a

reincarnate lama named Bsod-nams Grags-pa i n s p i r e d the j e a l o u s y of

other reincarnates and the T i b e t a n Government. Though r e s i s t i n g many

plots against his l i f e , the lama, "weary o f the incessant

intrigues...decided to l e a v e the world v o l u n t a r i l y " (1956:134). His

ghost, however, i s persuaded by a d i s c i p l e to take revenge and great

calamities befall Tibet. The only lama c a p a b l e of e x o r c i s i n g the

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s p i r i t i s the abbot of Mindoling (a Dge-lugs-pa motiastery), but this

abbot i s tricked while performing the exorcism by an aspect of

Tshangs-pa (possibly Pehar). He loses his concentration, and i s

unable to imprison the s p i r i t . F i n a l l y , the Tibetan Government

discovers that the cause of the rgyal-po's wrath was the i n j u s t i c e

perpetrated towards Bsod-nams Grags-pa, decides to appease the

s p i r i t , and requests that i t assume the role of a Dge-lugs-pa

protective deity - a request to which the rgyal-po agrees

(1956:135-136). The descriptions of Rdo-rje Shugs-ldan's abode i s

replete with graphic d e t a i l s of scattered corpses, bodily e f f l u v i a ,

dripping blood, etc., a l l of which reportedly appeals to the demonic

appetite.

While the f i r s t history of the Shugs-ldan oracle, given by a

Rnying-ma-pa cave meditator, stresses the relationship between the

misdirected ambition of a dge-bshes and the contrariness of his ghost;

the second version, offered by Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1956), casts the

rgyal-po as a victim of the ambitions of other lamas. In Dharmsala,

the Shugs-ldan oracle i s a problematic figure f o r both professed

Dge-lugs-pas and Rnying-ma-pas. One informant claimed that the

D a l a i Lama had once held an i n i t i a t i o n i n India and requested that any

of the would-be i n i t i a t e s who a t any time had consulted the Shugs-ldan

oracle not p a r t i c i p a t e . In response to the Dalai Lama's request, many

monks and lay Tibetans purportedly l e f t the scene. This informant was

also quite c e r t a i n that a reincarnate lama had written a recent

treatise on the subject of the Shugs-ldan oracle, o u t l i n i n g the

reasons why this oracle was not i n keeping with the p r i n c i p l e s of the
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Dge-lugs-pa s e c t . Furthermore, another lama attempted to p u b l i s h a

rebuttal to t h i s t r e a t i s e b u t was d i s c o u r a g e d from doing so by the

D a l a i Lama, who felt the r e b u t t a l might c r e a t e u n d e s i r a b l e sectarian

squabbles. The Shugs-ldan o r a c l e i s a l s o known to be an o r a c l e who

guards h i s s t a t u s j e a l o u s l y , and who w i l l harm former ' c l i e n t s ' who

might v e n t u r e elsewhere f o r advice.

T h a t the Shugs-ldan o r a c l e c o n t i n u e s to secure f o l l o w e r s among

T i b e t a n s i n e x i l e i s found p r o b l e m a t i c by the D a l a i Lama and others,

f o r the Shugs-ldan Rgyal-po r e p r e s e n t s the u n e t h i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n of

r e l i g i o u s power. The Shugs-ldan o r a c l e , thus, may w e l l symbolize a

c e r t a i n ambivalence to r e l i g i o u s power o r to the implications of

r e l i g i o u s power. Without e n t e r i n g i n t o an a n a l y s i s o f the doctrine,

which i s beyond the scope of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , we may l o o k to what

may well underlie the D a l a i Lama's acceptance o f Pehar, the Nechung

o r a c l e (the c h i e f s t a t e o r a c l e o f T i b e t ) , and h i s r e j e c t i o n of the

Shugs-ldan.

Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1956) c i t e s numerous o r i g i n s a t t r i b u t e d to

Pehar, most o f which p l a c e him as a non-Buddhist p e r s o n a l protective

d e i t y of the k i n g o f Hor, one of the n o t a b l e kingdoms conquered by

Tibet's e p i c hero Gesar. C e r t a i n accounts have Pehar subjugated by

Padmasambhava w h i l e o t h e r s a s s e r t t h a t Gesar h i m s e l f subdued Pehar and

compelled him to become a defender of Buddhism, and, in particular, a

protector of the T i b e t a n Government. When Pehar or one of h i s

ministers i s invoked to possess the Nechung o r a c l e , the Tibetan

Government r e c e i v e s pronouncements and p r e d i c t i o n s on a f f a i r s of

state. The Nechung o r a c l e i s thereby the most r e s p e c t e d o r a c l e among

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Tibetans, and Pehar, the most powerful deity of the Tibetan pantheon

to take possession of a human. Although there are different versions

of Pehar's arrival in Tibet, what emerges most significantly for the

purpose at hand is that the epic of Gesar may not be sung in the

Nechung monastery lest Pehar be upset upon being reminded "of the

defeat he had suffered" (1956:105). This observance is currently

upheld with respect to the Nechung monastery in Dharmsala.

Pehar is the trusted protector of the Tibetan state despite his

non-Tibetan and non-Buddhist origins because he was converted to

Buddhism either by a great hero Gesar or the tantric specialist

Padmasambhava; in other words, Pehar did not "achieve" his religious

knowledge or power. Rather, he was granted his religious power by a

great lha. By not singing the legend of Gesar in the "presence" of

Pehar - I.e., i n the Nechung monastery, Tibetans demonstrate their

respect for a demon who has submitted himself to the ethical tenets of

Buddhism. The Shugs-ldan oracle, on the other hand, symbolizes

someone who has systematically acquired religious power, but who has

broken free of ethical constraints.

Dbang Contests

Tibet, according to the legends surrounding Padmasambhava, was

orginally converted to Buddhism through a series of contests between

Bon-po priests and Padmasambhava, contests which pitted the magical

power of the priests against that of the Guru much in the following

manner:
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The S t o r y o f T a r a Lee Wang

I t so happened t h a t d u r i n g the r e i g n o f K i n g K h r i - s r o n g

Lde-btsan, when the Bon r e l i g i o n was p r e v a l e n t i n T i b e t , but Guru

Rinpoche was b e g i n n i n g to c o n v e r t the l a n d to Buddhism, the K i n g ' s

chief minister died. A f t e r h i s death, a s p e c i a l r i t u a l was performed

to send h i s s o u l up to a h i g h e r p l a c e , a b e t t e r w o r l d . For this

ritual, the K i n g i n v i t e d both B u d d h i s t monks and Bon p r i e s t s and each

performed t h e i r v e r s i o n o f the lam-'adun r i t u a l . F o r the performance

of ttie r i t u a l , each o f the competing p r a c t i t i o n e r s drew a human f i g u r e

(to r e p r e s e n t the s o u l o f the deceased), and then u t t e r e d h i s

respective scriptures.

The K i n g d e c i d e d to judge which r e l i g i o n was s u p e r i o r by

o b s e r v i n g the success o f each s i d e . D u r i n g the Bon r i t u a l , the K i n g

found t h a t the drawing began to assume human form and suddenly started

to speak. , The f i g u r e announced t h a t he was T a r a L e e Wang ( t h e dead

m i n i s t e r ) , l i s t e d h i s accomplishments as m i n i s t e r , r e c a l l e d h i s

c o n v e r s a t i o n s w i t h the K i n g , and d e s c r i b e d h i s t r a v e l s . I n s h o r t , the

f i g u r e recounted the l i f e h i s t o r y o f T a r a Lee Wang. The K i n g was v e r y

suprised to hear the f i g u r e ' s speech. He then v i s i t e d the B u d d h i s t

ritual and found t h a t , a l t h o u g h they were a l s o p e r f o r m i n g a r i t u a l to

guide the s o u l o f the deceased m i n i s t e r , n o t h i n g was happening with

the paper figure. From t h i s o b s e r v a t i o n the K i n g concluded t h a t the

Bon monks r e a l l y had the b e t t e r command o f t a n t r i e mantras.

The K i n g c o n s u l t e d Guru Rinpoche about h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s and s a i d ,

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" I have seen c e r t a i n m i r a c u l o u s t h i n g s when the Bon p r i e s t s pray,

whereas n o t h i n g happens when the B u d d h i s t monks p r a y . " Guru Rinpoche

replied, " A l l right. I gave one i n i t i a t i o n a l o n g time ago to a l l the

ministers, a tantric i n i t i a t i o n . I n t h a t i n i t i a t i o n I gave a special

t a n t r i c name to a l l the King's m i n i s t e r s . These t a n t r i c names a r e n o t

known by o t h e r s - they a r e v e r y s a c r e d . Why don't you go to t h a t

human f i g u r e who speaks, and ask him what h i s s p e c i a l t a n t r i c name

is?" Guru Rinpoche a l s o gave the K i n g a r d o - r j e ( t h u n d e r b o l t ) to h i d e

In the f r o n t p o c k e t o f h i s phyu-pa ( c l o a k ) , and i n s t r u c t e d him to

a l l o w o n l y the top of i t to p r o t r u d e from the lower f o l d o f h i s

phyu-pa.

The K i n g then went to the Bon r i t u a l , and saw t h a t the f i g u r e was

still talking. The K i n g then asked, " S i n c e you a r e one o f the

m i n i s t e r s who r e c e i v e d a t a n t r i c i n i t i a t i o n from Guru Rinpoche and

r e c e i v e d a t a n t r i c name, what i s t h a t name?" The figure replied, "Oh,

I don't know. When Guru Rinpoche was giving these names, he k i c k e d me

out. I was h i d i n g behind the w a l l , behind the water." Then the K i n g

revealed the t i p o f the t h u n d e r b o l t from underneath h i s s h i r t and the

f i g u r e became t e r r i f i e d , c r y i n g , " P l e a s e don't do t h a t - don't show me

that thing! I t i s so p o w e r f u l - t h a t r d o - r j e ! " Finally, the f i g u r e

confessed t h a t he was n o t Tara Lee Wang.

The K i n g asked him who he was, and the f i g u r e r e p l i e d t h a t he was

an e v i l bdud and n o t the s o u l o f T a r a Lee Wang. The bdud had come, i n

fact, to harm the s o u l o f T a r a Lee Wang. I f the s o u l o f Tara Lee Wang

was n o t "caught" w i t h t h i s p u j a , then he c o u l d n o t be d i r e c t e d to a

b e t t e r world, to r e b i r t h .
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As the n a r r a t o r of this t a l e e x p l a i n e d , whether o r n o t the evil

i s prevented from harming the s o u l o f the deceased o r a s i c k person

depends upon the p e r s o n a l dbang o f the man who performs the p u j a . It

depends upon how h i g h the lama i s , h i s s t r e n g t h , and h i s p e r s o n a l

power (dbang). The s t r e n g t h o f the Bon p r a y e r s c o u l d not match

t h a t o f Guru Rinpoche.

T i b e t a n s a r e , thus, w e l l - v e r s e d n o t o n l y In the v a r i e t y of

p o w e r f u l magicians of v a r i o u s r e l i g i o n s , b u t a l s o In the superiority

o f Buddhism i n cases o f magical combat. But t h i s s u p e r i o r i t y does n o t

go u n c h a l l e n g e d i n the present-day c o n t e x t of refugee l i f e . Indian

saddhus, f o r example, f r e q u e n t l y t r a v e l to Dharmsala. While some come

on a p i l g r i m a g e to v i s i t l o c a l Hindu s h r i n e s , o t h e r s , f a m i l i a r with

t h e i r glamorous image i n the West, f o l l o w the t o u r i s t flow i n hopes o f

o

p i c k i n g up alms. T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala acknowledge t h a t these saddhus

may be t a n t r i e p r a c t i t i o n e r s w i t h some o f the same s k i l l s possessed by

T i b e t a n sngags-pas.

T i b e t a n s who read I n d i a n newspapers a l s o read o c c a s i o n a l accounts

of I n d i a n t a n t r i e s engaging i n heinous r i t e s such as c h i l d sacrifice,

a l l o f which c o n t r i b u t e s to a r e l a t i v e unease e x p e r i e n c e d by a number

o f T i b e t a n s where saddhus a r e concerned. When a b r i d g e linking

F o r s y t h e Ganj w i t h McCleod Ganj had been almost r e b u i l t a f t e r I t had

been washed away i n the monsoon, word was out among T i b e t a n mothers i n

Dharmsala to keep a v i g i l a n t eye upon t h e i r o f f s p r i n g . It was

rumoured t h a t a d i s r e p u t a b l e saddhu was s e a r c h i n g the l o c a l a r e a f o r

two boys between the ages of three and e i g h t to bury under each end of
the new bridge, the l o g i c o f t h i s s a c r i f i c e b e i n g t h a t the e v i l

spirits who gather under b r i d g e s and p r e c i p i t a t e a c c i d e n t s i n o r d e r to

capture v i c t i m s would be s a t i a t e d by the boys and r e f r a i n from harming

future travellers.

A T i b e t a n maskmaker's daughter was r e p o r t e d l y captured by the

saddhu who was d e c e i v e d by h e r r e c e n t l y shaved head (a p r o p h y l a c t i c

for l i c e and ringworm), but was a b r u p t l y d i s c a r d e d by him upon h i s

d i s c o v e r y o f her sex. Such r e p o r t s ground an u n f a v o r a b l e reception of

saddhus by T i b e t a n s . On one o c c a s i o n , an I n d i a n saddhu entered a

Tibetan r e s t a u r a n t w h i l e I happened to be c o n v e r s i n g with the manager.

She immediately appeared to be a g i t a t e d , q u e s t i o n e d the saddhu's

presence i n the r e s t a u r a n t , and f i n a l l y persuaded him to l e a v e . The

manager expressed to me h e r f e a r t h a t he might c a s t the e v i l eye upon

her and/or the r e s t a u r a n t i f he remained i n s i d e f o r a l o n g time. "We

have," she s a i d , "no p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t them."

Sngags-pas and T i b e t a n monks, however, a r e c o n f i d e n t t h a t they

have s u f f i c i e n t power to c o u n t e r a c t the e v i l i n f l u e n c e o f saddhus, b u t

h o l d , a l l the same, an i n t e n s e d i s l i k e o f them, f o r saddhus may engage

them i n v i r t u a l r e l i g i o u s d u e l s . The s p r i n g s o f Bhagsunath, a Hindu

s h r i n e i n the Dharmsala a r e a , a r e a popular bathing spot f o r Indians

and T i b e t a n s , and f r e q u e n t e d by T i b e t a n monks and lamas. On one

o c c a s i o n , a number o f saddhus convened a t the s p r i n g , and the T i b e t a n

monks, b e l i e v i n g t h a t the saddhus had p o l l u t e d the s p r i n g s w i t h their

r i t e s o f b l a c k magic, performed a r i t u a l there to c o u n t e r a c t the e v i l

before they resumed their bathing. The d i s a f f e c t i o n harbored by the

T i b e t a n monks towards the saddhus, however, i s more a r e s u l t o f the

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f a c t t h a t the saddhus' a c t i o n s f o r c e the T i b e t a n s i n t o a power contest

(and thereby a d i s p l a y o f power), than t h a t the T i b e t a n s entertained

any p o s s i b i l i t y of defeat.

GonclusIon

Rgyal-pos, the ghosts o f monks or lamas "turned away from

r e l i g i o n " , p r o v i d e a c l u e to the problem of e v i l i n Tibetan cosmology

- v i z . , they h i n t a t the f a c t t h a t r e l i g i o u s power might be amoral.

I f r e l i g i o u s power can be amoral In so f a r as i t may be a t t a i n e d or

u t i l i z e d w i t h o u t the a p p l i c a t i o n o f the " B o d h i c l t t a " (enlightened)

mind, i t p r e s e n t s a way to c o n s t r u c t an u n e t h i c a l b u t competitive

alternate hierarchy. Dge-lugs-pa lamas f e a r a p u b l i c d i s p l a y o f dbang

o r any occasion which n e c e s s i t a t e s i t s major a p p l i c a t i o n , s i n c e dbang,

unattenuated by "wisdom" or c o n f o r m i t y to the B u d d h i s t d o c t r i n e ,

constitutes a destructive force. Furthermore, t h i s d e s t r u c t i v e force

can be countered o n l y w i t h the e x e r c i s e o f a g r e a t e r amount o f dbang.

The controversy s u r r o u n d i n g the " l e g i t i m a c y " o f the Shugs-ldan Oracle

p o i n t s up a major focus of t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n , t h a t the very factor

which e l e v a t e s humans i n the r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y , dbang, a l s o

provides the g r e a t e s t t h r e a t to i t s ' l e g i t i m a t e ' a s c e n t . What

underlies the threat i s not t h a t e v i l beings are a n t i t h e t i c a l to a

structured universe, but t h a t through what H u s s e r l (1962) has termed

" e i d e t i c r e d u c t i o n " , demons can s t r i p away the B u d d h i s t tenets which

accompany T i b e t a n n o t i o n s of cosmological l e g i t i m a c y and expose the

p o s s i b i l i t y of a hierarchy unmotivated by e t h i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and

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s u b s t a n t i a t e d by sheer achievement - a l l o f which must be read as the

a c c u m u l a t i o n o f dbang.
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CHAPTER V

TRICKS, TRAPS, AND TRANSFORMATIONS: TIBETAN STRATEGIES OF EXORCISM

When a T i b e t a n Is found by decree of d i v i n e r , o r a c l e , or

a s t r o l o g e r to be the p r e s e n t o r p o t e n t i a l v i c t i m o f e v i l spirits,

s p i r i t s who t r e s p a s s a g a i n s t humans and the B u d d h i s t d o c t r i n e , an

exorcism i s p r e s c r i b e d to a l l e v i a t e the p a t i e n t ' s s u f f e r i n g . In

Chapter I I I , I noted that Tibetan r i t u a l s are p r i m a r i l y dichotomized

into ' p e a c e f u l ' o r 'jwrathful'. But each o f these c a t e g o r i e s i s a g a i n

subdivided to y i e l d f o u r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s o f T i b e t a n Buddhist ritual:

(1) z h i ; (2) rgyas; (3) dbang; and (4) drag. These f o u r

c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s r e p r e s e n t f o u r s t y l e s of s u b j u g a t i o n and f o l l o w the

f o u r p o s s i b l e m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f a m e d i t a t i o n a l d e i t y as p r e s e n t e d in a

cham (monastic) dance. I n the performance o f cham, the dancer wears

a mask c o l o u r e d white, y e l l o w , r e d , or b l u e depending upon whether the

s t y l e of s u b j u g a t i o n adopted by the d e i t y i s z h i - b a ( p e a c e f u l l y

subduing), rgyas-ba (subduing through the a p p l i c a t i o n o f wealth),

dbang (subduing by m a n i f e s t i n g power), o r drag-po (violent

subjugation).

Each c h o s - r g y a l (defender of Buddhism) has a , r e p e r t o i r e of four

performances or dances c o r r e s p o n d i n g to these f o u r modes of

subjugation. The c h o i c e of s t y l e i s determined by the o c c a s i o n . The

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performance o f monastic dance, a c c o r d i n g to one dge-bshes who teaches

i t a t a T i b e t a n s c h o o l i n I n d i a , i s to demonstrate how, i n a n c i e n t

times, the gods conquered e v i l . The p a r t i c u l a r m a n i f e s t a t i o n ( z h l ,

r g y a s , dbang,or drag) adopted by the d e i t y would be prompted by

the degree o f r e c a l c i t r a n c e e x h i b i t e d by the demon; f o r example, i f

the demon does n o t submit b e f o r e the d e i t y ' s chosen a s p e c t , then

t a c t i c s must be switched and the c h o s - r g y a l must t r y a more powerful

application. T h e r e f o r e , i f the rgyas-ba aspect f a i l s , then the d e i t y

w i l l appear i n a dbang-bo mode. The s t r a t e g y u n d e r l y i n g mode

s e l e c t i o n always appears to i n c l u d e a p r e f e r e n c e f o r a p p l y i n g the

l e a s t amount o f p r e s s u r e ( t h e most p e a c e f u l mode p o s s i b l e ) t o c o n t r o l

the demon.

The most p e a c e f u l o r z h i - b a mode i s adopted, as I d i s c u s s e d i n

Chapter I I I , when humans have i n f r i n g e d upon the s t a t u s p r e r o g a t i v e s

of the l e g i t i m a t e c o s m o l o g i c a l o r d e r , and, thus, corresponds In theory

to what O r t n e r refers to as a ' s e l f - e f f a c e m e n t ' on the p a r t o f human

beings (1975:160). However, when T i b e t a n s must d e a l w i t h demons o r

the demonic c o u s i n s (as evidenced by e v i l k l u and l e s s e r gods) o f

' r i g h t e o u s ' k l u , sa-bdag, and l h a , they s e l e c t one o f the three

a l t e r n a t e strategems: rgyas-ba, dbang-bo, o r drag-po. These

t h r e e strategems I w i l l g l o s s r e s p e c t i v e l y as " t r i c k s , t r a p s , and

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s " and p r e s e n t as three commentaries on the ' i l l u s o r y

nature' of ambition i n a hierarchical society. I n a d d i t i o n , each

mode, taken i n sequence from the most p e a c e f u l to the most w r a t h f u l ,

r e p r e s e n t s a n e x p o n e n t i a l i n c r e a s e i n the ' d i r e c t n e s s ' o f address -

i.e., from ' s e l f - e f f a c e m e n t ' to ' a n n i h i l a t i o n ' .

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TRICKS

The T i b e t a n m i l i e u i s a world r e p l e t e w i t h v a r i o u s demons and

harmful cosmic emanations, b u t these n e g a t i v e f o r c e s , a c c o r d i n g to

Buddhist t e n e t , a r e harbored under the c l o a k o f ignorance, and,

t h e r e f o r e , may be c o u n t e r e d w i t h what appears to be a b a s i c T i b e t a n

premise, t h a t ignorance can be d e c e i v e d and t h a t "confused evil is

controllable e v i l ' . T i b e t a n s , f o r reasons which we w i l l address

l a t e r , p r e f e r to d e a l w i t h t h e i r demons under p e a c e f u l a u s p i c e s -

i.e., a z h i - b a o r rgyas-ba puja. But such a u s p i c e s are effective

s o l e l y because they u t i l i z e numerous s t r a t e g i e s designed, f o r example,

to d e c e i v e demons who would thwart merit-making a c t i v i t i e s , to p r o v i d e

antidotes to a s t r o l o g i c a l c y c l e s of v u l n e r a b i l i t y , and to h e a l the

sick. The l o g i c u n d e r l y i n g these s t r a t e g i e s p o i n t s up a key moral

parameter d i v i d i n g human p o t e n t i a l from demonic a s p i r a t i o n , t h a t of

status ambitions.

The Appeal o f C o n s t r u c t i o n s

A c q u i r i n g bsod-nams o r m e r i t enables a T i b e t a n to enhance h i s o r

her chances o f a good r e b i r t h . Though bsod-nams i s weighed a g a i n s t

the sum of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s bad deeds In the working o u t o f h i s o r her

karma, bsod-nams i s a quantum which does not d i m i n i s h from one

lifetime to the next and i s r e a d i l y i n c r e a s e d through the performance

of v a r i o u s a c t s i n c l u d i n g p r a y e r s , r e l i g i o u s o f f e r i n g s , compassionate

giving, the s p o n s o r i n g of monks, and through the b u i l d i n g of b r i d g e s

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and m o n a s t e r i e s . The b u i l d i n g o f b r i d g e s i s considered especially

o

meritorious since bridges a i d numerous t r a v e l l e r s and p i l g r i m s w h i l e

monasteries s e r v i c e m u l t i p l e r e l i g i o u s f u n c t i o n s . But a c t s o f g r e a t

merit-making such as these, whether they be r e l i g i o u s c o n s e c r a t i o n s or

secular constructions tempt the o b s t r u c t i v e urges o f e v i l spirits.

The T i b e t a n s o l u t i o n to these o b s t r u c t i v e urges i s to c o u n t e r

them w i t h t a c t i c a l d i v e r s i o n s . With r e s p e c t to b r i d g e b u i l d i n g , the

Tibetan s a i n t Thangton Gyalpo (Thang-ston r g y a l - p o ) i s c r e d i t e d

w i t h the most famous. While b u i l d i n g one o f h i s 58 i r o n s u s p e n s i o n

bridges i n T i b e t , Thangton Gyalpo was f r u s t r a t e d by demons who would

come i n the n i g h t and wreak havoc on the work accomplished on the

bridge during the day. Finally, the s a i n t c r e a t e d seven dancers who

so e n t h r a l l e d the demons w i t h t h e i r performance t h a t the demons were

diverted from the b r i d g e and e a s i l y subdued.

Spirits seeking to d e s t r o y monasteries o r m u l t i - s t o r i e d b u i l d i n g s

receive a d i f f e r e n t greeting altogether. When the w a l l s o f a new

monastery, nunnery, o r grand b u i l d i n g a r e completed, a l a r g e erect

p h a l l u s molded from p l a s t e r o r wood and adorned w i t h g a r l a n d s o f f r u i t

i s a f f i x e d to the top o f one w a l l to c o n f r o n t any s t r e e t s i d e

spectators. Tibetans informed me t h a t the p h a l l u s would t u r n away the

eye o f envious people whose thoughts might bode i l l f o r the b u i l d i n g

or i t s Inhabitants (envy i s thought to be a t h r e a t to the a c q u i s i t i o n

of dbang, whether s p i r i t u a l o r m a t e r i a l ) .

The h i s t o r i c a l p r e c e d e n t f o r t h i s procedure o c c u r r e d d u r i n g the

c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a monastery i n T i b e t . A l t h o u g h monks would l a b o r by

day to r a i s e the w a l l s , t h e i r e f f o r t s were demolished each n i g h t by

witches. Finally, the abbot d e v i s e d a p l a n e n a b l i n g the c o n s t r u c t i o n

to be completed. He decreed t h a t a model o f an e r e c t p e n i s be

a t t a c h e d to the w a l l of the monastery. A c c o r d i n g to legend, the

w i t c h e s a r r i v e d eager to d e s t r o y the b u i l d i n g and, thereby, the a c t s

of m e r i t performed by the monks, b u t the witches were f o r c e d to

r e t r e a t i n extreme embarassment a t the s i g h t o f the p h a l l u s . Although

t h i s c u r i o u s event i n v i t e s a number of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , the T i b e t a n

e x e g e s i s , t h a t the p h a l l u s turned the w i t c h e s away by embarassing

them, f i t s w i t h the p r e s e r v a t i o n o f Thangton Gyalpo's bridge. The

w i t c h e s and demons were thoroughly confused by the s i g h t o f a p h a l l u s

p r o j e c t i n g from a monastery and dancers on a p i l g r i m ' s b r i d g e ; i n

o t h e r words, they were d e c e i v e d by unusual j u x t a p o s i t i o n s o f images o r

the m a n i p u l a t i o n of appearances.

R e f r a c t i n g the E v i l Eye

A s t r o l o g i c a l c a l c u l a t i o n s o f t e n r e v e a l t h a t the s t r e n g t h s and

weaknesses of an i n d i v i d u a l a r e s u b j e c t to c y c l e s o f f l u c t u a t i o n . In

the case o f the v e r y young and the e l d e r l y , T i b e t a n s pay special

a t t e n t i o n to the s t a t e o f the s r o g o r l i f e v i t a l i t y and t h a t o f the

bla o r secondary s o u l . Women i n c h i l d b e a r l n g y e a r s must be concerned

w i t h t h e i r l u o r body, young men w i t h t h e i r dbang, and important

o f f i c i a l s w i t h t h e i r r l u n g - r t a , which i n t h i s r e s p e c t i s regarded as

the success o f t h e i r p o l i t i c a l policies. These r e s p e c t i v e a n x i e t i e s

may peak i n the i n d i v i d u a l ' s skag y e a r , one which r e c u r s every twelve

years a f t e r h i s o r h e r t h i r t e e n t h year and renders the i n d i v i d u a l

p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e to the workings o f e v i l s p i r i t s . This

v u l n e r a b i l i t y may be c o u n t e r a c t e d i f the one s u s c e p t i b l e wears a s h i r t

o r c o a t w i t h a sun and moon o r s w a s t i k a ( t h e emblem o f the wheel o f

samsaric e x i s t e n c e ) sewn on the back. These symbols, a c c o r d i n g to

T i b e t a n thought, a r e a u s p i c i o u s i n t h a t they r e p r e s e n t i l l u m i n a t i o n o r

the d i s p e l l i n g o f the ignorance so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f e v i l beings.

Furthermore, these symbols s e r v e to ward o f f the s u p e r s t i t i o n s other

people might p r o j e c t towards the wearer. Thus, i t might be s a i d that

the sun, moon, and the s w a s t i k a transform a v u l n e r a b l e i n d i v i d u a l into

someone who r e f r a c t s o r "educates" the e v i l eye, t h a t i s , someone who

"educates" i g n o r a n c e and s u p e r s t i t i o n (which might be more r e a d i l y

termed "un-Buddhist thought").

Change o f S t a t u s

A number o f techniques used i n Tibetan healing r i t u a l s also

address appearance as the i n t e r f a c e between the p a t i e n t and the e v i l

spirit. P r e c a u t i o n a r y measures a r e taken w i t h i n f a n t s and young

c h i l d r e n t r a v e l l i n g o u t s i d e the f a m i l y d w e l l i n g . A black s t r i p e of

s o o t i s drawn down the c h i l d ' s nose, a custom d e r i v i n g from a legend

about the goddess T a r a . The s t r i p e supposedly renders the c h i l d

invisible to ghosts o r whatever beings might harbor designs on the

c h i l d o r the c h i l d ' s f a m i l y . An i n f a n t so besmirched i s deemed u g l y

and n o t worth the s t r i v i n g s o f demons.

One common a n t i d o t e to i l l n e s s p r e s c r i b e d by o r a c l e s and lamas i s

the ming-gyur l u - g y u r o r "name change, body change". One lama

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explained t h a t T i b e t a n s o c c a s i o n a l l y r e c e i v e t h e i r names n o t from

lamas b u t r a t h e r from r e l a t i v e s . I n such cases the names may n o t be

' i n harmony' w i t h the person's horoscope and cause the p e r s o n to

become i l l . Another d i f f i c u l t y a r i s i n g i n the c o n t e x t o f names o c c u r s

i n the event some e v i l s p i r i t o r k l u happens to develop a grudge

a g a i n s t someone and extends t h i s grudge t o anyone b e a r i n g a l i k e name.

Thus, i t i s o f t e n i m p e r a t i v e f o r a n i n d i v i d u a l a f f l i c t e d w i t h illness

to r e c e i v e a new name. I f a person o r f a m i l y i s c o n t i n u a l l y beset

w i t h i l l n e s s and names have been changed s e v e r a l times, the new name

s e l e c t e d f o r the p a t i e n t might be something l i k e k h y i - s k y a g o r "dog

excrement" o r s h i - s l o g , g l o s s e d as "death turned away". These names

a r e thought to d e f l e c t any j e a l o u s y o r h a t r e d n u r t u r e d by o t h e r s

towards the p a t i e n t and encourage t h e i r compassionate treatment o f him

o r her. While e v i l s p i r i t s would be s i n g u l a r l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d i n

anyone so b a s e l y named as "dog excrement" and warned o f f someone

somewhat h e r o i c a l l y r e f e r r e d to as "death turned away" (which i m p l i e s

t h a t death was u n s u c c e s s f u l i n t r a p p i n g the p e r s o n ) , humans who might

harbor n e g a t i v e sentiments towards a p a t i e n t a r e reminded through the

use o f such names o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u f f e r i n g and, thus, ideally

e n j o i n e d n o t to c o n t r i b u t e to i t s f u r t h e r a n c e .

New c l o t h i n g and even a new r o l e may a l s o be r e q u i r e d therapy f o r

illness. Harmful s p i r i t s a r e a t t a c h e d to the odors and w e l l - u s e d

c l o t h i n g which mark a person. T h e r e f o r e , two n i g h t s p r i o r t o Lo-gsar,

the T i b e t a n New Year, a female effigy f a s h i o n e d from b a r l e y dough and

accompanied by c o i n s and b i t s o f o l d rags i s s e t o u t s i d e and a t some

d i s t a n c e from a T i b e t a n home. Tibetans venture t h a t the female effigy

represents the mother o f the household, a major a t t r a c t i o n , s i n c e the

mother as a s u p p l i e r o f food and c a r e has been a primary i n t e r e s t f o r

the e v i l s p i r i t s who may have been i n h a b i t i n g the household f o r the

past year. These s p i r i t s , e n t i c e d by the e f f i g y , a r e thus d i r e c t e d

away from the house. The f a m i l y members, who remove "bad s m e l l s "

(which may denote s i n s and p o l l u t i o n ) by r u b b i n g themselves a l l o v e r

w i t h a b a l l o f dough to be c o n t r i b u t e d to the entourage o f the female

e f f i g y , b a t h e , d r e s s i n new c l o t h e s w i t h the o n s e t o f the New Year,

and thereby elude m a l e v o l e n t beings once a g a i n . One T i b e t a n f a t h e r ,

f o l l o w i n g the i n s t r u c t i o n s o f an o r a c l e , went so f a r as to become a

monk f o r a p e r i o d of e i g h t y e a r s i n o r d e r to cure h i s daughter's

illness. Change o f d r e s s , then, and o c c a s i o n a l l y d r a s t i c alteration

of s t a t u s s e r v e to c o n f u s e and t u r n away demons.

The Ransom R i t u a l

The example o f the female e f f i g y s e t out b e f o r e T i b e t a n New Year

fits i n t o a r i t u a l c a t e g o r y known as g l u d , an e f f o r t to p l a c a t e a

s u p e r n a t u r a l by o f f e r i n g ( o r g i v i n g as i s the case w i t h demons or

i n f e r i o r s ) what amounts to a s a c r i f i c e prompting a l h a to a s s i s t i n

alleviating the v i c t i m ' s s u f f e r i n g or d e s i g n e d to d i s t r a c t a demon

from i t s o r i g i n a l g o a l by p r o v i d i n g what to the demonic eye proves a

tantalizing substitute. Now T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t s openly express their

h o r r o r of r i t u a l s a c r i f i c e e n t a i l i n g the k i l l i n g o f animals as a c t i o n s

befitting t h e i r p r e - B u d d h i s t a n c e s t o r s o r the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n n o t a b l e

Hindu r i t u a l s such as Dasain i n Nepal ( L i c h t e r 1980:61). Therefore,

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the s a c r i f i c e i s performed by i n v e r t i n g the n o t i o n of b l o o d sacrifice

i f a d e i t y i s to be beseeched, and by c o n t r i v i n g a metonymical p l o y (a

s u b s t i t u t e ) i f a demon Is to be d e c e i v e d . I n the former case, an

animal i s not s a c r i f i c e d , but, on b e h a l f o f the p a t i e n t , spared from

the butcher's knife. T h i s animal Is known as a t s h e - t h a r and more

s p e c i f i c a l l y may be a t s h e - l u g s ( l i f e sheep) or tshe-gyag ( l i f e yak)

or even a tshe-bya ( l i f e b i r d , often a chicken), the l a t t e r b e i n g a

popular c h o i c e as i t i s a more a f f o r d a b l e t s h e - t h a r f o r T i b e t a n s in

exile. The ear of the a n i m a l so d e s i g n a t e d i s tagged w i t h streamers

in the f i v e c o l o u r s , r e d , y e l l o w , b l u e , green, and w h i t e , and i t s

l i v i n g provided f o r the remainder of i t s n a t u r a l l i f e by the p a t i e n t

as an o f f e r i n g to the d e i t y r e c e i v i n g the p a t i e n t ' s s u p p l i c a t i o n .

Demons a r e not, however, o f f e r e d s a l v a g e d sheep o r chickens.

A l t h o u g h demons have been known ( T u c c i 1980:177) to a t t a c k domestic

animals, i n Dharmsala, where T i b e t a n s f o r the most p a r t l e a d

quasi-urban l i f e s t y l e s , demons i n t r i g u e s o l e l y a f t e r humans. The

s a c r i f i c e or g l u d , then, which has been g l o s s e d as "ransom" by Tucci

(1980), E k v a l l (1964:165), Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1956), c o n s i s t s of an

e f f i g y o f the s i c k person s c u l p t e d from b a r l e y dough (tsamba) and

u s u a l l y placed upon a p l a t f o r m w i t h s m a l l c o i n s , b i t s o f the v i c t i m ' s

c l o t h i n g , e a t a b l e s , and, i f necessary, p o r t r a i t s o f the v i c t i m ' s

family.

A young t r a n s l a t o r f o r a T i b e t a n Rinpoche maintained that glud

would never be " o f f e r e d " to a l h a , but instead "given" to bdud o r

devils: " I f you p r e s e n t an o f f e r i n g to a l h a , i t must be s e t i n a

h i g h , c l e a n p l a c e l i k e an a l t a r or up on a mountain, but i f you give

something to demons, then the b e s t p l a c e i s to l e a v e i t where three

roads intersect." I f the g l u d a r e l e f t i n such p l a c e s T i b e t a n s say

t h a t the g l u d w i l l be brought to the a t t e n t i o n o f the demon no matter

from which d i r e c t i o n he or she comes.

E k v a l l speaks of these g l u d d i s p a t c h e d to "beyond-the-limits

p l a c e s " as combining "the concept of s u b s t i t u t i o n and the concept of

an a g e n t who w i l l bear away m i s f o r t u n e and d i s a s t e r by assuming the

guilt f o r the s i n which has caused them" (1964:165). F o r McCleod Ganj

r e s i d e n t s , one o f the most p o p u l a r p l a c e s to l e a v e g l u d i s a remote

bend i n the former B r i t i s h - b u i l t road (now a dirt t r a i l ) l e a d i n g from

the bus stop i n McCleod Ganj to the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f Performing

Arts. Approximately two k i l o m e t e r s from McCleod G a n j , one may veer

l e f t and take a path up a r i d g e to a t o u r i s t h o s t e l and the Tse

C h o k l i n g (Tshe-mchog-gling) monastery, o r t u r n r i g h t into the

T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e of P e r f o r m i n g A r t s and a sngags-pa sgom-pa. From

t h i s p o i n t , the former road c o n t i n u e s on to a remote I n d i a n settlement

and, finally, becomes a t r a i l l e a d i n g up to Himalayan r i d g e s . Clearly

the c h o i c e o f t h i s road as a p l a c e to l e a v e g l u d p r o v i d e s a l o c a t i o n

t h a t i s a t once r e l a t i v e l y remote from the " u r b a n i z e d " McCleod Ganj,

but a l s o d i r e c t l y In a path f r e q u e n t e d by a few monks, T i b e t a n

musicians and dancers, Western t o u r i s t s , and the r e t u r n i n g n o c t u r n a l

gambler.

D u r i n g what would be a skag y e a r ( e v e r y t w e l f t h year f o l l o w i n g

one's t h i r t e e n t h year) f o r the D a l a i Lama o r a very h i g h i n c a r n a t e , o r

upon the wish o f a p a r t i c u l a r group to d i s p l a y t h e i r homage, a

rten-bzhugs or "long l i f e " ceremony i s performed w h e r e i n a g l u d o r

e f f i g y o f the D a l a i Lama o r the h i g h i n c a r n a t e , as the case may be, i s

fashioned. A l t h o u g h a rten-bzhugs r i t u a l may be performed f o r the

b e n e f i t o f a commoner, i t i s i n the case o f one performed f o r the

D a l a i Lama t h a t an i n t e r e s t i n g c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s a r i s e s .

D u r i n g the r i t u a l , f i v e young monks d r e s s e d to r e p r e s e n t khandromas

(mkh'a-'agro-mas), the s k y - g o i n g goddesses, approach the D a l a i Lama

and s i n g to him. Finally, they p i c k up the e f f i g y o f the D a l a i Lama

and c a r r y i t o f f ( i n the one such r i t u a l I w i t n e s s e d , the e f f i g y was

taken to a l a k e about t w e n t y - f i v e m i l e s away, i n t o which i t was c a s t ) .

The monks e n a c t i n g the r o l e o f khandromas do n o t r e t u r n f o r one week.

One Bk'a-rgyud-pa cave m e d i t a t o r explained the r o l e o f the

khandromas as ' h e l p i n g goddesses' who a s s i s t i n d e f l e c t i n g any e v i l

from the person o f the D a l a i Lama and thereby h e l p to p r o l o n g h i s

life. The e v i l s , i n t h i s case, must be s a t i s f i e d w i t h the e f f i g y o f

the D a l a i Lama. But the e x e g e s i s provided by s e v e r a l h i g h Dge-lugs-pa

sprul-skus portrayed the khandromas as i n t e n t upon i n v i t i n g the

D a l a i Lama to leave samsara (and presumably j o i n them i n a b l i s s f u l

transcendental state). They r o l l o u t f i v e c o l o r s o f banners to the

throne upon which the D a l a i Lama s i t s b u t a r e o f f e r e d the e f f i g y

i n s t e a d and t o l d t h a t i t was a l l they c o u l d e x p e c t . The response o f

the khandromas Is then to r o l l up the banners and a c c e p t the e f f i g y ,

which they c o u l d take anywhere. The r a t i o n a l e f o r the monks' f a i l u r e

to r e t u r n immediately upon d i s p o s i n g o f the e f f i g y was t h a t they c o u l d

s t a y away f o r a day to r e s t .

The d i f f e r e n c e i n exegesis pertains i n p a r t to s e c u l a r

p e r s p e c t i v e and i n p a r t to a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f the a u d i e n c e . The

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Bk'a-rgyud-pa cave m e d i t a t o r p r o v i d e s an e x p l a n a t i o n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h

the l o g i c employed i n o t h e r rten-bzhugs r i t u a l s and the customary r o l e

of khandromas as p o s t i v e . The Dge-lugs-pa s p r u l - s k u s and dge-bshes, *

however, s u b s c r i b e to a d i f f e r e n t e x e g e s i s . Not w i s h i n g to recount

the p r o b a b l e p o i s o n i n g s of the e i g h t h through t w e l f t h D a l a i Lamas,

they suggest t h a t the D a l a i Lama i s too e n l i g h t e n e d a b e i n g to fall

prey to the machinations o f e v i l , and choose, i n s t e a d , to p o s i t i o n the

long l i f e of the D a l a i Lama on a d i f f e r e n t e t h i c a l a x i s . In this

c o n s t r u c t , c e r t a i n khandromas pose as temptresses inviting the D a l a i

Lama to l e a v e samsara and thereby f o r s a k e h i s compassionate s t a n c e

towards a l l s e n t i e n t b e i n g s , w h i l e o t h e r khandromas p l e a d w i t h him to

remain, as a compassionate a c t f o r a l l s e n t i e n t b e i n g s .

One young T i b e t a n government o f f i c e r p r o v i d e d an illuminating

insight into the meaning o f g l u d ; "Performing r e l i g i o u s acts (chos

b y a s - p a ) , " he s a i d , "hypnotizes the bad spirits, c o n f u s i n g them so

they w i l l a c c e p t g l u d i n s t e a d o f the r e a l person." Whether or n o t a

g l u d , as has o f t e n been i n t e r p r e t e d (Tucci, et a l ) , i s a ransom,

b r i b e , or s u b s t i t u t e m a g i c a l l y a c t i v a t e d and s y m b o l i z i n g the person(s)

on whose b e h a l f the r i t u a l i s performed, acceptance o f the g l u d

r e v e a l s a c e r t a i n degree of s t u p i d i t y on the p a r t of the e v i l spirits.

The g l u d w i l l never a f f o r d a c c e s s ( o r f u t u r e a c c e s s ) to the u l t i m a t e

p r i z e , a human rnam-shes ( t r a n s m i g r a t i n g c o n s c i o u s n e s s ) . But the

g l u d , i f accepted by the e v i l s p i r i t , i s thought to p r o v i d e temporary

s a t i s f a c t i o n o r gyang.

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Analysis

The strategies utilized to d e f l e c t the e v i l eye, secure bridges

and monasteries, and h e a l the s i c k a r e immanently concerned w i t h the

manipulation o f appearance o r appearances. A child with a blackened

nose i s e i t h e r i n v i s i b l e to e v i l s p i r i t s , o r transformed from a

d e s i r a b l e o b j e c t i n t o one t h a t i s not. The sun and the moon, sewn on

the back o f a garment, r e f r a c t any i l l - i n t e n t i o n e d o b s e r v a t i o n s , while

demons and w i t c h e s a r e thwarted by the unseemly phenomenon o f a

phallus a f f i x e d to a monastery w a l l and e n t e r t a i n m e n t a t a bridge.

Why then do appearances f i g u r e so s i g n i f i c a n t l y In T i b e t a n s t r a t e g i e s ?

Perhaps one answer i s t h a t , i n T i b e t a n c u r i n g r i t u a l s , evil

s p i r i t s a r e confounded when they too r e a d i l y a c c e p t what they m i s t a k e

f o r a p p r o p r i a t e appearance, t h a t i s , a n i n d i v i d u a l ' s name, c l o t h i n g ,

odors, or e f f i g y . These e x t e r n a l appearances a r e s a l i e n t i n d i c a t o r s

of s t a t u s i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i e t y which s u b s c r i b e s to a h i e r a r c h i c a l

cosmology. Status Is an i n t r i n s i c denominator, whether as b a r r i e r o r

conduit, i n any s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The elements d e l i m i t i n g s t a t u s i n

T i b e t a n s o c i e t y h o l d powerful a t t r a c t i o n s f o r demons and e v i l spirits.

But demons, a c c o r d i n g to Buddhist tenet, a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by t h e i r

ignorance, and, t h e r e f o r e , demonic p e r c e p t i o n i s l i m i t e d . Demons a r e

f i r m l y convinced by s u p e r f i c i a l i t i e s . A T i b e t a n ghost, a f t e r all,

resembles a human i n a l l r e s p e c t s save t h a t a g h o s t has a hollow

i n t e r i o r , a d i s t i n c t i o n marking a g h o s t as a l l e x t e r i o r appearance.

I f an i n d i v i d u a l i s somewhat f l e x i b l e i n h i s o r h e r p r e s e n t a t i o n

of s e l f and p e r c e p t i o n o f s t a t u s , and n o t too a t t a c h e d to i t s external

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delimiters, t h a t i n d i v i d u a l can d e f l e c t envy and s u c c e s s f u l l y augment

his o r her s t o r e of m e r i t and power, thereby enhancing h i s o r her life

p o t e n t i a l s , whether i n t h i s l i f e o r the next.

A key determinant o f human p o t e n t i a l i n T i b e t a n c u l t u r e , then,

emerges from the l o g i c u n d e r l y i n g r i t u a l a c t i o n s as the p e r c e p t i o n o f

status. If rigid, t h i s p e r c e p t i o n serves as a b a r r i e r , an

o b s t r u c t i o n , and becomes the T i b e t a n b a r chad o r h i n d r a n c e to the

s u c c e s s f u l p u r s u i t of g o a l s . I f t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n of s t a t u s i s

flexible, however, humans become more g o d - l i k e , and can t u r n events to

t h e i r advantage, o r , a t l e a s t , humans can d i s t a n c e themselves f u r t h e r

from demons.

TRAPS

Thus f a r , we have been c o n s i d e r i n g some p e a c e f u l , a l b e i t

d e c e p t i v e , means T i b e t a n employ to subdue demons. One might assume,

however, t h a t the more d i s c e r n i n g o r " r e c a l c i t r a n t " the e v i l spirit

is, the l e s s l i k e l y the above t a c t i c s might succeed. If their

a d v e r s a r i e s a r e not so g u l l i b l e , sngags-pas must adopt a w r a t h f u l

strategem. The m i l d e r form o f w r a t h f u l a p p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t o f dbang,

a s t y l e of s u b j u g a t i o n c o n s i d e r e d (as i s the rgyas-ba mode) to be

" i n d i r e c t " and which, I suggest, amounts to an " e x i l e " r a t h e r than a

d e s t r u c t i o n o f the demon.

I n a rgyas-ba r i t u a l such as the p r e s e n t i n g o f g l u d , lamas o r

sngags-pas p r o v i d e the e v i l s p i r i t s w i t h ransom o f f e r i n g s o r

substitutes. But f o r the r g y a l - d u r puja ordered by the D a l a i Lama i n

the myth of the Shugs-ldan Rgyal-po (as g i v e n i n Chapter I V ) , the

e x o r c i s t molded a gtor-ma e f f i g y of the r g y a l - p o h i m s e l f . This tactic

marks a d i f f e r e n c e from the way demons a r e t r e a t e d i n the s t r u c t u r e of

a "peaceful" r i t u a l . As i s the case w i t h p e a c e f u l s u b j u g a t i o n s , the

e x o r c i s t once a g a i n t r i c k s the demon. But t h i s time, the l u r e i s not

a ransom o r g l u d i n the same sense. Rather than p r o v i d e the rgyal-po

w i t h a s u b s t i t u t e f o r h i s i n t e n d e d v i c t i m , the sngags-pa i n s t e a d

c o n s t r u c t s what f o r the r g y a l - p o i s a d e s i r a b l e s e l f - i m a g e . The

r g y a l - p o not o n l y f i n d s h i s shape on the a l t a r but, through magical

a c t i o n , f i n d s h i m s e l f trapped i n t h a t shape. However, f o r the moment

a t l e a s t , the r g y a l - p o p e r c e i v e s h i m s e l f as i n h a b i t i n g a p a l a c e

surrounded by a l l manner of s e n s u a l d e l i g h t s . To the demon, the

t h r e a d - c r o s s e s (see the e x o r c i s m of the Shugs-ldan Rgyal-po i n Chapter

IV) or rnam-mkh'as appear as rainbows r a t h e r than as " s p i r i t t r a p s " .

The r g y a l - p o ' s p e r c e p t i o n o f the rnam-mkh'a as a "rainbow" i s a

p e r c e p t i o n c r e a t e d by the sngags-pa's power t o e f f e c t the

rgyal-po's perceptual transformation.

The r g y a l - p o i s immediately a t t r a c t e d to the t h r e a d c r o s s e s

(rnam-mkh'as), and, upon f u r t h e r i n s p e c t i o n , he d i s c o v e r s the

a s t r o l o g i c a l s i g n s f i x i n g h i s i d e n t i t y and, perhaps, even e f f i g i e s

(paper drawings) o f h i s p a r e n t s . These a t t r a c t i o n s a l l s e r v e t o

c o n v i n c e the r g y a l - p o t h a t he, i n d e e d , i s being addressed and t h a t he

" b e l o n g s " on the a l t a r . The symbolic p a l a c e , r i c h f o o d , and sensual

surroundings a r e i n t e n d e d t o f u l f i l l h i s l u s t and a m b i t i o n . The

s t r a t e g y of a g l u d r i t u a l d i s c u s s e d above i s t o d e c e i v e the demon i n t o

t h i n k i n g he has r e c e i v e d h i s v i c t i m , a v i c t i m the demon wishes t o

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employ to f u r t h e r h i s s t a t u s i n demonic s o c i e t y . But the dbang

strategy i s not to p r o v i d e the r g y a l - p o w i t h a " s l a v e " or t o o l f o r

achieving h i s ambitions, i t i s , rather, to c o n v i n c e the r g y a l - p o that

he has already 'made i t to the top' - i . e . , t h a t he has a r r i v e d i n the

heaven o f the gods - and, t h e r e f o r e , need n o t b o t h e r any f u r t h e r about

harassing humans s i n c e h i s g r e a t e s t d e s i r e s have been s a t i a t e d .

Of c o u r s e , i f the demon i s so persuaded, i t i s o n l y because of

the s u p e r i o r i t y o f the e x o r c i s t ' s dbang, o r h i s a b i l i t y to

influence, to transform perception. However, as evidenced by h i s

c y c l i c a l return to the world o f humans, the r g y a l - p o i s exiled but

temporarily as a r e s u l t o f a dbang-bo e x o r c i s m . He recovers his

s t r e n g t h by e a t i n g the gtor-mas which are the " g i v i n g s " f o r subhuman

beings.

TRANSFORMATIONS

The t r i c k s and t r a p s a p p l i e d by T i b e t a n e x o r c i s t s both serve to

deceive demons by c o n v i n c i n g them t h a t they have c a p t u r e d their

v i c t i m s , as i s the case w i t h a g l u d r i t u a l , or t h a t they have ascended

to the top o f the h i e r a r c h y , as i s the o b j e c t o f a mdos r i t u a l . But

one more technique remains, and i t i s the most w r a t h f u l (drag^po)

a p p l i c a t i o n of power by the e x o r c i s t . This strategy, I w i l l argue,

does n o t merely e x i l e a demon o n l y f o r hira to r e t u r n w i t h renewed

v i g o r a t some l a t e r date, b u t , r a t h e r transforms the e v i l In

appearance, i n t e n t i o n a l I t y , and cosmological status.

The most w r a t h f u l mode drag-po of T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t exorcisms i s

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the gto. In this r i t u a l , the e x o r c i s t must i n v o k e t h i s a s p e c t o f

his raeditational d e i t y and o f f e r g i f t s s y m b o l i z i n g the " f l e s h and

bones o f enemies" to be used by the p r o t e c t i v e d e i t i e s i n t h e i r a t t a c k

upon uncompromising e v i l ( T u c c i 1980:180). A drag-po r i t u a l is a

ritual o f d e s t r u c t i o n , but as Dharmsala sngags-pas e x p l a i n e d , "The

purpose o f the r i t u a l i s n o t to h u r t the e v i l s p i r i t b u t to teach i t

something a s , f o r example, not to do e v i l deeds and to r e p e n t . I f the

evil spirit repents the work r e s u l t i n g from h i s karmic c i r c u m s t a n c e ,

then he w i l l gain a better l i f e i n the n e x t l i f e . " Beyer n o t e s t h a t

i n the l i t u r g y o f drag-po r i t u a l s , the words meaning " d e l i v e r " or

"liberate" are substituted for " k i l l , " and the i n t e n t o f the r i t u a l i s

"not only to d e s t r o y the body o f the o b j e c t o f the r i t u a l b u t a l s o to

d i s p a t c h h i s 'awareness'... to a heaven or Pure Land, ... t h a t the

slain may avoid the eons i n h e l l which might o t h e r w i s e be h i s l o t , and

t h a t he may g a i n a l l the s p i r i t u a l b e n e f i t s of a f o r t u n a t e rebirth"

(1973:304).

A l t h o u g h Dharmsala sngags-pas express more c a u t i o n I n

p r e d i c t i n g such a s p l e n d i d and immediate d e s t i n a t i o n f o r the "born

again" s p i r i t , they agree w i t h Beyer's examination i n t h e i r emphasis

on t u r n i n g the s p i r i t away from h i s former l i f e and d i r e c t i n g him

towards a more f a v o r a b l e r e b i r t h . I f the r i t u a l accomplishes t h i s

feat, then i t succeeds i n a c t u a l l y t r a n s f o r m i n g the e v i l spirit.

Whereas the l e s s w r a t h f u l approach would be to trap the e v i l in his

own e f f i g y and t e m p o r a r i l y ajxile him, the drag-po r i t u a l would

n e c e s s a r i l y s e v e r the s p i r i t from h i s o l d e x i s t e n c e and p l a c e him into

another and b e t t e r p l a n e o f e x i s t e n c e . However, s i n c e the s p i r i t

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undergoes a complete change of a t t i t u d e , he would not, i n his new

life, wield the power he possessed in his evil life.

A LAY APPLICATION

The s t r a t e g i e s o f a T i b e t a n e x o r c i s t a r e not n e c e s s a r i l y l i m i t e d

to the p r o v i n c e o f r e l i g i o n . They a r e , i n d e f t hands, an expedient

political tool. A r e c e n t case In p o i n t r e g a r d i n g a " l a y " a p p l i c a t i o n

of a T i b e t a n e x o r c i s t ' s t a c t i c s was framed by two i s s u e s : the first

concerns the ongoing c o n t e n t i o u s n e s s among the f o u r s e c t s o f T i b e t a n

Buddhism which, a t times, c o n s t i t u t e s r e g i o n a l , r a t h e r than religious

d i f f e r e n c e s ; and the second s p r i n g s from the c u r r e n t a p p e a l expressed

by many young T i b e t a n s In e x i l e t h a t everyone transcend sectarianism

and r e g i o n a l i s m and u n i t e under the banner of a shared "culture" in

order to promote the i d e a l o f Rangzen ( s p e l l e d rang-btsan i n Tibetan

orthography, but s p e l l e d rangzen by T i b e t a n s who w i s h to communicate

t h i s concept on the f r o n t s of t - s h i r t s o r i n l i t e r a t u r e to

non-Tibetans). Rang means " s e l f " , w h i l e b t s a n , i n this context,

means "power, f o r c e , o r s t r e n g t h " . Rangzen, i s , as Nowak

(1984:31-32) emphasizes, a post-1959 i n t r o d u c t i o n to the T i b e t a n

l e x i c o n , and expresses the i d e a l o f a s e l f - g o v e r n e d , independent

Tibet.

U n t i l q u i t e r e c e n t l y , the concept o f T i b e t a n c u l t u r e was tucked

by the T i b e t a n s themselves under the a e g i s o f T i b e t a n Buddhism and

lightly dismissed. But the i n c r e a s i n g r e f e r e n c e s by the D a l a i Lama,

young T i b e t a n w r i t e r s , Westerners, and the People's R e p u b l i c o f China

(and t h i s most p r o b a b l y i n response to the r h e t o r i c from Dharmsala) to

the importance o f T i b e t a n c u l t u r e and r e l i g i o n has m a r s h a l l e d

c o n s i d e r a b l e enthusiasm f o r the s u b j e c t among T i b e t a n s i n exile. It

has launched, o r a t l e a s t enhanced, the c a r e e r s o f T i b e t a n w r i t e r s ,

artists, i n n o v a t o r s , and ' c u l t u r a l ' c o n s e r v a t o r s . T h i s enthusiasm has

a l s o prompted a few to assume the r o l e o f " c u l t u r a l c e n s o r , " and,

t h e r e f o r e , judge the a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s of a p a r t i c u l a r 'cultural' item

or event as i t may emerge i n e x i l e .

Thus, a dramatic performance, one t h a t might w e l l i n the p a s t

have been d e f i n e d as e n t e r t a i n m e n t and l e f t a t t h a t , may now be

Infused w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e 'cultural' import, and, on t h i s b a s i s ,

i n v i t e a c c l a i m o r censure. But, as we s h a l l see, t h i s emerging

c u l t u r a l s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s among T i b e t a n s i n e x i l e may serve to

vitiate the i d e a l o f u n i t y as much as i t may v i t a l i z e their culture.

T r a d i t i o n Under Attack

A relatively recent c r i s i s f o r this 'new' p e r c e p t i o n o f T i b e t a n

c u l t u r e arose i n May, 1981 d u r i n g the a n n u a l meeting o f the T i b e t a n

N a t i o n a l Assembly i n Dharmsala. T h i s Assembly, the h i g h e s t

decision-making body i n e x i l e , i s composed o f the D a l a i Lama's

cabinet, the l e s s powerful e l e c t e d T i b e t a n People's D e p u t i e s , and the

l e a s t powerful d i r e c t o r s o f a l l the departments o f the T i b e t a n

Government. A t the a n n u a l meetings, the C a b i n e t and the People's

D e p u t i e s convene to c o n s i d e r the r e p o r t s o f the d i r e c t o r s and to

lecture these same d i r e c t o r s on p o l i c y i s s u e s . But t h i s particular

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meeting r e s u l t e d i n an unusual s t i r i n t h e T i b e t a n community. When a

deputy concerned w i t h R e l i g i o u s A f f a i r s , a monk from t h e Bk'a-rgyud-pa

s e c t o f T i b e t a n Buddhism, r o s e t o p r e s e n t h i s l e c t u r e , he launched a

d i a t r i b e a g a i n s t t h e T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f Performing Arts for their

s t y l e o f performance, e s p e c i a l l y f o r t h e i r s t y l e o f Nor-bzang, t h e

opera which was t o be presented t h e f o l l o w i n g day i n honor o f t h e

members o f t h e Assembly. The monk deputy p r e f a c e d h i s a t t a c k w i t h h i s

deep concern t h a t t h e f o u r s e c t s o f T i b e t a n Buddhism were growing

f u r t h e r a p a r t i n e x i l e , and t h a t t h e T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f P e r f o r m i n g

A r t s , t h e one i n s t i t u t i o n renowned i n e x i l e as a p r e s e r v e r o f

t r a d i t i o n a l T i b e t a n music, dance, and drama, was promulgating

r e l i g i o u s s e c t a r i a n i s m by p u b l i c i z i n g i t i n t h e performance o f a

Tibetan opera.

The opera i n q u e s t i o n , Nor-bzang, which i s c o n s i d e r e d by

T i b e t a n s t o be t h e 'most T i b e t a n ' i n theme o f a l l t h e operas

performed, f e a t u r e s a d i s r e p u t a b l e and s e l f - s e r v i n g religious

p r a c t i t i o n e r , an e x o r c i s t - c u m - s o r c e r e r named Am-chog H a r i Nag-po, who

c o n s p i r e s w i t h an e v i l p r i n c e s s t o d e s t r o y t h e b e a u t i f u l w i f e o f t h e

prince. T h i s e x o r c i s t ' s name t r a n s l a t e s as "Black E a r - P a r r o t " ( t h e

e x o r c i s t ' s S a n s k r i t middle name H a r i means " p a r r o t " ) . The name r e f e r s

to someone who eavesdrops and r e p e a t s what he h e a r s i n a m a l i c i o u s

way. T h i s s o r c e r e r i s a comic f i g u r e who announces h i s e n t r y i n t o t h e

opera s c e n a r i o w i t h a well-known Bk'a-rgyud-pa f o u r - s t a n z a mantra, a

prayer t o Padmasambhava. The P e o p l e ' s Deputy, a Bk'a-rgyud-pa monk

h i m s e l f , took e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s use o f t h e mantra and d e c r i e d t h e

T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f Performing A r t s f o r smearing t h e image o f t h e

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Bk'a-rgyud-pa s e c t . Such defamation, he c l a i m e d , encouraged religious

schism w i t h i n the T i b e t a n community i n e x i l e .

To this c r i t i q u e , the d i r e c t o r of the I n s t i t u t e r e t o r t e d t h a t the

use o f the Bk'a-rgyud-pa mantra was n o t what he h i m s e l f had directed

b u t was p a r t o f T i b e t a n opera tradition. He suggested t h a t a l t h o u g h

the deputy might be unacquainted w i t h T i b e t a n opera as i t was

performed i n Lhasa, the g e n e r a l audience was v e r y f a m i l i a r w i t h the

Am-chog H a r i Nag-po c h a r a c t e r and would never I n t e r p r e t him as a

lampoon o f the Bk'a-rgyud-pa s e c t . In fact, the r e p e r t o i r e o f T i b e t a n

operas c o n t a i n s s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n s f o r a l l o f the s e c t s . The

d i r e c t o r o f the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e of P e r f o r m i n g A r t s had c h a l l e n g e d

the People's Deputy's c u l t u r a l knowledge.

The deputy c o u l d n o t respond to t h i s c h a l l e n g e and had been

b e s t e d i n debate by a s t a t u s i n f e r i o r . However, as i s the custom in

such annual meetings, the debate waged f o r an a d d i t i o n a l hour as o t h e r

P e o p l e ' s D e p u t i e s sprang to the defense o f t h e i r f e l l o w member and

s t a t u s peer, the Bk'a-rgyud-pa monk. T h e i r a c t i o n s were prompted by

t h e i r umbrage a t the sheer i m p r o p r i e t y o f a s t a t u s i n f e r i o r ' s winning

a debate i n a meeting o f the N a t i o n a l Assembly. Other institute

d i r e c t o r s who wished to s i d e w i t h t h e i r s u p e r i o r s a l s o spoke on b e h a l f

of the now mute Bk'a-rgyud-pa monk. By v i r t u e o f the number o f the

Assembly now d i s a g r e e i n g w i t h him, the D i r e c t o r o f the T i b e t a n

I n s t i t u t e of Performing Arts o f f i c i a l l y l o s t the debate.

The t a c i t assumption, thus, c o n c e r n i n g debate shared by a t l e a s t

the members o f the T i b e t a n N a t i o n a l Assembly was t h a t the s t a t u s o f

the d i s p u t a n t s was a more c r i t i c a l f a c t o r i n d e t e r m i n i n g the outcome

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than was cogency of argument. Although t h i s assumption might

g e n e r a l l y remain unquestioned i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i e t y such as t h a t

of the T i b e t a n s , the i s s u e and consequence of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r debate

bore d i r e c t l y upon the v i a b i l i t y o f c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , the s u b j e c t

which has r e c e n t l y c a p t i v a t e d T i b e t a n s i n e x i l e . The outcome of the

debate e x p l i c i t l y q u e r i e d the p o l i t i c a l suitability of c u l t u r a l

t r a d i t i o n and i m p l i c i t l y underscored the p r e s t i g e of the People's

Deputy h i m s e l f and the Bk'a-rgyud-pa s e c t i n g e n e r a l . The Deputy a l s o

a c h i e v e d a f a c i l e v i c t o r y i n the T i b e t a n N a t i o n a l Assembly w i t h h i s

c h o i c e o f the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e of Performing A r t s as h i s v e h i c l e .

This Institute, f o r m e r l y known as the T i b e t a n Music, Dance, and

Drama S o c i e t y , was the f i r s t i n s t i t u t i o n o r g a n i z e d by the T i b e t a n

G o v e r n m e n t - i n - E x i l e and was designed t o p r e s e r v e the performing a r t s

of T i b e t , but the s o c i e t y has a l s o been one of the p o o r e s t of the

o r g a n i z a t i o n s formed in exile. The performers, who were f o r the most

p a r t c l a s s i f i e d as s t u d e n t s , r e c e i v e d a t t h i s time approximately

one-tenth or 30 Rs. o f the s a l a r y paid t o o t h e r government workers.

While young women o f t e n graduate from the s o c i e t y t o a r i s t o c r a t i c

marriages and t r i p s abroad, the young men, who prove to be the

s u s t a i n i n g members and applauded performers of the I n s t i t u t e , and are

e n j o i n e d by the p u b l i c to p r e s e r v e T i b e t a n c u l t u r e and s e r v e t h e i r

government, are shunned by the parents o f p r o s p e c t i v e b r i d e s ,

a m b i t i o u s young government c l e r k s , and o t h e r s as being shabby economic

p r o s p e c t s i n c o n t r a s t t o s w e a t e r - s e l l e r s , m i l i t a r y men, and merchants.

The I n s t i t u t e i s a l s o n o t o r i o u s f o r having been the f i r s t t o host

p u b l i c W e s t e r n - s t y l e d i s c o dances (which were f o r m e r l y c o n f i n e d to

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private e l i t e gatherings) i n order to raise funds. By reason of i t s

i n f e r i o r s o c i a l and economic status and the imputed Western tastes of

i t s members, the TIPA, thus, provided a convenient and popular

scapegoat i n the arena of the Tibetan National Assembly.

Reports of the debate, however, had excited public imagination

and speculation. The meeting of the National Assembly had lasted into

early evening as a r e s u l t of t h i s debate. The members of the

Institute were scheduled to perform the opera Nor-bzang the next

morning before the Dalai Lama, the Cabinet, the People's Deputies, and

the general public i n what, f o r the i n s t i t u t e , was a l e s s customary

location, a square formed by the Tibetan l i b r a r y and government

buildings.

Dharmsala Tibetans, as Dr. Robin Ridington has observed to me,

appear to comprise a society which derives i t s l i v e l i h o o d from i t s

culture and the sale of sweaters. The d e f i n i t i o n of Tibetan culture

and the presentation of t h i s culture to Tibetans and to non-Tibetans

has thus become a f o c a l issue i n Dharmsala. In the controversy

surrounding the performance of a Tibetan opera, the p o l i t i c s of

c u l t u r a l propriety had been opposed to c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , and the

l a t t e r had l o s t . What remained i n question, then, was whether the

Dalai Lama agreed with the findings of the National Assembly and what

import such findings might bear upon future c u l t u r a l events. I f

t r a d i t i o n was suspect, what body or f a c t i o n might i n the future

dictate c u l t u r a l guidelines? This new public enthusiasm for "Tibetan

Culture" had suddenly become problematic, "culture" or " c u l t u r a l

t r a d i t i o n " had become something possibly riddled with potentially

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i n f e c t i o u s agents.

A C u l t u r a l Exorcism

The public suspected that something else might be afoot. After

the audience assembled the following morning, the expectations that

the Dalai Lama would witness the event were not f u l f i l l e d , and people

busied themselves with further speculations. The actors themselves

informed me that they were i n i t i a l l y disappointed at the Dalai Lama's

absence, but surmised that as a l l of the other venerable members of

the National Assembly along with the distinguished v i s i t o r s were

present, that perhaps the Dalai Lama was purposefully absenting

himself i n order to avoid i n h i b i t i n g i n any way the I n s t i t u t e ' s

response to the Deputy's challenge of the previous day.

When the comic figure Am-chog Hari Nag-po, the clown p r i e s t ,

entered the opera arena to i n i t i a t e his scene, he danced i n and sat

down, but, instead of r e c i t i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l Bk'a-rgyud-pa mantra,

he simply paused. Another actor, who was portraying a high minister,

asked him why he had not begun h i s usual performance. The clown

p r i e s t r e p l i e d , "I heard that something happened yesterday at the

annual meeting, and I had a bad dream that my gods are doing the wrong

things, and I don't know what I am supposed to say now." The minister

then asked what had happened. Am-chog Hari Nag-po answered, " I t ' s

better for me not to say anything because they were t a l k i n g about me

at the meeting." At t h i s point, he began to sing one of the l a t e s t

and most popular Hindi f i l m songs and the audience roared. The actor
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then announced, " I t ' s b e t t e r to s i n g a H i n d i song because nobody

o b j e c t s to i t and I won't be punished. I f I say something e l s e , or do

another k i n d of T i b e t a n p r a y e r , t h e r e w i l l be another problem."

T h i s new d i a l o g u e d e v i s e d by the I n s t i t u t e ' s d i r e c t o r presented

an i n t e r e s t i n g commentary on the T i b e t a n s in exile. Everyone took

immense p l e a s u r e i n H i n d i f i l m s and songs, no T i b e t a n c o u l d p o s s i b l y

d i s a g r e e on the m e r i t s of a H i n d i f i l m song, but T i b e t a n content was

something e l s e a g a i n . T i b e t a n c o n t e n t was reason enough f o r

f a c t i o n a l i s m , q u a r r e l i n g , and affronts. A l s o , a more s u b t l e message

emerged, t h a t w h i l e c e r t a i n T i b e t a n s i n e x i l e might a f f e c t a cultural

s u p e r i o r i t y by h a r s h l y c r i t i q u i n g any s i g n of W e s t e r n i z a t i o n in

T i b e t a n youth, none took the l e a s t n o t i c e of the e f f e c t Hindu c u l t u r e

had on t h e i r lives.

A f t e r completing some r e f r a i n s from the H i n d i f i l m song, the

a c t o r resumed h i s customary Am-chog H a r i Nag-po r o l e , wherein he

presents a fore-shortened v e r s i o n of an exorcism. Traditionally, in a

performance of Nor-bzang, Am-chog H a r i Nag-po would mold a simple

c l a y - c o l o r e d gtor-ma or dough cake, enact the o f f e r i n g of i t to a

d e i t y or cosmic b e i n g , and then t o s s i t out, as c e r t a i n gtor-mas a r e

d i s c a r d e d i n the p r a c t i c e of numerous T i b e t a n c u r i n g r i t u a l s . But

t h i s performance was unique. The gtor-ma molded by the a c t o r was no

simple, c r u d e l y shaped mass, but, r a t h e r , a p r o p e r l y p a i n t e d and

p e r f e c t s k e l e t o n , which evoked the dur-bdag or g u a r d i a n of the

cemetery dancer o f t e n used i c o n i c a l l y t o p u b l i c i z e a performance of

the TIPA. Furthermore, Am-chog H a r i Nag-po had seated himself

d i r e c t l y beneath the most d i s t i n g u i s h e d members of the audience, the

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C a b i n e t , the People's D e p u t i e s , and important guests. T h e r e f o r e , when

the a c t o r concluded h i s scene by throwing out t h i s f a n t a s t i c gtor-ma,

he c a s t i t i n t h e i r direction.

The c a s t i n g of t h i s s k e l e t o n gtor-ma i n the d i r e c t i o n of the

People's Deputies was g r e e t e d w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e h i l a r i t y by the

audience and the C a b i n e t . The deputy r e s p o n s i b l e f o r prompting the

d i a t r i b e a g a i n s t the I n s t i t u t e and those who supported him were not,

however, amused, f o r Am-chog H a r i Nag-po's g e s t u r e o f f e r e d i n

symbolic f a s h i o n a double-edged c h a l l e n g e . The s k e l e t o n gtor-ma was

p o l y s e m i c , r e p r e s e n t i n g the monastic dancers who c a r r y away

accumulated evil, the malnourishment or impoverished n a t u r e of the

TIPA, and s e r v i n g as a s u b s t i t u t e , an e f f i g y f o r the I n s t i t u t e itself.

The message such an o f f e r i n g conveys i n c o n v e n t i o n a l T i b e t a n exorcism

( g l u d ) i s e i t h e r "take t h i s you d e v i l s and l e a v e us a l o n e " o r , i f

t r u l y i g n o r a n t e v i l s p i r i t s a r e being addressed, "take us, here we

are."

Through such a g e s t u r e , then, the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e of Performing

A r t s i n d i c a t e d t h a t the d e p u t i e s , a powerful body, had chosen t o

a t t a c k the i n s t i t u t e t h a t , i n e x i l e , must s t r u g g l e the h a r d e s t , i s the

most impoverished, and o c c u p i e s an i n f e r i o r s t a t u s p o s i t i o n .

A d d i t i o n a l l y , i f the d e p u t i e s 'picked up the gtor-ma' so t o speak,

or acknowledged the o f f e r i n g by e a t i n g i t - t h a t i s t o say, continued

t h e i r a t t a c k on the I n s t i t u t e and upon c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n , the

d e p u t i e s , i n f r o n t of the g e n e r a l p u b l i c , would be revealing

themselves t o be demons.

To t h i s the p u b l i c responded with unremitting approval. At the

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end o f the opera, members o f the audience j o i n e d t o g e t h e r i n the

t r a d i t i o n a l T i b e t a n round dance f o r two hours a t the l i b r a r y and then,

a f t e r a t h r e e k i l o m e t e r walk up t o McCleod Ganj, resumed t h e i r

c e l e b r a t i o n w i t h T i b e t a n dance f o r t h r e e more h o u r s . People c o n t i n u e d

t o speak o f the event f o r s e v e r a l months a f t e r w a r d . The T i b e t a n

I n s t i t u t e o f P e r f o r m i n g A r t s had p u b l i c a l l y d e f e a t e d the P e o p l e ' s

D e p u t i e s by s y m b o l i c a l l y p e r f o r m i n g t h e i r exorcism.

T h i s e x o r c i s m of the People's D e p u t i e s , however, d i d not end w i t h

the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e o f P e r f o r m i n g A r t s . The T i b e t a n Review (1981:5)

r e p o r t e d t h a t a s e n i o r member of the C a b i n e t and the Chairman o f the

Assembly o f People's D e p u t i e s announced t h a t from thence forward, a l l

d i s c u s s i o n s h e l d i n the N a t i o n a l Assembly meetings and resolutions

passed, h e r e t o f o r e guarded s e c r e t s , would be made p u b l i c through

T i b e t a n p u b l i c a t i o n s , thereby e n a b l i n g people t o have "an i d e a o f what

the Assembly does and how. T h i s would a l s o enable them t o e v a l u a t e

the performance o f t h e i r e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . " The exorcism was

pursued i n a p o l i t i c a l f a s h i o n when "sweeping changes i n the

c o m p o s i t i o n and e l e c t i o n procedure of the Assembly o f T i b e t a n P e o p l e ' s

D e p u t i e s " ( T i b e t a n Review 1982a:4) were i n i t i a t e d i n September 1981.

None o f the p r e v i o u s People's D e p u t i e s were r e t u r n e d t o o f f i c e i n the

e l e c t i o n which f o l l o w e d i n May 1982 ( T i b e t a n Review 1982b:4). 1

The members of the T i b e t a n I n s t i t u t e of P e r f o r m i n g A r t s have r e c e n t l y

r e c e i v e d s a l a r y increments p u t t i n g them more or l e s s on a f i n a n c i a l

par w i t h o t h e r government workers and the I n s t i t u t e i t s e l f i s

expanding.

By c l a i m i n g a p u n c t i l i o u s s t a n c e and a c c u s i n g the TIPA o f

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i n s t i g a t i n g r i f t s i n t h e refugee s o c i e t y , the deputy not o n l y created

an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the r o l e o f t h e clown p r i e s t as one t h a t

r i d i c u l e d t h e Bk a-rgyud-pa s e c t , an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which d i d not

1

correspond w i t h the p u b l i c i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e r o l e , but a l s o c a l l e d

a t t e n t i o n t o the demands o f h i s own r e l i g i o u s s e c t and i t s importance.

While t h e deputy was c e n s u r i n g c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n and v i t i a t i n g i t by

v i r t u e of the p o l i t i c a l strength of h i s status peers i n the N a t i o n a l

Assembly, he was, i n e f f e c t , championing h i s p e r s o n a l s e c t a r i a n cause

and f a n n i n g the flame o f s o c i a l schism i n the refugee society.

The t a c t i c d e v i s e d by the opera troupe i n defense o f c u l t u r a l

t r a d i t i o n , and themselves, was a l o g i c a l T i b e t a n response t o any

s e r i o u s case o f demonic a t t a c k . The dramatic performance they o f f e r e d

presented f a r more than a t h e a t r i c a l parody - i t condensed t h e debate

i n t h e Assembly, p o i n t e d up t h e u n w i l l i n g n e s s on t h e p a r t o f many

Tibetans to transcend i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s i n the g r e a t e r i n t e r e s t o f

the T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s o c i e t y , and threw i n t o r e l i e f t h e c o n t e x t which ^

n e c e s s i t a t e s exorcism, t h e assumption o f s t a t u s and power by those who

a r e i n a p p r o p r i a t e f o r the r o l e s .

Conclusion

The t r i c k s , t r a p s , and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s which c o n s t i t u t e the

s t r a t e g i e s o f T i b e t a n exorcism devolve from the m a n i p u l a t i o n o f

status. T r i c k s , which i n v o l v e o f f e r i n g s such as g l u d and the use o f

o t h e r scapegoats, p l a c a t e t h e somewhat s t u p i d demons by u t i l i z i n g t h e

markers o f s t a t u s i n T i b e t a n s o c i e t y - names, c l o t h i n g , f a m i l y , and

 163

wealth - t o convince t h e demons t h a t they have indeed a c q u i r e d their

' s l a v e s ' , a s s e t s which the demons must have i f they wish t o g a i n

g r e a t e r p r e s t i g e i n t h e i r own realm. Traps, the essence o f mdos

r i t u a l s , a r e i n t e n d e d n o t o n l y t o e x i l e t h e demons, but a l s o t o

convince them t h a t they have a l r e a d y reached the top o f t h e i r own

h i e r a r c h y o r have a r r i v e d i n heaven ( l h a - y u l ) . But

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s a r e concerned w i t h d i r e c t a n n i h i l a t i o n o f t h e e v i l

s p i r i t s and s e r v e t o p l a c e t h e s p i r i t s i n a h i g h e r , but humbler plane.

By v i r t u e o f t h e i r r e b i r t h i n a ' b e t t e r world', t h e demons o s t e n s i b l y

ascend i n t h e l e g i t i m a t e c o s m o l o g i c a l h i e r a r c h y ; however, s i n c e t h e i r

minds have been transformed as w e l l , they would n e c e s s a r i l y be b e r e f t

of t h e i r former ambitions, and thereby be 'humbler'. The demons who

undergo t r a n s f o r m a t i o n would seemingly be c a t a p u l t e d from t h e t o p o f

t h e i r a l t e r n a t e h i e r a r c h y t o a l o w l y rank i n t h e l e g i t i m a t e h i e r a r c h y .

The i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s transformation I continue to explore i n

Chapters V I I and V I I I . The i n c i d e n t a t t h e T i b e t a n opera illustrates

the r e p e r c u s s i o n s t h a t may ensue from a s a t i r i c m a n i p u l a t i o n o f

exorcism strategy v i s - a - v i s the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y .

 164

NOTES

1. The new election procedures stipulated that the number of regional

Deputies would be reduced from twelve to s i x ; thus, two deputies would
be elected to represent each of the three regions: Dbus-Gtsang,
Khams, and Amdo. Five deputies would continue to represent the four
major sects of Tibetan Buddhism and the Bon r e l i g i o n respectively.
Each Tibetan voter, who acquires his or her right to vote by paying
one rupee per month to the Tibetan Government i n Dharmsala, would be
able to vote f o r candidates representing each of the three regions of
Tibet. The results of these popular e l e c t i o n s , however, now
constitute a popular nomination of candidates. The l i s t of these
candidates is then presented to the D a l a i Lama, who has been requested
to s e l e c t the f i n a l s i x candidates himself.
These new election procedures are intended to dispel the
indulgence " i n d i v i s i v e regional p o l i t i c s and unbecoming conduct" said
to characterize the Seventh Assembly of People's Deputies elected i n
1978 (Tibetan Review 1982a:4). However, the Tibetan Review ( i b i d . )
expresses the concern, on the part of some Tibetans, f o r the f a c t that
each Tibetan, regardless of his or her region of o r i g i n , could now
vote for candidates representing the other two regions. Since the
predominant Tibetan population i n e x i l e comes from Dbus-Gtsang, some
Tibetans fear increased complaints about unfair representation from
Khams and Amdo Tibetans. These complaints, i n turn, would lead to
further regional divisions and disunity among e x i l e Tibetans.
A second i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of this turn of events suggests that the
Dalai Lama, "determined to keep this democratic I n s t i t u t i o n a l i v e , "
accepted the proposal of selecting the f i n a l round of deputies himself
(Wangyal 1982:3). Nowak (1984:179) furthers this second
interpretation with her assessment that the Dalai Lama emerges here as
a sacred symbol "used to n u l l i f y the dangerously d i v i s i v e effects of
secular contestations for power."
 165

<

CHAPTER VI

A DUR SRI EXORCISM AT THE TIBETAN CHILDREN' S VILLAGE

A major exorcism conducted o n l y twice p r e v i o u s l y i n e i g h t y e a r s

occurred a t the T i b e t a n Children's V i l l a g e i n January, 1980, i n Home

Number 10, a home donated by Canadians to T i b e t a n orphans. This

exorcism was performed on what f o r T i b e t a n s i n e x i l e was a relatively

grand s c a l e , and was necessitated by a s t r o l o g i c a l p r e d i c t i o n s c a s t f o r

the s o u l o f a r e c e n t l y deceased dge-bshes, who had taught a t the TCV

day school i n McCleod G a n j . This s h i - t s t (death horoscope) determined

t h a t the mam shes o f the dge-bshes had f a l l e n Into the c o n t r o l o f

e v i l dur and s r l . Furthermore, i t had aroused c e r t a i n i l l - d i s p o s e d

klu and sa-bdags (guardians of the s o i l ) and stimulated the appetite

of a demon known as Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum ( b l a c k gtor-ma w i t h three heads)

who opens h i s mouth when a human d i e s i n a n t i c i p a t i o n of more deaths.

The s e t t i n g f o r the r i t u a l was the d i n i n g room o f the d o r m i t o r y and

was provided as a l o c a t i o n by the c h i e f sponsors of the r i t u a l , the

administration o f TCV, who were concerned about the p r e d i c t e d f a t e of

the s o u l o f the dge-bshes and the danger such a f a t e posed f o r the

community o f TCV as a whole. But the c h i e f e x o r c i s t , along with his

f i v e a s s i s t a n t Rnying-ma-pa monks, assured me t h a t the b e n e f i t s o f the

r i t u a l would reach f a r beyond the s o u l of the former teacher and TCV

 166
to embrace a l l sentient beings. Now this claim bears p a r t i c u l a r

import, as I s h a l l discuss l a t e r , because the exorcism, which was

performed only three weeks following the death and, thus, well within

the 49-day period designated as bar-do, was i n t r i n s i c a l l y intended to

prevent the deceased teacher's rnam-shes from becoming a rgyal-po.

When 1 questioned the sngags-pas about the probability that a

highly revered dge-bshes might become a rgyal-po, they replied that

one could not rely upon outside appearance, that people d i f f e r e d from

each other i n t e r n a l l y and what a person thought might be completely

d i f f e r e n t from what he manifested p h y s i c a l l y . This Tibetan emphasis

upon the u n r e l i a b i l i t y of perception and the i n t r i n s i c as opposed to

the e x t r i n s i c determinants of status (physical appearance, public

acclaim) r e c a l l s the rationale behind Tibetan scapegoats and ransom

r i t u a l s , that the demons often have trouble distinguishing i l l u s i o n

from ' r e a l i t y ' since they mistake what s i g n i f i e s the victim s o c i a l l y

for the victim himself or herself. The sngags-pas suggested further

that the deceased dge-bshes might have f a l l e n under the influence of

some r e c a l c i t r a n t numina ( l e s s e r lha or l o c a l s p i r i t s who have refused

to submit to Buddhism) or, perhaps, had some moral flaws. Whatever

the reason, however, the a s t r o l o g i c a l calculations were responsible

for detecting the danger. No matter how "high" - that i s to say how

powerful or f a r along i n the path to enlightenment - a lama or

dge-bshes might be, i f his death horoscope established a s i m i l a r

prognosis, then a dur-sri r i t u a l must be performed.

The exorcism i n question was conducted over f i v e days and

addressed three s p e c i f i c problems which surfaced with the death of the

 167

chief exorcist sngags-pas

b l a c k tent

cauldron
n
sngags-pas

( ) C ) c
visitors' seats
'door

Following the DUR-SRI exorcism, the black tent is replaced with a

GLUD for the KLU, and, finally, with an effigy of GTOR-NAG-MGO-GSUM.

Fig. 2 DIAGRAM OF E X O R C I S M SITE, T C V H O M E N O . 10

 PEACOCK FEATHERS

BUM-PA

THANG-KA OF SGROl-MA DMAR-PO

OFFERINGS TO THE FIVE MAJOR MKH'A-'AGRO-MAS

NORTH SOUTH / \ WEST

LAS-KYI RDO-RJE RIN-CHEN PAD-MA

MKH'A-'AGRO-MA MKH'A-'AGRO-MA MKH-'A-'AGRO-MA MKH'A-'AGRO-MA

'OO

OFFERINGS TO THE EIGHTEEN LESSER MKH'A-'AGRO-MAS

FIRST LEVEL O F OFFERINGS

BLOOD A

o ^/\^FOOD GTOR-MA

o
FOOD GTOR-MA
NCENSE

o A o OO o
A MILK

SAFFRON FOOD RICE MCENSE BUTTER LAMP

BUTTER LAMP
GTOR-MA

OFFERING O F THE FIVE SENSES FLESH

WRATHFUL OFFERINGS S E C O N D LEVEL O F OFFERINGS PEACEFUL OFFERINGS

O O O O O o o A A
" G I V N G S " TO LESSER BEINGS

, W E A P O N S O F THE M K H ' A - ' A G R O - M A S

THIRD LEVEL O F "GIVINGS

F i g . 3, THE ALTAR
dge-bshes; (1) the r e l e a s e o f h i s rnam-shes and s u b j u g a t i o n o f the

e v i l s who were c o n t r o l l i n g t h a t rnam-shes; (2) the t u r n i n g away o f

c e r t a i n malevolent sa-bdags endemic to the TCV a r e a who had been

I n s p i r e d by the death; and (3) the entrapment o f Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum

( t h e three-headed cemetery demon).

INSTILLING HIERARCHICAL PRECEPTS

As has been well-documented by O r t n e r (1973,1975), a Sherpa ( o r

T i b e t a n Buddhist) r i t u a l designed to invoke the a s s i s t a n c e o f the gods

i n a c h i e v i n g a d e s i r e d end r e l i e s upon a h i e r a r c h i c a l l y arranged altar

of gtor-mas ( b a s i c a l l y c o n i c a l dough f i g u r e s ) which r e p r e s e n t both

temporary ' s e a t s ' as w e l l as food f o r the l h a (gods) and mgon-pos

(defenders o f Buddhism), and a v a r i e t y o f o f f e r i n g s , as w e l l as what I

noted i n Chapter I I I to be ' g i v i n g s ' . I n the TCV d u r - s r i r i t u a l , the

a l t a r c o n s i s t e d o f three l e v e l s o f gtor-mas (see F i g u r e 3 ) : (1) the

highest contained the gtor-ma r e p r e s e n t i n g a temporary abode f o r

Sgrol-ma Dmar-po ( S a n s k r i t - K u r u k u l l a ) f l a n k e d on e i t h e r s i d e by

gtor-mas f o r two d i r e c t i o n a l khandromas (mkh'a-'agro-mas), and

f r o n t e d by 18 s m a l l e r gtor-mas f o r M e s s e r khandromas'; (2) the

second l e v e l c o n t a i n e d the w r a t h f u l o f f e r i n g s : i n c e n s e (here

s y m b o l i z i n g human f a t ) , a b u t t e r lamp ( s y m b o l i z i n g the l i q u i d o f

decomposing c o r p s e s ) , a gtor-ma r e p r e s e n t i n g meat and bones, b l o o d ,

and a gtor-ma f a s h i o n e d i n t o a head and g r o t e s q u e l y d i s p l a y i n g the

f i v e senses; and the p e a c e f u l o f f e r i n g s : s a f f r o n (representing

f l o w e r s ) , i n c e n s e , b u t t e r lamps, a food gtor-ma, and m i l k (each

'set' of o f f e r i n g s d i r e c t e d towards e i t h e r the w r a t h f u l o r p e a c e f u l

a s p e c t s o f the m e d i t a t o n a l d e i t y Sgrol-ma Dmar-po and her h e l p e r s ) ;

and (3) the l o w e s t l e v e l c o n t a i n i n g the " g i v i n g s " to the mgon-pos

( p r o t e c t i v e l e s s e r l h a ) and l e s s e r beings such as k l u s and

sa-bdags who amount to what O r t n e r deems "touchy and changeable

local spirits" (1975:137) as w e l l as yi-dwags (hungry ghosts) and the

bgegs o r l e s s e r demons. Ortner r e f e r s to the l a t t e r as demons who

must be d i s s u a d e d from e n t e r i n g the temple and consuming a l l the

o f f e r i n g s a t hand.

O r t n e r summarizes a b a s i c s t r u c t u r e f o r a Sherpa B u d d h i s t ritual

b r i e f l y as f o l l o w s : (1) an i n i t i a l p u r i f i c a t i o n r i t e appeases any

p o t e n t i a l l y d i f f i c u l t l o c a l s p i r i t s as w e l l as produces the

a p p r o p r i a t e m e d i t a t i o n a l s t a t e i n the c e l e b r a n t s ; (2) the gods a r e

invited to a t t e n d t h i s r e c e p t i o n ; (3) the gods a r e then requested to

'take t h e i r s e a t s ' i n the gtor-ma prepared f o r them on the a l t a r , and

p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f gtor-ma a r e made to the l e s s e r beings; (4) the gods

a r e encouraged to enjoy t h e i r o f f e r i n g s and then, when they a r e

trapped i n the r o l e o f g u e s t , a r e appealed to f o r whatever f a v o u r i s

r e q u e s t e d of them; and (5) the ceremony i s concluded w i t h the o f f e r i n g

of tshogs ( o r prasad i n Hindu r i t u a l ) , a "communing cake", to the gods

and humans, the o f f i c i a t i n g lama reads f i n a l b e n e d i c t i o n s , and the

a l t a r i s dismantled (1975:137-138).

Although t h i s summary i s n o t intended i n any way to evoke the

r i c h n e s s and c o m p l e x i t y of a T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t r i t u a l , a study that

r e q u i r e s the a n a l y s i s o f B u d d h i s t s c h o l a r s and e t h n o r a u s i c o l o g i s t s , i t

e n c a p s u l a t e s the d a i l y r i t u a l formula evoked by the sngags-pa to

 171

secure the a i d of the raeditational deity i n recovering the soul of the

dge-bshes and defeating the aroused e v i l . One notable addition to

Ortner's structure occurs a f t e r the fourth stage, since the sngags-pa,

i n order to a t t a i n the power necessary to exorcize the e v i l , applies

the "process of generation" where he v i s u a l i z e s himself as the deity

and becomes " i n effect, the transformer through which the divine power

can pass out of the realm of knowledge and into theworld of events"

(Beyer 1973:66).

While the offerings on the two higher levels of the a l t a r (which

included the temporary dwellings f o r Sgrol-ma Dmar-po and the

khandromas) remained for the f i v e days of the r i t u a l , the lowest l e v e l

was replaced each day. These "givings" were proffered i n conjunction

with the reading of appropriate textual passages and skull-drum

fanfare. No matter who the r e c i p i e n t of any gtor-ma might be, r i t u a l

protocol dictated that a gtor-ma be f i r s t presented to Sgrol-ma

Dmar-po by the a s s i s t i n g monk, who raised i t above h i s head while

facing the "seat" of Sgrol-ma Dmar-po, turned to bow to the

o f f i c i a t i n g sngags-pa, and backed out of the dining room to toss the

"givings" outside to the appropriate recipients as well as to the

waiting crows. The o f f i c i a t i n g sngags-pa accompanied each such

departure with the toss of a few r i c e grains to each of the three

realms. In this way, the gtor-mas designated for mgon-pos, the

k l u , the sa-bdag, and l e s s e r beings were cleared each morning, the

lowest of these e n t i t l e s receiving their gtor-mas a f t e r the others.

The o f f e r i n g of tshogs, as Epstein has noted (1978), evokes a

communion among s o c i a l classes, d e i t i e s , and spirits". Tshogs i s

 172

commonly a cake o f b a r l e y f l o u r combined w i t h water, sugar, and

b u t t e r , b u t a tshogs o f f e r i n g o f t e n i n c l u d e s p u f f e d r i c e , peanuts,

candy, and f r u i t from the bazaar along w i t h t h i s cake. Shortly before

the c o n c l u s i o n o f each day o f the r i t u a l , tshogs and c o n s e c r a t e d chang

were o f f e r e d to the s u p e r n a t u r a l and human a t t e n d a n t s a t the ceremony.

What i s o f p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e i s the d i v i s i o n o f the tshogs and

the o r d e r i n which i t i s d i s t r i b u t e d .

As may be seen from F i g u r e 4, t h i s d u r - s r i exorcism f e a t u r e d two

tshogs 'cakes', each decorated w i t h a b u t t e r c i r c l e and c r e s c e n t to

represent the sun and the moon, r e f e r r e d to as 'ornaments' o f the

gtor-ma. Since the sun produces l i g h t and the moon Is s a i d to have

a ' f a i r complexion,' both symbolize f o r Tibetans the c o u n t e r a c t i o n o f

ignorance ( c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as the l a c k o f l i g h t ) .

The procedure f o r d i s t r i b u t i n g the tshogs f o c u s e s upon the

d e s t i n a t i o n of i t s various l a y e r s . The a s s i s t i n g monk brandishes a

t a n t r i c axe over the l a r g e r o f the two tshogs, s l i c e s o f f the top

(which i n c l u d e s the sun and moon ornaments), o f f e r s i t to the gtor-ma

representing the ' s e a t ' o f Sgrol-ma Dmar-po (a s e a t which Is a l s o

referred to as h e r mandala), and, b e f o r e s e t t i n g t h i s p o r t i o n on the

h i g h e s t l e v e l o f the a l t a r , p l a c e s a s m a l l p i e c e o f i t together with

some c o n s e c r a t e d chang i n t o a s i l v e r c h a l i c e . T h i s p i e c e o f the

tshogs, which i s deemed to be an o f f e r i n g f o r the p r o t e c t i v e d e i t i e s

(srung-ma) i s thrown o u t s i d e . Upon r e - e n t e r i n g the h a l l , the monk

prostrates three times b e f o r e the a l t a r and then p r e s e n t s the s m a l l e r

of the tshogs to the o f f i c i a t i n g sngags-pa who, a t t h i s p o i n t , i s

thought to have generated the goddess Sgrol-ma Dmar-po i n h i m s e l f and,

 173

thus, as the goddess h e r s e l f , he performs mudras ( r i t u a l hand

g e s t u r e s ) w i t h r d o - r j e and bell i n hand o v e r the tshogs. Thus

consecrated, this tshogs becomes the o f f e r i n g to the sngags-pa as an

emanation o f the goddess. A f t e r the sngags-pa's acceptance o f the

tshogs, the a s s i s t i n g monk o f f e r s a l l human p a r t i c i p a n t s some

consecrated chang. T h i s chang i s accepted i n the l e f t hand, the

hand t h a t i s not responsible f o r ( p o t e n t i a l l y wrong) a c t i o n s as i s the

r i g h t hand, some i s drunk, and the remainder a p p l i e d to the top o f the

head (where one r e c e i v e s b l e s s i n g s from lamas).

The third section of the l a r g e tshogs i s known as 'agrong-ba,

meaning "the k i l l i n g of lamas and kings." Whenever a r e l i g i o u s

ceremony i s performed, a sngags-pa commented, there i s bound to be an

opposition from an e v i l f o r c e whatever the purpose of the ritual.

These " e v i l s o f Ignorance", t h e r e f o r e , must be v i s u a l i z e d as being

killed during the r i t u a l , transformed i n t o a "sea o f n e c t a r s " and,

thus, transformed i n t o an o f f e r i n g f o r the d e i t i e s . The remains o f

the e v i l must then be v i s u a l i z e d as "nothing bad, but rather something

good to e a t . " This t h i r d s e c t i o n i s placed on the second l e v e l o f the

altar.

The f o u r t h s e c t i o n of the tshogs i s g t s a n g - l h a g - meaning "clean

remains." Now the d e i t y of the mandala and the p r o t e c t o r s throw down

some remainder from the o f f e r i n g s they have r e c e i v e d . These " t a b l e

scraps" of the gods become the tshogs eaten by humans, and thus the

i n t e g r a t i o n of the human p a r t i c i p a n t s i n t h i s cosmic communion i s

accomplished when the humans are presented w i t h the l e a v i n g s of the

gods. But the e t i q u e t t e o f p a r t a k i n g i n the tshogs r e q u i r e s that the

 TSHOGS OFFERING T O EXORCIST

(who becomes an emanation of S G R O L - M A DMAR-POj

F i g . 4, T S H O G S O F F E R I N G
humans l e a v e m o r s e l s o f t h e i r own tshogs. The a s s i s t i n g monk

collects the s c r a p s from human tshogs and mixes them w i t h the f i f t h

and f i n a l l a y e r o f the o r i g i n a l cake. By u t t e r i n g c e r t a i n mantras,

the e x o r c i s t transforms these human l e a v i n g s i n t o a 'powerful' food

( t s h o g s - l h a g ) which w i l l be f e d to i n h a b i t a n t s o f the lower w o r l d ,

and, i n particular, to the yi-dwags. A l l d u r i n g the ceremony, these

yi-dwags have awaited the tshogs, which has the power t o p r o v i d e

some s a t i s f a c t i o n i n what proves o t h e r w i s e f o r them to be the h e l l of

Tantalus. F o r the yi-dwags a r e the ghosts o f r a p a c i o u s i n d i v i d u a l s

who have taken r e b i r t h i n h e l l as i n s a t i a b l e , big-bellied,

narrow-necked, f i r e - b r e a t h i n g g h o s t s . Though the yi-dwags a r e

c o n s t a n t l y ravenous, t h e i r t h r o a t s a r e so t h i n t h a t they a r e o n l y a b l e

to swallow the mucus from t h e i r noses. T h i s t s h o g s - l h a g , then, will

p r o v i d e food f o r them and h e l p them to a b e t t e r rebirth.

Clearly the procedure f o r d i s p e n s i n g tshogs c o n t a i n s the elements

of a communion, b u t , more i m p o r t a n t l y , i t impresses upon the

participants t h a t the " l e a v i n g s " o f those h i g h e r i n the h i e r a r c h y a r e

" b l e s s i n g s " bestowed upon those beneath. The h i g h e s t r a n k i n g r e c e i v e

the f i r s t o f f e r i n g s . But a second message from t h i s r i t e o f tshogs i s

t h a t those beneath one must be c o n s i d e r e d - a f t e r a l l , the l o w l i e s t

beings have n o t h i n g to o f f e r up and n o t h i n g to " g i v e down". I f humans

wish to keep themselves, so to speak, " i n the m i d d l e , " they must

attend to " g i v i n g s " almost as much as they address "offerings".

I t I s , however, n o t o n l y the s t r u c t u r e exposed by the p r o c e s s o f

d i s p e n s i n g tshogs t h a t Is imbued w i t h the meaning o f h i e r a r c h y , b u t

also the s y m b o l i c i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the tshogs i t s e l f . As I b r i e f l y

discussed in Chapter IV, dbang (sacred power) produces an effect

called dngos-grub, which refers to wealth, fame, and power - what

one desires In this world. When participants receive this tshogs,

they are said to be receiving dngos-grub from celestial beings.

Dngos-grub appears in two forms: (1) mchog dngos-grub, which

designates material success and the ability to influence others; and

(2) thun-mong ma yin dngos-grub - happiness in the next l i f e . If

humans obtain their tshogs from the leavings of the protectors, who

are not yet enlightened beings, the benefits would only be those of

mchog dngos-grub. For this reason, as befits an orientation towards

the fortunes of one's future l i f e and a goal of enlightenment, the

ritual celebrants are enjoined to partake only of the tshogs

(leavings) from the medirational deity. Possession of thun-mong ma

yin dngos-grub enables one not only to influence other people but also

empowers one to help those i n hell, to rescue them from their

miseries. Such power, in turn, ideally implies the ability to turn

another's mind to the Buddhist path.

What the notion of dngos-grub lends to the understanding of

hierarchy derives from the distinction between the two levels of

tshogs - thar-pa from the deity and the tshogs of the protectors,

whereas the latter assist in the here and now to attain the wealth and

status one desires, the former reminds the celebrant of the 'ordained ; 1

basis for the hierarchy, one declared according to the level of

spiritual achievement attained and where those inhabiting the highest

level direct their power to assist others along the spiritual path.
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THE DESTRUCTION OF CHALLENGERS

A t t e n t i o n to the a l t a r , i n v o k i n g the d e i t i e s , and a f f i r m i n g the

hierarchy through r i t u a l m a n i p u l a t i o n form a s c a f f o l d i n g f o r a T i b e t a n

Buddhist r i t u a l . But the focus and much o f the drama may well l i e i n

the p a r t i c u l a r task a t hand. The focus of the f i r s t t h r e e days o f

t h i s d u r - s r i r i t u a l was upon r e l e a s i n g the s o u l o f the dge-bshes and

t r a p p i n g the e v i l s who had s t o l e n o r i n f l u e n c e d i t . For this reason,

the w r a t h f u l m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f Sgrol-ma was appealed to f o r a s s i s t a n c e

a l o n g w i t h a h o s t of "working" khandromas, c e l e s t i a l goddesses who

would engage a c t i v e l y i n combat w i t h the e v i l . These khandromas w i e l d

r i t u a l weapons p r o v i d e d by the sngags-pas and d e r i v i n g from the body

p a r t s of a conquered demon. These weapons were c r e a t e d from the g r e a t

demon Rudra, whose myth was r e l a t e d as f o l l o w s :

The S t o r y o f Rudra

M i l l i o n s o f y e a r s ago there l i v e d a demon who, i n conjunction

w i t h h i s w i f e , was accustomed to harming everyone who l i v e d i n the

vicinity. The w i f e became pregnant suddenly and gave b i r t h to a

monstrous son whom the p a r e n t s named Rudra. A l l who came to see the

c h i l d were d i s g u s t e d and f i r m l y convinced t h a t he was a bad omen. The

public thought the mother should be k i l l e d a l o n g w i t h her son. Even

the f a t h e r was s u f f i c i e n t l y angry a t the b i r t h o f such a son t h a t he

took both h i s w i f e and t h e i r son to the g r a v e y a r d , where he killed

her.
 The baby demon, however, had n o t been k i l l e d , only l e f t to d i e .

He sucked the m i l k from h i s dead mother's b r e a s t f o r one week and

s u r v i v e d , growing c o n s i d e r a b l y . The second week he a t e the meat from

her corpse and grew s t i l l more. The t h i r d week he a t e h e r bones.

A f t e r three weeks, he had become so p o w e r f u l t h a t he was a b l e to

c o n t r o l the t h r e e realms: heaven, e a r t h , and the lower w o r l d .

Rudra e x e r c i s e d h i s power by k i l l i n g and e a t i n g p e o p l e . He was

u n c o n t r o l l a b l e and no one came to c h a l l e n g e him. F i n a l l y , a prophecy

from heaven decreed the way i n which Rudra might be caught and brought

under c o n t o l . The a d v i c e from heaven d e c l a r e d t h a t a dur r i t u a l

should be performed and t h a t two s p e c i a l l h a - R d o - r j e Phag-mo ( D o r j e

Phagmo) " t h e T h u n d e r b o l t Sow", and Rta-mgrin (Tamdin), the

horse-headed god ( S . H a y a g r i v a ) would come to e a r t h to a s s i s t .

The r i t u a l was performed and the l h a a r r i v e d . Rta-mgrin e n t e r e d

Rudra's body through the top o f h i s head and R d o - r j e Phag-mo e n t e r e d

Rudra through h i s anus. The two l h a s t a r t e d to p l a y w i t h Rudra's

i n t e s t i n e s and organs, c a u s i n g him e x c r u c i a t i n g p a i n . Though the

demon screamed and f l e w up to heaven and down to the lower world he

could not a l l e v i a t e h i s suffering. F i n a l l y , Rudra s u r r e n d e r e d ,

p r o m i s i n g to be under the c o n t r o l o f the l h a from t h a t time on.

In t h i s way, Rudra was d e f e a t e d and e v e n t u a l l y d i r e c t e d to heaven

a f t e r e x p r e s s i n g h i s remorse and d y i n g . H i s remains have been

utilized as weapons by the khandromas to combat the dur and s r i ever

since.
 The n a r r a t o r of t h i s myth p r e s e n t e d the weapons and their bodily

r e f e r e n t s as f o l l o w s :

Rudra's C o r p o r e a l Elements Weapons o f the Mkh'a-'agro-mas

Hair B l a c k and White Yak Tails

Intestines B l a c k Rope Worn Around the Neck

Chin Sickle

Teeth Pebbles

Head Hammer

Ribs Iron Bow

Tongue Knife

Shoulder Blade Axe

Kidneys Two B a l l s o f Thread Carried i n a

Net Bag

Heart Pyramid-Shaped Torma

S toraach S k i n Bag Made from a Sheep's

Stomach (when t i e d , t h i s bag
stops the b r e a t h i n g o f the
e v i l trapped I n s i d e )

Aorta Arrow

Spine Spear

Scalp Stone Cauldron

Diaphragm Triangular Iron Box

A religious origination is also attributed to Rudra - t h a t i s , he

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is considered to be the d i s a s t r o u s r e b i r t h of a former lama whose mind

had 'gone wrong'- and exemplifies a defiance of 'natural order' by

s u c c e s s i v e l y c a n n i b a l i z i n g h i s mother. His defeat i s achieved by an

a t t a c k launched from o p p o s i t e ends o f h i s body (head and anus) by two

powerful gods - Rta-mgrin ( t h e horse-headed H a y a g r i v a ) and Rdo-rje

Phag-mo (the "Thunderbolt Sow"). T h i s a t t a c k comes to f r u i t i o n i n the

middle o f Rudra's body and suggests, i f one a p p l i e s a cosmological

analogy, t h a t i t i s i n the m i d d l e or human realm t h a t Rudra i s

successfully 'reoriented'. The use o f h i s body p a r t s i s thought to

enable a sngags-pa to capture the e v i l s p i r i t s and makes an implicit

symbolic statement when one c o n s i d e r s , as we shall presently, the

nature of the evil.

The t i m i n g o f t h i s d u r - s r i puja was s i g n i f i c a n t since the

t r a d i t i o n a l 49-day p e r i o d d u r i n g which the rnam-shes would pass

through the l i r a i n a l s t a t e o f bar-do had not y e t e x p i r e d . The

e x p l a n a t i o n I was g i v e n f o r h o l d i n g the r i t u a l 'early' - that i s ,

p r i o r to the 4 9 t h day f o l l o w i n g the d e a t h - was t h a t i t was occasioned

by the extreme s e r i o u s n e s s of the matter a t hand. A l l o f the dur and

s r i were p r e d i c t e d through a s t r o l o g i c a l c a l c u l a t i o n to be w a i t i n g with

baited breath to nab the rnam-shes immediately upon i t s completion of

the 49th day.

The death horoscope ( s h i - t s i ) c a s t f o r the dge-bshes found

h i s s o u l i n e x t r i c a b l y l i n k e d to two c l a s s e s of e v i l r e p r e s e n t e d by

n i n e dur and thirteen s r i . While the dur a r e c o n s i d e r e d to have

p h y s i c a l form but be i n v i s i b l e , the s r i , which a r e disembodied and

i n v i s i b l e , manifest, i n a sense, a " r e v i t a l i z a t i o n o f e v i l " - that i s

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to say, s r l c o n s t i t u t e the a f t e r effects o f a person's bad actions.

These "after effects" take t h e i r own r e b i r t h , o r , perhaps more

accurately, their first b i r t h , and become p o w e r f u l e v i l s p i r i t s . But

the expressed d i s t i n c t i o n between these two c a t e g o r i e s d e r i v e s from

the c o r p o r e a l a s p e c t o f the dur and the disembodied, emanatlve

c h a r a c t e r o f the s r l .

The dur a r e p r e s e n t e d i n n i n e c a t e g o r i e s :

1. Za-dre

T h i s dre tends to harm the s o c i e t y i n which the person has d i e d and

appears a t someone's b i r t h , w i s h i n g to c a p t u r e and c o n t r o l the

t r a n s m i g r a t i n g c o n s c i o u s n e s s ( t h e mam shes which goes through

rebirth). I t Is always p r e s e n t d u r i n g one's l i f e . I f , a t death, the

za-dre succeeds i n i t s q u e s t , i t may a l s o harm the deceased's family

members.

2. Shi-shed

T h i s i s the e v i l b o r n out o f a dead person. I f , a t the p o i n t o f

death, a person's mind i s c o n s c i o u s o f harming someone, t h a t e v i l i s

called shi-shed.

3. Srog-chod

At the p o i n t o f death when e v e r y t h i n g t u r n s b l a c k , the e v i l which

does the work o f ending a person's l i f e i s called srog-chod.

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4. Dbug-len

The e v i l t h a t takes away the b r e a t h a t the time o f d e a t h .

5. T s h e - l e n

The e v i l t h a t comes to s h o r t e n l i f e . Through the e f f o r t s o f t h i s

e v i l , one's l i f e span i s reduced.

6. Tang-throg

The e v i l t h a t comes to s t e a l one's h e a l t h . T h i s e v i l w i l l come i n

the form o f d i s e a s e o r i n the form o f ngos ba ( a g l o s s f o r e v i l spirit

i n general), whatever h e a l t h one has, I t s t e a l s .

7. Son-bdud

T h i s e v i l does n o t k i l l b u t does cause d i s e a s e .

8. S h i n - s r o g

An attachment d e v e l o p s f o r something one might happen to see a t the

p o i n t o f death. Such attachment i s p e r c e i v e d as a n e v i l which remains

w i t h i n one's family.

9. S h l - r j e

A f t e r a person d i e s , t h i s e v i l attempts to c a p t u r e the rnam-shes i n

o r d e r to employ I t .
 183

The s r i a r e presented i n t h i r t e e n c a t e g o r i e s :

1. P h o - s r i

The evil spirit (thoughts, deeds) o f the male. I f a man d i e s , h i s

pho-sri.attempts to take r e b i r t h .

2. M o - s r i

I f a woman d i e s , her e v i l spirit (thoughts, deeds) t r i e s to take

rebirth.

3. D a r - s r i

The prime o f y o u t h i s c o n s i d e r e d to be from 25 to 40 y e a r s o f age.

If someone d i e s d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , the e v i l remains o f h i s o r h e r

lifetime i s referred to as d a r - s r i .

4. Dam-sri i

I f f r i e n d s h i p o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g among people e x i s t s , b u t the death o f

someone c r e a t e s a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g among people, i t i s the work o f

dam-sri. C o n c o m i t a n t l y , i f one's work i s n o t s u c c e s s f u l and d e s i r e s

are u n f u l f i l l e d , i t i s a l s o due to the a c t i o n s o f d a m - s r i .

5. C h e d - s r i

If someone i s doing v e r y important work such as government work

(perhaps the person i s a prime m i n i s t e r ) , b u t m i s f o r t u n e s p r e v e n t the

person from d o i n g the work, i t i s a r e s u l t o f the a c t i o n s o f c h e d - s r i .

 184

6. C h u - s r l

When minor work i s i n t e r r u p t e d , c h u - s r i i s r e s p o n s i b l e .

7. R g a n - s r i

When m i s f o r t u n e s o c c u r to a n extremely o l d person, he o r she i s

a f f l i c t e d by r g a n - s r i . F o r example, I f a person i s to r e a c h 80

y e a r s o f age ( p r e d i c a t e d by karmic d i c t a t e s ) b u t d i e s a few y e a r s

b e f o r e , i t i s the work o f r g a n - s r i .

8. G s h o n - s r i

G s h o n - s r l harms youths o f 15-16 y e a r s o f age, s h o r t e n i n g their

lives.

9. D g r a - s r i

T h i s s r i emanates from an enemy. I t can a l s o be the e f f e c t deriving

from the enemies one has h a d - i n p r e v i o u s l i v e s . T h e i r s r i c a n harm a

person i n t h i s lifetime.

10. Gre-sri

When a gun m i s f i r e s o r a sword misses, i t i s due to the work o f

gre-sri. I f a person e n t e r s a f i g h t w i s h i n g o n l y to harm n o t to

kill, b u t manages to k i l l h i s opponent d e s p i t e h i s i n t e n t i o n s , a

g r e - s r i i s a t work. S i m i l a r l y , p r i c k i n g one's f i n g e r w i t h a n e e d l e

w h i l e sewing i s a l s o the work o f g r e - s r i .

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11. Dur-sri

The harmful s p i r i t o f the g r a v e y a r d .

12. M t s h o n - s r i

The s r i o f weapons. I n a l l weapons, the s r i o f p r e v i o u s d u e l s and

wars can e x i s t and cause f u r t h e r wars.

13. Shi-sri

The s p e c i f i c s r i which causes death. I t can be classified

temporally. Thus, there a r e y e a r s r i , month s r i , day s r i , hour

sri, etc. I t i s the p e r i o d o f time w i t h i n which the s r i w i l l

finally k i l l a person. A l o n g - l i f e o r rten-bzhugs ritual i s required

to c o u n t e r a c t the e f f e c t s o f t h i s s r i .

A b r i e f g l a n c e a t the above t y p o l o g y o f e v i l (and I must note

t h a t my informant maintained t h a t each o f the types o f dur and s r i

c o u l d a g a i n be d i v i d e d i n t o many sub-types) suggests t h a t w h i l e the

dur appear to be concerned l a r g e l y w i t h the t i m i n g o f and factors

immediately contributing to death, the s r i a r e more " c o n c e p t u a l l y "

i n t r i g u i n g i n t h e i r m a n i f e s t a t i o n as disembodied, emanative evil.

A l t h o u g h s i x o f the s r i a l l u d e to e v i l s d i r e c t e d to s p e c i f i c

life-stages, s e x u a l i t y , and c a l e n d r i c e v e n t s , the o t h e r s appear to

address the problem o f I n t e n t i o n a l i t y and emphasize i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h

the c o m p l e t i o n o f work, misunderstandings between people, and

unintended bad e f f e c t s . The remaining s r i - the d u r - s r i , o r spirit

 G T O R - M A S REPRESENTING DWELLINGS

FOR PROTECTIVE M K H ' A - ' A G R O - M A S

HEAD O F LING-GA

F i g . 6 , INTERIOR O F THE B L A C K TENT

of the graveyard was the major s r i c o n f r o n t e d by the r i t u a l , b u t the

o t h e r s r i and dur would be d e s t r o y e d as w e l l .

The process o f t r a p p i n g the e v i l s and the s o u l o f the dge-bshes

required three days o f r i t u a l . During the p r e p a r a t i o n s , the monks

wrote the names o f the dur and s r i on 22 s m a l l s t i c k s o f wood. Since

the dead geshe was a male, the names o f the 13 s r i were i n s c r i b e d on

s t i c k s o f female wood, glang-ma ( a n a l p i n e w i l l o w ) or lcang-ma

(another species of willow), while the names o f the dur were put on

s t i c k s o f male wood, shug-pa ( c y p r e s s ) o r tang-ma (rhododendron). If

a woman had d i e d , the s r i names would be w r i t t e n on male wood; the

dur, on female wood. During the I n i t i a l phases o f the r i t u a l

(addressing the a l t a r , i n v o k i n g the d e i t y ) , these s t i c k s l a y i n a

t r i a n g u l a r b l a c k i r o n box which r e s t e d on a s e p a r a t e a l t a r s e t to the

r i g h t o f the main a l t a r (and under a l a r g e p o r t r a i t o f the D a l a i Lama

which hung i n the home's d i n i n g room). The t r i a n g u l a r box, which was

said to r e p r e s e n t Rudra's diaphragm, a l s o c o n t a i n e d substances known

c o l l e c t i v e l y as r d z a s , i n c l u d i n g t r a c e s o f p r e c i o u s metals, rice,

and roasted barley f l o u r . The t r i a n g u l a r box ( z o r ) was surrounded

by a fence o f c r o s s e d s t i c k s s y m b o l i z i n g the "working" khandromas,

agents o f Sgrol-ma Dmar-po, who would be guarding the box throughout

the ceremony. T h i s s t r u c t u r e was draped w i t h a b l a c k c l o t h i n o r d e r

to 'dim the senses' o f any e v i l s who might be trapped inside,

preventing them from d e v e l o p i n g any n o t i o n s o f escape.

When the a p p r o p r i a t e moment a r r i v e d to seek o u t the dur and s r i ,

the a s s i s t i n g monk removed the t r i a n g u l a r box from i t s b l a c k t e n t and

emptied the contents i n t o a bag made from a sheep's stomach ("Rudra's

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stomach"). The monk p r e s e n t e d t h i s bag to a layman (a TCV

c o n s t r u c t i o n worker) who had a l r e a d y draped a s m a l l I m i t a t i o n human

s k i n a c r o s s h i s r i g h t s h o u l d e r and c a r r i e d a b l a c k and w h i t e yak tail

together w i t h s e v e r a l o f the brass implements (Rudra's body p a r t s ) , t h e

armaments of the khandromas. Another layman c a r r i e d a sheep s c a p u l a

( w i t h meat on i t ) , net bag w i t h b a l l s o f y a r n , and pebbles. The

h o l d e r of the bag blew a s h r i l l w h i s t l e which i s a l l e g e d to a t t r a c t

ghosts and e v i l s p i r i t s , and swung the bag about the d i n i n g h a l l ,

making c e r t a i n to h i t everyone p r e s e n t a t l e a s t once w i t h the bag.

From time to time, the bag h o l d e r would run o u t s i d e to c i r c l e Home No.

10, blowing h i s w h i s t l e and shaking the bag. No one, with the

e x c e p t i o n o f the o f f i c i a t i n g e x o r c i s t , was immune to an address from

it. One of the l a y men h i t the o t h e r w i t h the sheep s c a p u l a . An o l d

woman e n t e r e d the h a l l to observe the proceedings and was greeted with

the t h r u s t of the bone and the shake of the yak tail. She laughed,

aware t h a t c o n v e n t i o n a l wisdom h e l d t h a t the e v i l s c o u l d be h i d i n g i n

any direction. " A f t e r a l l , " I was t o l d , " i f you a r e beaten by the

bag, then the e v i l s a r e not a b l e to e n t e r you. The evils t r y v e r y hard

to h i d e and may even h i d e i n the f i v e c o l o r s , b u t s i n c e these colors

r e p r e s e n t the f i v e elements and the f i v e elements a r e p a r t o f the

khandromas, a c c o r d i n g to s c r i p t u r e , you should n o t be afraid."

As the s e a r c h f o r the dur and s r i continued, the e x o r c i s t would

coax, beckon, and c h a l l e n g e the e v i l s to approach and p a r t a k e of the

rdzas. Wearing h i s sgom-zhwa, the h a t o f an adept i n meditation

(Norbu and T u r n b u l l 1970:86), the e x o r c i s t I n d i c a t e d t h a t he had

generated the raeditational deity, the w r a t h f u l a s p e c t o f Sgrol-ma

DIVINATION C A U L D R O N

F i g . 7, D I V I N A T I O N CAULDRON
Dmar-po, i n h i m s e l f . From the p e r s p e c t i v e o f the e v i l s p i r i t s , the

e x o r c i s t so generated emits flames from h i s eyebrows which frighten

away the humbler o f the s p i r i t s . S i n c e one purpose o f the e x o r c i s m i s

to d i s p a t c h as much e v i l as p o s s i b l e , the e x o r c i s t must wear a dom-ra

( l i t e r a l l y "bear f e n c e " ) which i s a b l a c k f r i n g e t r a d i t i o n a l l y made

from b e a r s k i n and worn a c r o s s the brow to s h e l t e r the eyebrows,

thereby p r e v e n t i n g the s p i r i t s from n o t i c i n g the f l a m e s . Bears were

thought to a t t a c k the f o r e h e a d i f one d i d n o t wear a dom-ra: bears

c o u l d n o t t o l e r a t e the s i g h t o f flames which emanated from the brows

of certain individuals. T h i s dom-ra was a l s o worn by wandering monks

i n T i b e t to r e n d e r them i n v i s i b l e to e a s i l y frightened s p i r i t s . But

as the wearing o f a dom-ra has s i g n i f i c a n c e from the v i e w p o i n t o f e v i l

spirits, i t a l s o Is supposed to guard the wearer's e y e s i g h t as the

dom-ra i s empowered w i t h mantras. T h i s l a t t e r e x e g e s i s , t h a t the

dom-ra f u n c t i o n s to p r e s e r v e the wearer's e y e s i g h t , may a l s o s u g g e s t

t h a t the e x o r c i s t , i n h i s charged s t a t e o f dbang, must take

p r e c a u t i o n s to a v o i d t u r n i n g h i s power i n a m a l e v o l e n t o r

"un-Buddhist" d i r e c t i o n .

A f t e r the stomach bag was opened to s e v e r a l d i r e c t i o n s , the

e x o r c i s t waved h i s phur-bu (a t a n t r i c dagger) to which was a t t a c h e d a

l o n g b l a c k streamer, snapped h i s f i n g e r s , and p o i n t e d to a c a u l d r o n

set b e f o r e him. The c a u l d r o n r e s t e d on three rocks p a i n t e d to resemble

human s k u l l s , which i n t u r n were s e t upon a l a r g e s k i n c u t and p a i n t e d

to evoke a human s k i n , and draped over a s m a l l t a b l e . Atop the

c a u l d r o n (which symbolizes Rudra's s k u l l ) l a y a t r i a n g l e formed from

three metal s p e a r s . I n response t o the e x o r c i s t ' s beckoning, the

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layman approached the c a u l d r o n and emptied the c o n t e n t s o f the bag

into the t r i a n g l e formed by the metal s p e a r s . By p i c k i n g up the wood

s t i c k s as they had f a l l e n i n t o the c a u l d r o n w i t h h i s r i t u a l f o r c e p s ,

the e x o r c i s t d i v i n e d whether o r n o t the dur and s r i were caught.

This divination altered the p l a y f u l mood induced among the

p a r t i c i p a n t s by the "bag hunt" i n t o one of anxious a t t e n t i o n to the

outcome. I f the name o f a s r i w r i t t e n i n t h i s case on male wood faced

down, t h i s meant t h a t the s r i had been caught. I f the name of the dur

w r i t t e n on female wood f a c e d up, then the dur had been trapped. Upon

each s t i c k t h a t r e g i s t e r e d s u c c e s s f u l c a p t u r e , the e x o r c i s t p a i n t e d a

red s t r i p e . The s t i c k s and rdzas would be r e t u r n e d to the bag f o r

another attempt to trap the remaining dur and sri. The exorcist

would add a f f e c t i v e comment to the p r o c e e d i n g s by shaking h i s head and

pouting i f a p a r t i c u l a r d i v i n a t i o n displayed l i t t l e success, drawing

the a u d i e n c e ' s a t t e n t i o n towards the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f h i s d i v i n a t i o n .

T h i s p r o c e s s was repeated o v e r t h r e e days u n t i l the e v i l s had

been sought s u c c e s s f u l l y from the ten d i r e c t i o n s - the c a r d i n a l

p o i n t s , m e r i d i a n s , z e n i t h , and n a d i r . Although the textual

prescription dictates t h a t ten t r i a l s must be conducted to a c c o u n t f o r

the ten d i r e c t i o n s , a powerful lama, as one cave m e d i t a t o r opined,

"might have h i s own feeling t h a t the e v i l i s caught, and s t o p the hunt

a f t e r f i v e o r seven attempts." Upon the c o m p l e t i o n o f the trials

d u r i n g the f i r s t two days o f the r i t u a l , the s t i c k s and rdzas were

returned to the t r i a n g u l a r box guarded by the "working khandromas",

and covered w i t h the b l a c k c l o t h . T h i s " p r i s o n " was further draped

w i t h the l a r g e r "human" s k i n and topped w i t h a p l a t e o f five

gtor-mas, which were a d d i t i o n a l temporary s e a t s f o r Sgrol-ma Dmar-po

and f o u r d i r e c t i o n a l khandromas.

The Ling-ga

On the t h i r d and c r i t i c a l day of the d u r - s r i exorcism, ritual

preparations included the f a s h i o n i n g of a s m a l l humanoid e f f i g y from

the gtor-ma i n g r e d i e n t s of b a r l e y f l o u r and water. When, on the third

day, the e x o r c i s t determined t h a t the dur and s r i from the ten

d i r e c t i o n s had been t r a p p e d , he m a g i c a l l y transferred them i n t o t h i s

e f f i g y or l i n g - g a . The l i n g - g a was s a i d to represent the

u n i f i c a t i o n and, importantly, the embodiment of a l l the dur and s r i

hunted by the bag h o l d e r and " t r a p p e d " by the e x o r c i s t . Once the

e v i l s were thus u n i t e d , the e x o r c i s t d e c a p i t a t e d the e f f i g y and

f u r t h e r dismembered i t , an a c t i o n which p u r p o r t e d l y s l a y s the e v i l but

s l a y s i t "with a compassionate mind", sending the s o u l o f the e v i l on

to a better r e b i r t h . The head o f the l i n g - g a was o f f e r e d t o Sgrol-ma

Dmar-po, and the remainder mixed i n w i t h the d i v i n a t i o n s t i c k s and

r d z a s i n the cauldron.

The d i v i n a t i o n s t i c k s were l a i d out t o form an interlaced

triangle within the c a u l d r o n , s p r i n k l e d w i t h s a c r e d water, and set

afire. The c a p t u r e of the dur and s r i e f f e c t e d the r e l e a s e of the

s o u l o f the dge-bshes from them and thereby enabled the s o u l to be

summoned, as i s the case w i t h n o n - e x o r c i s t i c bar-do r i t e s , t o e n t e r a

l i k e n e s s of the dge-bshes drawn on r i c e paper. After instructing the

s o u l t o proceed i n the c o r r e c t d i r e c t i o n , the e x o r c i s t burned t h i s

s o u l paper, thereby d i s p a t c h i n g i t to a b e t t e r r e b i r t h . The firing of

the c a u l d r o n ' s c o n t e n t s , a s p e c t a c l e watched by saucer-eyed children

peering into the windows of the d i n i n g room, a l s o p r o v i d e d r e l i e f for

those i n the community who had been t r o u b l e d w i t h dreams d e p i c t i n g

t h e i r dead r e l a t i v e s i n p i t i a b l e c o n d i t i o n . By w r i t i n g the name o f

the deceased r e l a t i v e on a p i e c e o f paper to be burned i n t h i s

yid-shes-me ("wish f u l f i l l i n g f l a m e " ) , a person so t r o u b l e d c o u l d

a n t i c i p a t e improved c o n d i t i o n s and an improved r e b i r t h f o r the

relative's soul.

The Cemetery B u r i a l

The ashes o f the burned, d e c a p i t a t e d l i n g - g a , d i v i n a t i o n

s t i c k s , and rdzas were then s t u f f e d into the a c t u a l head o f a b l a c k

dog (Nebesky-Wojkowitz l i s t s s k u l l s of f o x e s , badgers, and marmots as

candidates f o r cemetery b u r i a l i n d u r - s r i exorcisms (1956:517)). The

dog's head was wrapped w i t h a rainbow-coloured c o r d (which had linked

the e x o r c i s t w i t h the raeditational d e i t y a t times o f 'generation'

d u r i n g the r i t u a l ) i n a t h r e a d - c r o s s p a t t e r n and then impaled with the

s t a k e s which had formerly guarded the contents o f the t r i a n g u l a r box

as i t l a y i n the b l a c k t e n t , the stakes which r e p r e s e n t e d the "working

khandromas". The f i v e - c o l o u r e d "rainbow" cord symbolizes the five

elements - e a r t h , a i r , f i r e , water, and ether - and constitutes a

s p e c i a l weapon - srung-khor-bkyed-ba ( " t i e d by the weapon o f the five

elements"). But, as the e x o r c i s t i n s i s t e d , "These weapons w i l l not

h u r t the e v i l . On the c o n t r a r y , the e v i l w i l l f e e l t h a t he has been

 194

surrounded by a rainbow and t h i s w i l l g i v e him peace and happiness."

The wooden s t a k e s a r e transformed i n the p e r c e p t i o n of the e v i l i n t o a

palace.

Then the dog's head was p l a c e d i n the t r i a n g u l a r box, and the

c a u l d r o n , rock ' s k u l l s ' , a t r e e branch, and b u r n i n g c o a l s were taken

i n a TCV t r u c k t o the T i b e t a n cremation grounds, s e t o f f j u s t t o one

s i d e o f a s e a s o n a l w a t e r f a l l , and beneath a road b r i d g e approximately

one and o n e - h a l f k i l o m e t e r s from TCV. A f t e r p r o p i t i a t i n g the guardian

of the cemetery w i t h a l i b a t i o n of b l o o d , the monks dug a h o l e f o r the

b u r i a l of the box. The e x o r c i s t f i r s t t o s s e d r i c e i n t o the h o l e , then

p l a c e d the dog's head i n the h o l e , and covered the dog's head

r e s p e c t i v e l y w i t h t h r e e r o c k s , b u r n i n g c o a l s , water, and a bush

branch. The r i c e symbolized a double t h u n d e r b o l t b a r r i e r p r e v e n t i n g

any descent of the e v i l , w h i l e the t h r e e r o c k s , b u r n i n g c o a l s , water,

and a bush branch s i g n i f i e d , r e s p e c t i v e l y , mountains, f i r e , the ocean,

and a g r e a t f o r e s t - f o u r p r o t e c t i v e b a r r i e r s . Upon c o v e r i n g t h e s e

p r o t e c t i v e b a r r i e r s w i t h e a r t h , n i n e stones were s t a c k e d on the spot

t o c r e a t e a b l a c k mchod-rten. The c o n c l u s i o n of the burial

c o n s i s t e d of the r e c i t i n g of p r a y e r s accompanied by a damaru, a

S a n s k r i t term used by T i b e t a n s t o denote a "double-headed h o u r - g l a s s

shaped p e l l e t drum (made from human s k u l l caps or wood)" ( T u c c i

1980:298), and b e l l s , i n v o k i n g the p r o t e c t i o n of the g u a r d i a n s of the

f o u r d i r e c t i o n s , and, l a s t l y , the c r e a t i o n of a f i n a l double

t h u n d e r b o l t s e a l i n g the b u r i a l through the performance of a t a n t r i c

dance by the e x o r c i s t and another sngags-pa.

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Analysis

Nebesky-Wojkowitz notes that although Tibetan r i t u a l texts often

prescribe the o f f e r i n g of a blood l i b a t i o n , beer or red-coloured water

is often substituted for blood i n the actual performance of the r i t u a l

(1956:343). However, f o r the performance of exorcisms, "actual blood

has to be used, and Tibetan works give detailed information about the

kinds of blood" needed (1956:343). The control of the p a r t i c u l a r

e v i l s i n this exorcism required, according to scripture, the use of a

black dog's head. Unlike the dough cakes, thread-crosses, elements of

Rudra's body, and "toy" weapons belonging to the mkh'a-'agro-mas,

a l l of which are e s s e n t i a l l y symbols; the dog's head i s , f i r s t and

foremost, a dog's head. Though the dog's head becomes a symbol i n the

process of the r i t u a l , i t i s also comprehensible as a non-symbol -

simply as the head of a dog.

Why then must the dog's head or blood f o r an exorcism be " r e a l "

when other r i t u a l implements and elements are not? The answer to this

question l i e s i n knowing who i s responsible f o r supplying the r i t u a l

element. While thread-crosses and gtor-mas used i n this r i t u a l were

constructed by sngags-pas, the dog's head and blood were supplied by

the sponsor of the exorcism, TCV. In other words, someone a t TCV

k i l l e d or arranged to obtain the dog's head, and thereby f u l f i l l e d the

o b l i g a t i o n held by the sponsor of such a r i t u a l . Tibetans maintain

that only sngags-pas can create gtor-mas or rnam-mkh'as - the

reason being that gtor-mas are not gtor-mas unless they have been

empowered with mantras, a task only lamas or sngags-pas are capable

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of performing. The sponsor o f the r i t u a l must supply a dramatic and

" r e a l " s u b s t a n c e , s i n c e he or she cannot match the powers h e l d by the

exorcists.

Heads ( o r s k u l l s ) a r e common c o n t a i n e r s i n Tibetan ritual

practice. Many T i b e t a n r e l g i o u s r i t u a l s f e a t u r e s k u l l - c u p s filled

w i t h l i b a t i o n s o f blood o r ambrosia ( s y m b o l i c semen). These

skull-cups are said to remind one o f r e b i r t h and the t r a n s m i g r a t i o n of

souls. The c a u l d r o n w i t h i n which the capture o f the dur and s r i was

d i v i n e d represented Rudra's s k u l l . Furthermore, the most p r i z e d

o b j e c t p l a c e d on a T i b e t a n f a m i l y ' s a l t a r d u r i n g the T i b e t a n New Year

was the head of a sheep (now represented by sheep s c u l p t e d from b u t t e r

or a sheep's head s c u l p t e d from b u t t e r ) . The sheep's head i s thought

to a t t r a c t p r o s p e r i t y and to symbolize "the s t a r t of something good".

Thus, the use o f a dog's s k u l l to c o n t a i n e x o r c i z e d e v i l spirits

suggests t h a t the e v i l s p i r i t s would g e t a "new s t a r t " - that i s ,

o b t a i n a new birth.

Paul presents a d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n o f the symbolism o f the

t r i a n g u l a r b l a c k box, the l i n g - g a , and the phur-bu. The

t r i a n g u l a r shape he f i n d s e v o c a t i v e of female g e n i t a l i a "on account of

the Y-shaped anatomy o f the female lower t o r s o and t h i g h s , " and the

shape o f p u b i c h a i r . He notes t h a t the phur-bu i s p o r t r a y e d

i c o n o g r a p h i c a l l y as a d e i t y w i t h a t h r e e - s i d e d blade f o r the lower

h a l f o f h i s body. Paul thus equates the blade w i t h a p h a l l u s . A

Sherpa e x o r c i s t p l a c e s the l i n g - g a i n the t r i a n g u l a r box and stabs i t

three times w i t h the phur-bu. Paul then suggests t h a t the l i n g - g a i s

stabbed thus by the phur-bu because the l i n g - g a i s the "interloping

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t h i r d p a r t y " a t the scene o f a " p r i m a l c o p u l a t i o n " (1979:289).

P a u l expands upon h i s a n a l y s i s i n a l a t e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n (1982),

where he notes t h a t the word l i n g - g a i s borrowed from the S a n s k r i t ,

where i t s e x p l i c i t meaning i s "phallus". He i n t e r p r e t s the l i n g - g a

then to be an i n t e r l o p i n g p h a l l u s which i s s y m b o l i c a l l y c a s t r a t e d by

the e x o r c i s t . The " s t a b b i n g o f i t r e p r e s e n t s a d u e l between males f o r

the p o s s e s s i o n of the female o r g a n " (1982:123). Furthermore, P a u l

observes t h a t d u r i n g a performance o f the Sherpa Mani Rimdu (an a n n u a l

monastic dance), two s k e l e t o n dancers drag about a s o f t w h i t e d o l l

effigy, referred to by Sherpa informants as a "baby". While this

"baby", w i t h a r e d c l o t h sewn on i t s g r o i n a r e a ( i n t e r p r e t e d by P a u l

as a s i g n o f the "baby's" c a s t r a t i o n ) , i s thrown to the crowd, two

t a n t r i s t s s t a b the l i n g - g a i n a t r i a n g u l a r box w i t h a phur-bu.

Drawing a p a r a l l e l between the "baby" and the l i n g - g a , P a u l

concludes t h a t the l i n g - g a i n the t r i a n g u l a r box i s a "baby which

appears i n the womb" s i g n i f y i n g a t once the d e s i r e d " f r u i t " o f the

s e x u a l union beteen the phur-bu and the t r i a n g u l a r box, as w e l l as a

f u t u r e s e x u a l r i v a l o f the phur-bu. T h i s symbolism thus p r e s e n t s

the l i n g - g a as a 'condensed O e d i p a l symbol' (1982:123). Such an

i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s i n t e r e s t i n g , b u t i t d e r i v e s much from Sherpa, n o t

Tibetan exegesis. Moreover, to s y m b o l i z e an O e d i p a l c o n f l i c t and i t s

attempted r e s o l u t i o n i s to symbolize the problem of s u c c e s s i o n . I

suggest t h a t the p u r s u i t o f the l a t t e r problem, though i t may be a

d e r i v a t i v e of Oedipal c o n f l i c t , p r o v i d e s g r e a t e r i n s i g h t Into T i b e t a n

ideology.

The T i b e t a n s i n Dharmsala e n a c t t h i s r i t u a l ^aspect d i f f e r e n t l y

 198

from Sherpas. I n the TCV r i t u a l , the o f f i c i a t i n g lama d i d n o t stab

the l i n g - g a as i t l a y I n s i d e the b l a c k box, b u t dismembered i t

separately, to be s t u f f e d a l o n g w i t h the ashes o f the d i v i n i n g sticks

and the rdzas i n a dog's head. Furthermore, although Paul's

assessment o f the ' g e n i t a l ' c h a r a c t e r o f the b l a c k box appears quite

p l a u s i b l e , i s i t o n l y n a t i v e s u p p r e s s i o n o f the s e x u a l import o f the

box t h a t l e a d s to i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h Rudra's diaphragm? I

suggest t h a t a f u r t h e r meaning may be d e r i v e d from the symbolism o f

the l i n g - g a and t r i a n g u l a r box.

Firstly, we must c o n s i d e r Paul's c o n t e n t i o n t h a t " t h e e n t r a n c e to

the womb i s equated w i t h the w o r s t f a t e imaginable" a s rendered

explicitly i n "Buddhist ideas and w i t h the o e d i p a l a n x i e t y a s s o c i a t e d

w i t h r e p r o d u c t i o n " (1979:290). On the o t h e r hand, the e x e g e s i s a t

Dharmsala s t r e s s e s the f a c t t h a t the e v i l i n t e g r a t e d i n the l i n g - g a

w i l l now be i n a p o s i t i o n to take a more a u s p i c i o u s r e b i r t h , t h a t the

s t a t u s and 'moral i n t e n t ' o f the e v i l w i l l be t r u l y transformed.

Furthermore, i t i s the "embodiment" o r the " n e c e s s i t y f o r embodiment"

of the e v i l t h a t demands c l o s e r a t t e n t i o n .

In d e s c r i b i n g the p r o c e s s o f c a p t u r i n g the s r i and dur, my

informant was q u i t e p r e c i s e about the a p p r o p r i a t e l a b e l i n g o f the male

and female wood. The death o f a male r e q u i r e d t h a t the s r i names be

w r i t t e n on female wood and the dur names, on male wood. The o p p o s i t e

p r e s c r i p t i o n would h o l d i n the event o f a female's death. Now, what

s i g n i f i e s whether o r n o t the p a r t i c u l a r e v i l has indeed been trapped

is the p o s i t i o n i n which the s t i c k l a n d s when i t i s dumped from the

bag. Female wood must always l a n d w i t h the name s i d e up; male wood,
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w i t h the name s i d e down. Without g o i n g too f a r a f i e l d , one might w e l l

d e t e c t a metaphor f o r a s t a n d a r d c o p u l a t i o n p o s i t i o n i n t h i s f a l l o f

s ticks.

A d d i t i o n a l l y , we must r e c a l l t h a t s r i a r e disembodied, emanative

e v i l w h i l e dur a r e embodied. I f a male d i e s , then, the s r i names must

be w r i t t e n on female wood and f a c e up; i f a female d i e s , s r i names

must be w r i t t e n . o n male wood and f a c e down. The symbolism suggests

t h a t t r a p p i n g the e v i l i n a s e x u a l p o s i t i o n o r c a u s i n g the dur to

'have i n t e r c o u r s e ' w i t h the s r l , d i v i n e s t h e i r capture.

A l s o , s r l names a r e always w r i t t e n on wood sexed o p p o s i t e l y to

the deceased - the s r l a f f e c t i n g a man a r e trapped on female sticks,

the s r i a f f e c t i n g a woman, on male s t i c k s . I f the s r i a r e disembodied

emanations, the r i t u a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s appear to p r o v i d e a channel f o r

t h e i r embodiment by drawing them i n t o a s e x u a l union w i t h the embodied

dur, which might, i n m u l t i v a l e n t symbolic a p p l i c a t i o n , also

r e p r e s e n t the embodied deceased.

If this Is the c a s e , the l l n g - g a c o u l d indeed be c o n s i d e r e d to be

a 'baby' ( t h e p r o d u c t o f t h i s u n i o n ) , b u t might more i m p o r t a n t l y be

deemed a 'body' - the s u c c e s s f u l I n c o r p o r a t i o n o f h e r e t o f o r e

intractable, w i l l f u l , and, t h e r e f o r e , dangerous a s p e c t s o f

consciousness o r i n t e n t i o n a l I t y (the s r i ) . T i b e t a n s c o n s i d e r s r i to

be a l l the more s i n i s t e r f o r t h e i r l a c k o f substance. The l o g i c

underlying t h e i r exorcism, then, i s t h a t s r i cannot be c o n t r o l l e d

until they can be embodied.

I n the c o n s e c r a t i o n ceremony f o r the new Rnying-ma-pa sgom-pa i n

Dharmsala, the o f f i c i a t i n g sngags-pa s u p e r v i s e d the w r a t h f u l

d e s t r u c t i o n o f e v i l s r i imprisoned i n another t r i a n g u l a r b l a c k box.

Firstly, these s r i were burned; s e c o n d l y , the sngags-pa s h o t them w i t h

two arrows and a stone from a s l i n g s h o t . These w r a t h f u l a c t s were

performed f o r the sake o f " i n s u r a n c e " i n the event t h a t the s r i showed

any further sign of escaping. But the weapons used a r e known as

thabs-shes o r "method and wisdom" weapons. I n T a n t r i c p a r l a n c e , the

language o f sngags-pas, male denotes thabs o r method, w h i l e female

denotes shes o r wisdom. The s l i n g and bow a r e female, the stone and

arrows are male. The d e s t r u c t i o n o f the s r i i s , t h e r e f o r e , guaranteed

by the union o f male w i t h female. Thus, i f the b l a c k t r i a n g l e i s to

be a c c e p t e d a s a " r e t u r n to the womb," i t may be t h a t the s u b t l e p o i n t

has more to do w i t h embodiment, as a r e b i r t h i s c o n t i n g e n t upon h a v i n g

some k i n d o f body to b e g i n w i t h , than i t does w i t h O e d i p a l

entanglements.

Secondly, i f the phur-bu s t a b b i n g the l i n g - g a i s to be viewed as

a " p h a l l i c " f i g h t , I suggest t h a t , on a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l , i t amounts to

a c o n t e s t o f dbang between the e x o r c i s t and the s r i . I f the s r i ,

as t h e i r d e s c r i p t i o n s seem t o i n d i c a t e , d e r i v e t h e i r e x i s t e n c e from

the 'intentions* o f a r g y a l - p o , then t h e i r s t r e n g t h combines dbang

w i t h knowledge, making them f o r m i d a b l e a d v e r s a r i e s .

T h i r d l y , n a t i v e e x e g e s i s e x p l a i n s the box a s Rudra's diaphragm.

A diaphragm p r e s e n t s a n i n t e r e s t i n g a l t e r n a t i v e to the "womb"

approach. The diaphragm n o t o n l y c o n t r o l s r e s p i r a t i o n but a l s o

cross-sections the human thorax, n e a t l y s e p a r a t i n g the h e a r t and lungs

from organs o f d i g e s t i o n , sex, and e x c r e t i o n . I f the diaphragm i s

c o n c e i v e d a s a human m i d - p o i n t by the sngags-pas, the l i n g - g a ' s

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dismemberment, o r placement i n a "diaphragm", r e c a l l s the t r l - p a r t i t e

cosmic theme where humans occupy the middle level (Rudra's e x c e p t i o n a l

power, a f t e r a l l , was a t t r i b u t e d to h i s a b i l i t y to wreak havoc i n

heaven, on e a r t h , and i n the lower w o r l d ) . As the s r i must be

embodied i n the l i n g - g a , so t h e i r placement i n Rudra's diaphragm

restores them t o a quasi-human s t a t u s .

One o f the fundamental tenets o f Buddhism p o i n t s up the i l l u s i o n s

obtained from the senses. However, a human b i r t h i s not, as P a u l

would have i t , a d i s a s t e r a c c o r d i n g to the T i b e t a n c o n c e p t u a l system.

It i s , actually, the most d e s i r a b l e o f r e b i r t h s . Lha-ma-yin occupy a

h i g h e r c o s m o l o g i c a l s t a t u s , b u t the l i f e o f a lha-ma-yin (who a r e

o c c a s i o n a l l y compared to merchants) i s t h a t o f one who has a l l he

c o u l d want b u t remains f r u s t r a t e d and almost a s t r u c t u r a l r e v e r s a l o f

the yi-dwags o r hungry ghost. Lha-ma-yin a r e d e s t i n e d f o r sub-human

r e b i r t h s as a r e s u l t of t h e i r m a r t i a l a t t i t u d e s and e x c e s s i v e greed.

A l h a l e a d s an a l t o g e t h e r p l e a s a n t l i f e b u t one t h a t w i l l i n due time

end, and, i n terms o f the c y c l e o f r e b i r t h s , one would o n l y take a

l e s s e r r e b i r t h , a f t e r h a v i n g l i v e d as a l h a . The Buddhas and

m e d i t a t i o n a l d e i t i e s do n o t r e s i d e I n the realm o f the l h a as they

have, a f t e r a l l , transcended samsara and do n o t take r e b i r t h . But

acquiring t h e i r s t a t u s presupposes enlightenment. The e x c e p t i o n to

t h i s r u l e i s the B o d d h l s a t t v a who e l e c t s "out o f compassion f o r a l l

sentient beings" to i n c a r n a t e i n human form i n o r d e r t o a s s i s t these

beings a l o n g t h e i r own paths to n i r v a n a . T a k i n g human b i r t h

provides the only p o s s i b l e 'way out* o f samsara, f o r only humans can

become e n l i g h t e n e d .
 Why then should the i d e a o f 'embodiment' p r o v e so c r i t i c a l a

symbolic emphasis i n a T i b e t a n exorcism? Ortner' devotes considerable

a t t e n t i o n to the "bodying" o f the gods - t h a t i s , i n d u c i n g d e i t i e s to

sit i n temporary torma d w e l l i n g s , r e c e i v e o f f e r i n g s , and then listen

to the e n t r e a t i e s o f t h e i r human p r o p i t i a t o r s - and c o n c l u d e s that

this aspect o f T i b e t a n Buddhist r i t u a l echoes the e t i q u e t t e o f

" f o r c e d " h o s p i t a l i t y so common among the Sherpas where the i n i t i a l l y

u n w i l l i n g guest i s g r a d u a l l y molded through the p r o f e r r i n g o f a l l

manner of s e n s u a l d e l i g h t s i n t o a r e c e p t i v e a l l y , w i l l i n g to g r a n t any

r e q u e s t s from the h o s t . She views the gods' embodiment and s u b j e c t i o n

to sensory s t i m u l i as d e l i b e r a t e attempts on the p a r t o f humans to

p o l l u t e the d e i t i e s and, thereby, to I n s p i r e t h e i r rage ( a p o l l u t e d

s t a t e ) a g a i n s t the demonic elements. I f the gods were not, thus,

p o l l u t e d , i t would be i m p o s s i b l e to draw them from t h e i r blissful

s t a t e o f emotional detachment i n o r d e r to c o u n t e r a c t evil

(1979:154-159).

When t h e r e i s human b i r t h , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o b t a i n s n o t o n l y f o r

s e e k i n g enlightenment, b u t a l s o , as I m a i n t a i n e d i n Chapter III, for

the a l i g n m e n t o f the l e g i t i m a t e h i e r a r c h y . Humans a r e c a l l e d upon to

l e g i t i m a t e the s t a t u s o f the l h a and k l u . I f these s r i , as

emanations o f the ' I n t e n t i o n s ' o f a monk 'gone wrong', the TCV

dge-bshes, must be embodied i n a humanbid form b e f o r e they c a n be

dispatched, the i m p l i c a t i o n i s t h a t o n l y through a human form, the

middle l e v e l o f the cosmos, can these i n t e n t i o n s be r e - i n s t a t e d and

invested with submission to the l e g i t i m a t e cosmic h i e r a r c h y . The

dge-bshes's i n t e n t i o n s must become "human a g a i n " , i n o r d e r t o be

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brought i n l i n e w i t h the h i e r a r c h y . I f , as Or trier i m p l i e s , the gods

must be embodied b e f o r e any r i t u a l can proceed, perhaps their

embodiment p r o v i d e s them with a human p e r s p e c t i v e .

THE FOURTH DAY - APPEASING THE KLU AND SA-BDAG

The f o u r t h day of r i t u a l took a d i f f e r e n t t u r n and addressed the

problem posed by c a p r i c i o u s sa-bdag ( t h e l a n d l o r d s o f the s o i l ) , who

are thought to be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to k l u , the guardians o f watery

regions. The r a t i o n a l e f o r t h e i r I n c l u s i o n i n the r i t u a l was n o t made

c l e a r to me, but, as the r i t u a l was purportedly conducted f o r the

b e n e f i t of the TCV community (as w e l l as for a l l sentient beings),

where the s o i l i s c o n t i n u a l l y being disturbed f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of

new b u i l d i n g s , any major exorcism performed there might w e l l devote

some a t t e n t i o n to p u t t i n g them In abeyance.

Accordingly, a new s t r u c t u r e was placed on the a l t a r where the

"black t e n t " had stood during the p r e c e d i n g three days. This

s t r u c t u r e c o n s i s t e d of a wooden p l a t f o r m about f o u r f e e t square

covered w i t h a l a y e r o f mud i n t o which s e v e r a l items were anchored:

elaborate thread-crosses (rnam-mkh'as), f i r branches,

representations of the 12 z o d i a c a l s i g n s , Mount Meru (the c e n t e r of

the u n i v e r s e ) , a s p i n d l e to a t t r a c t female k l u and an arrow to a t t r a c t

male k l u s , two r i c e paper drawings o f sa-bdags (female and male),

two r i c e paper drawings o f k l u s (female and male), and a dough

e f f i g y of a man dressed i n yellow and red and wearing a lama's

travelling hat.
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As a p p r o p r i a t e t e x t u a l passages were read by the monks and the

exorcist, the a s s i s t i n g monk would p r e s e n t bowls o f m i l k , i n c e n s e ,

c u r d , and b a r l e y f l o u r to the sa-bdags. The purpose of such

" g i v i n g s " , a sngags-pa e x p l a i n e d , was to s a t i s f y them, and the textual

passages e n j o i n e d them as f o l l o w s : "Now here i s your food, enjoy i t .

Here a r e y o u r c l o t h e s , enjoy them. Here i s your chang, enjoy i t .

And now be s a t i s f i e d ! • Don't harm here! P l e a s e go away!"

A t the end o f the r i t u a l day, the s t r u c t u r e was c a r r i e d out of the

d i n i n g h a l l by f o u r laymen who set i t a d r i f t i n a small lake adjacent

to TCV and j u s t b e s i d e the i n t e r s e c t i o n o f three roads.

This "giving" to the sa-bdags f o l l o w s the s t a n d a r d g l u d formula

which p r e s e n t s e v i l s p i r i t s w i t h an e f f i g y o f what they d e s i r e . In

t h i s c a s e , the "yellow and r e d - r o b e d " man symbolized the dge-bshes,

who had managed to arouse the i n t e r e s t o f the sa-bdags as w e l l as o f

the dur and sri. But a l l the a t t e n t i o n d i r e c t e d by the sngags-pas

to the p l a c i n g o f a s t r o l o g i c a l s i g n s i n t h i s rnam-mkh'a s t r u c t u r e ,

signs believed to d e p i c t the horoscope o f the sa-bdags, and the

p o r t r a i t s o f k l u s and sa bdags themselves, indicates their attempt

to c o n v i n c e the sa-bdags and k l u s t h a t they indeed b e l o n g "inside"

this structure. These numina a r e persuaded, f o r example, t h a t they

are a s t r o l o g i c a l l y fixed t h e r e , t h a t they have a rainbow p a l a c e w i t h

e v e r y t h i n g they c o u l d p o s s i b l y d e s i r e , and, most i m p o r t a n t l y , t h a t

they have trapped the "dge-bshes". This particular formula

approaches that applied i n the dbang-bo r i t u a l mode where the e v i l i s

a l s o impressed w i t h the s p l e n d o r o f h i s s u r r o u n d i n g s , b u t i t d i f f e r s

i n the r e s p e c t t h a t the sa-bdags and k l u s a r e not e x i l e d , that i s

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to say, they a r e n o t " f o r c e d " to a c c e p t , o n l y "persuaded" to do s o .

THE FIFTH DAY - EXORCISING GTOR-NAG-MGO-GSUM

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum l i t e r a l l y means " b l a c k torraa w i t h three heads"

and proves a n e x c e p t i o n a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g member o f the T i b e t a n demonic

pantheon by v i r t u e o f the c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s s u r r o u n d i n g him.

Nebesky-Wojkowitz d e s c r i b e s a Nag-po-mgo-gsum as f o l l o w s :

The body o f the f i g u r e i s c o l o u r e d b l a c k on i t s upper p a r t ,

the lower h a l f , which has the shape o f the c o i l e d t a i l o f a
snake, i s p a i n t e d r e d . On the body a r e s e t t h r e e heads: the
red head o f an ox i n the middle, a b l u e p i g head on the
l e f t . . . , and a y e l l o w t i g e r head - i n some cases the head o f
a snake - on the r i g h t s i d e (1956:514-515).

Nebesky-Wojkowitz adds t h a t " t h i s f i g u r e seems to be regarded as an

'emanation' o f M a n j u s r i (the wisdom a s p e c t o f Buddha), s i n c e the

ceremony i s b e l i e v e to stand under the i n f l u e n c e o f t h i s B o d h i s a t t v a "

(1956:514).

P a u l agrees w i t h t h i s assessment i n h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the

Sherpa v e r s i o n o f Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum a v e r s i o n which equates this

h o r r i f i c c r e a t u r e w i t h Rigs-gsurn mgon-po, " c o n s t e l l a t i o n o f three

gods" - Spyan-ras-gzigs ( A v a l o k i t e s v a r a , the compassionate Buddha),

'Ajam-dpal-byangs ( M a n j u s r i , the wisdom Buddha, P a u l r e n d e r s f o r the

Sherpas as Zherabiyang), and Phyag-na-rdo-rje ( V a j r a p a n i , the w r a t h f u l

a s p e c t o f Buddha). This " t r i a d i s thought of as a n emanation o f

Zhembiyang, god o f the wisdom t h a t p i e r c e s the 'cloud o f ignorance'

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with which the demonic enemies of r e l i g i o n are i d e n t i f i e d " (1979:297).

One informant, entrusted with the making of masks f o r the

monastic dances held a t the Dge-lugs-pa monasteries of the Tibetan

e x i l e community i n India, also described Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum as a

three-headed emanation of Manjusri ('Ajam-dpal-byangs). In h i s

reckoning, the heads were ranked as ox, pig, and tiger, according to

r e l a t i v e degree of wrath each manifested. In addition, each head took

responsibility for guarding against e v i l sentient beings a t d i f f e r e n t

times of day. Since e v i l s p i r i t s follow an opposite d a i l y schedule to

that of humans, their a c t i v i t i e s peak at night. Dawn and dusk pose

the greatest times of dangers f o r humans because dawn and dusk

represent the dinner and breakfast hours, respectively, for demons.

Dawn and dusk provide the potentially dangerous transition between

l i g h t and dark. By this l o g i c , the tiger head commands i n the morning

when the e v i l s are about to r e t i r e a f t e r a f u l l night's Intriguing;

the ox head, tends to e v i l s who are most l i k e l y asleep (noon would be

the demonic midnight); and the pig head takes charge i n the evening

when the demons are beginning to s t i r and rather hungry.

However, Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum i s a creature addressed i n

Rnying-ma-pa r i t u a l s and one sngags-pa maintained that

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum was indeed an e v i l graveyard demon who tended to

"open his mouth," and thereby cause many deaths. His history,

provided by a Rnying-ma-pa sngags-pa i s as follows:

"A long time ago, a mother Khen and father Geng-pho became the

parents of Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum. They thought that Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum was

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e v i l because he had some power e n a b l i n g him to do bad t h i n g s from the

time o f h i s b i r t h . The l o c a l community a l s o c o n s i d e r e d h i s b i r t h to

be a bad omen. They a c c o r d i n g l y c o n s u l t e d the Buddha o f t h a t time

known as 'Ajam-dpal-byangs. T h i s Buddha c o u l d see t h a t

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum had a n e v i l n a t u r e and, t h e r e f o r e , c o n t r o l l e d him,

i n f o r m i n g him t h a t he should n o t s t a y i n t h i s world because he would

c r e a t e t r o u b l e s here. 'Ajam-dpal-byangs i n d i c a t e d to

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum t h a t he would be s e n t to a n o t h e r world w i t h whatever

he d e s i r e d . So Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum c o n s e n t e d , and 'they s i g n e d a n

agreement o f s o r t s . ' Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum demanded h i s p a l a c e w i t h a

rainbow and e v e r y t h i n g good to e a t , as w e l l as w o r l d l y wealth.

Therefore, i n the r i t u a l , i f we were Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum we would see

a l l h i s w o r l d l y wealth i n the s t r u c t u r e and we would be very happy and

leave the world once a g a i n . Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum i s n o t so powerful as

Rudra was because Rudra c o u l d c o n t r o l the three realms, while

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum has power i n o n l y one."

The c o n s t r u c t i o n d e s i g n a t e d f o r Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum r e p l a c e d the

g l u d f o r the sa-bdags which had r e s t e d on the a l t a r the p r e v i o u s

day. I t i n c l u d e d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f t h e 28 c o n s t e l l a t i o n s , the n i n e

me-ba ( a s t r o l o g i c a l c a l c u l a t i o n s ) , the e i g h t par-khas (astrological

calculations), the e i g h t h day o f the week (an unusual c a l e n d r i c

occurrence r e l a t e d to a p r e d i c t e d s o l a r e c l i p s e ) , , a p a l a c e ,

thread-crosses (rainbows), the monster's p a r e n t s , a n arrow and s p i n d l e

to a t t r a c t k l u " f o l l o w e r s " o f t h i s c r e a t u r e , p o r t r a i t s o f sa-bdags

( a l s o f o l l o w e r s o f Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum), m i l k , t e a , chang, b u t t e r ,
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sugar, s p i c e s , and barley flour.

The demon h i m s e l f was molded i n b a r l e y dough. The bottom h a l f of

the body was r e d , the upper h a l f , b l a c k . H i s r i g h t head was a yellow

t i g e r ; h i s middle head, a red ox; and his l e f t head, a b l a c k p i g .

T h i s Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum a l s o brandished f i v e p a i r s of arms (represented

by b a l l o o n s ) , each p a i r h o l d i n g one of the f i v e elements. Towards the

end of t h i s exorcism, the e n t i r e s t r u c t u r e was wrapped w i t h the

f i v e - c o l o u r e d cord (the same type of cord used to wrap the dog's head

c o n t a i n i n g the dur and s r i ) . F i n a l l y , the apparatus was carried out

by f o u r laymen and left i n the middle of the i n t e r s e c t i o n of three

roads. The l a y men s e t o f f f i r e c r a c k e r s to demolish the s t r u c t u r e and

dashed away, but an audience of c h i l d r e n , who had followed the

p r o c e s s i o n from the TCV home, remained behind, b a r e l y waited f o r the

l a s t f i r e c r a c k e r to explode b e f o r e they jumped g l e e f u l l y i n t o the

s t r u c t u r e and r o l l e d a l l over the e l a b o r a t e l y modelled gtor-ma.

E v e r y t h i n g and everyone were now v e i l e d by the c l o u d of f i r e c r a c k e r

smoke.

Analysis

The Sherpa Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum, a c c o r d i n g to P a u l , i s not-

destroyed but taken to an u n d i s c l o s e d spot " t o stand guard." This

procedure then d i f f e r s r a d i c a l l y from t h a t i n Dharmsala, where the

embodiment of a d e i t y c o u l d be accomplished only i n a sku (consecrated

s t a t u e p l a c e d on an a l t a r ) , an o r a c l e , or a temporary gtor-ma d w e l l i n g

p l a c e d h i g h on an a l t a r and d i s c a r d e d o n l y when the d e i t y had vacated

it. An "emanation" o f M a n j u s r i would never i n Dharmsala be " l e f t on

the road." A l s o , Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum c o u l d n o t be c o n s i d e r e d a g l u d or

ransom o f f e r i n g s i n c e the gtor-ma served to trap him. What then might

t h i s c o n f l i c t of I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s imply?

One e x p l a n a t i o n s p r i n g s from the p r o b a b i l i t y that d i f f e r e n t

s c r i p t u r a l v e r s i o n s of t h i s c r e a t u r e a r e e x t a n t . But i n the context

of the d u r - s r i r i t u a l h e l d a t TCV, the d e s c r i p t i o n o f

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum as b e i n g a three-headed monster w i t h a b l a c k upper

h a l f and red lower h a l f Is p a r t i c u l a r l y r e l e v a n t f o r T i b e t a n s , who

have h i s t o r i c a l l y p a i d meticulous a t t e n t i o n to dress codes which

strictly f o r b i d anyone who i s not a lama, monk, o r nun from wearing

red on the lower h a l f of the body. T h i s d i v i s i o n o f the gtor-ma body

i n t o b l a c k and r e d may w e l l suggest t h a t Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum had a

r e l i g i o u s p a s t as d i d the r g y a l - p o whose p r e d i c t e d f a t e s i g n a l l e d the

necessity f o r performing the d u r - s r i exorcism. Furthermore, according

to my informant, t h i s exorcism o f Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum was often

performed every year i n a community. C l e a r l y , to these Dharmsala

Rnying-ma-pas, Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum p r e s e n t s an on-going problem, and,

perhaps, h i s p e r e n n i a l a r r i v a l i n the community draws a t t e n t i o n to the

dangers o f m i s d i r e c t e d s p i r i t u a l power. And, although

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum may be 'exiled*!, he cannot be stamped out.

Temporary e x i l e i s a l s o a common s o l u t i o n g i v e n to v a r i o u s

" s o c i a l problems" t h a t may crop up i n Dharmsala. One young T i b e t a n

t h i e f , f o r example, was able to c o l l e c t a sum of money donated by

v a r i o u s members o f the community when he announced h i s repentance and

d e c i s i o n to go Dehra Dun to j o i n the T i b e t a n d i v i s i o n of the Indian

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Army. He took o f f t o D e l h i I n s t e a d and resumed h i s former l i f e style.

But he had, n o n e t h e l e s s , t e m p o r a r i l y s a t i s f i e d the o f f i c e r s o f the

T i b e t a n government w i t h h i s p r o f e s s e d i n t e n t i o n s .

Other problems r e q u i r i n g " e x i l e " a r e g e n e r a l l y r e l a t e d to

unsanctioned sexual a c t i v i t i e s . A fifteen-year-old female s t u d e n t who

had o v e r t l y p r o s t i t u t e d h e r s e l f was shipped to a s c h o o l i n Ladakh.

Another young woman s u c c e s s f u l l y h i d h e r pregnancy u n t i l one e v e n i n g

when she f a i l e d to r e t u r n to h e r d o r m i t o r y . The s e a r c h p a r t y

assembled i n response to h e r absence d i s c o v e r e d her, and, some

d i s t a n c e away, the baby to which she had g i v e n b i r t h i n the woods.

A f t e r much r e s i s t a n c e on h e r p a r t , she f i n a l l y , i n a n informant's

words, "broke down" and d i s c l o s e d the i d e n t i t y o f the baby's f a t h e r

(who would be expected to make some c o n t r i b u t i o n to the baby's

support). The i s s u e was " r e s o l v e d " by " e x i l i n g " h e r to Nepal until

her s c a n d a l c o o l e d i n the community. By a n i n t e r e s t i n g turn o f

events, however, someone r e c a l l e d t h a t the baby had been found very

near the spot where a h i g h lama had been r e c e n t l y cremated, a

c o i n c i d e n c e which suddenly transformed the i n f a n t i n t o a c a n d i d a t e f o r

the new i n c a r n a t i o n o f the deceased lama. I f the baby were to be

s u c c e s s f u l i n assuming t h i s r o l e , h i s mother would r e t u r n to Dharmsala

in triumph.

Another b u t n o t so f o r t u n a t e " e x i l e " was generated from a g r e a t

s c a n d a l t h a t erupted when a dge-bshes was found to be the f a t h e r o f a

bastard. B e f o r e h i s r o l e had become p u b l i c knowledge, he had a r r a n g e d

discreetly to send the young woman to N e p a l ; however, when h e r

c o n f e s s i o n had been o b t a i n e d and the dge-bshes had confirmed i t when

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questioned, both were sent away in disgrace to separate destinations;

the dge-bshes stripped of his robes and his standing.

If "exile" is a solution for moral dilemmas which are untenable,

but at the same time irrepressible, then the transformation of this

demon into an emanation of Manjusri (the wisdom aspect of Buddha)

provides a handy way out of the problem. If Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum was

thoroughly under the influence of Manjusri, he would not c a l l

attention to religious dilemmas devolving from the misuse of

"spiritual power" since wisdom in the company of dbang (power) i s

precisely what demons do not possess. Therefore, the banishing of

this demon correspondingly announces his eventual return, and,

therefore, concludes the entire dur-srl ritual with a message

conveying v i t a l concern with the possibility of monks and/or power

"gone wrong".

Conclusion

The dur-srl ritual held at TCV presents three aspects of

exorcism: (1) glud to placate the sa-bdag and klu; (2) a mdos or

effigy of Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum to exile this demon; and (3) a gto ritual

to annihilate and transform the disembodied and embodied e v i l who

captured the soul of the dge-bshes (as well as to release that soul,

enabling i t to attain a rebirth). The methods of capture and

destruction of the evil dur and s r i spirits illustrate that evil

cannot be transformed (wrathfully destroyed and dispatched to a

rebirth) unless i t is f i r s t embodied i n some sort of "humanoid" form.

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But what o b t a i n s from t h i s message, a g a i n , i s t h a t i t i s humans who

must take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the "alignment" o f s t a t u s i n the T i b e t a n

cosmological hierarchy. Demons and e v i l s p i r i t s may c h a l l e n g e the

l e g i t i m a t e h i e r a r c h y because ( e s p e c i a l l y as r g y a l - p o s ) they a r e a b l e

to o b t a i n s p i r i t u a l power, b u t i f they a r e d i r e c t e d i n t o 'human' form,

they c a n be f o r c e d to comply w i t h human r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and, thereby,

be f o r c e d to r e l i n q u i s h t h e i r challenge or 'alternate h i e r a r c h i c a l '

ambitions.
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CHAPTER VII

RLUNG-RTA - UNCERTAINTY AS HIERARCHICAL VALIDATION

Western travellers in more remote areas of the Himalayas have

never l e f t their encounters with Buddhist 'prayer flags' unremarked.

In Dharmsala, these flags are invariably strung from a house corner to

a nearby tree, and whenever a public bsangs-gsol (incense burning

ceremony) is held, the flags in alternate colors of red, blue, white,

yellow, and green are flown in row after row along the great

circumambulation path (gling-khor) surrounding the Dalai Lama's

palace, the temple, and Rnam-rgyal monastery as well as high along the

ridges above McCleod Ganj. These flags (dar-chog) are cloths

stamped with a printed text usually encircling the image of a

rlung-rta (wind-horse), a horse bearing a flaming mystic jewel (norbu)

upon i t s back and originally associated with an astrological concept

(Waddell 1967:408-418). My informants maintained that with each wave

of such a flag in the wind, the horse with the norbu upon its back

would f l y up to heaven, conveying the prayers of whomever raised the

flag. The higher the flags are set, the greater chance the horse has

to catch the wind that would convey him to heaven. There, the lha

would receive the prayers and be disposed to confer what for the

moment I w i l l terra "luck" upon the beseecher.

 These p r a y e r f l a g s a r e r a i s e d i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h a ceremony o f

o f f e r i n g i n c e n s e (bsangs) t o t h e gods. A b s a n g s - g s o l i s t h e most

f r e q u e n t l y performed p u b l i c r i t u a l i n Dharmsala and i s h e l d throughout

the T i b e t a n community-in-exile on t h e t h i r d day o f t h e T i b e t a n New

Year and on t h e c e l e b r a t i o n o f t h e D a l a i Lama's b i r t h d a y . The r i t u a l

i s a l s o o c c a s i o n e d by t h e wishes o f s p e c i f i c groups, such as t h e

Chu-bshi-gangs-drug (Four R i v e r s , S i x Ranges), a Tibetan g u e r r i l l a

movement t h a t fought t h e Chinese, t o commemorate t h e i r founder Andrug

Gompo T a s h i o r by o t h e r s p e c i a l e v e n t s . A b s a n g s - g s o l was h e l d , f o r

example, t h e morning t h e D a l a i Lama departed on a v i s i t to the Soviet

Union and Mongolia t o guarantee t h e s a f e t y o f h i s t r a v e l s , and another

one f o u r days l a t e r was g i v e n t o ensure t h e s u c c e s s o f h i s j o u r n e y .

Such ceremonies have no p a r t i s a n b i a s , however, s i n c e these ceremonies

are s i m i l a r l y observed whenever t h e D a l a i Lama v i s i t s t h e U n i t e d

S t a t e s , Canada, and Europe. But a b s a n g s - g s o l may be o f f e r e d

p r i v a t e l y by i n d i v i d u a l s o r households a t any time, and i s c u s t o m a r i l y

performed b e f o r e a T i b e t a n embarks on a s w e a t e r - s e l l i n g s o j o u r n o r

before other business ventures.

When a b s a n g s - g s o l i s h e l d a t t h e p a l a c e circumambulation path

( g l i n g - k h o r ) , people gather about 7:30 i n t h e morning equipped with

s m a l l c l o t h saddlebags embroidered w i t h f l a m i n g j e w e l s and c o n t a i n i n g

the j u n i p e r branches ( i n c e n s e ) and chang t o be o f f e r e d t o t h e gods.

While monks s i t t i n g on t h e ground i n a row f a c i n g a stone a l t a r chant

p r a y e r s , people approach t h e a l t a r , seemingly upon impulse and i n no

f i x e d o r d e r , and add powdered i n c e n s e o r j u n i p e r branches t o t h e f i r e ,

and, perhaps, pour some chang i n t o a huge s i l v e r bowl r e s t i n g b e f o r e

the monks, which would a t i n t e r v a l s be emptied i n t o the f i r e . The

p a r t i c i p a n t s s i t on t h e grassy k n o l l b e f o r e t h e a l t a r , some p r a y i n g ,

o t h e r s minding c h i l d r e n , g o s s i p i n g , o r watching the proceedings. At

times an i n d i v i d u a l w i l l appear t o adopt a l o o k o f p l e a s e d excitement

as he o r she r i s e s from s i t t i n g on t h e g r a s s t o make h i s o r her

offering. The f i r e i s u s u a l l y l a r g e enough t o produce smoke t h a t

b i l l o w s one hundred f e e t o r more and t h e circumambulation path i s

r i n g e d w i t h row upon row o f p r a y e r flags.

When each person has c o n t r i b u t e d h i s o r her o f f e r i n g t o t h e f i r e

and t h e monks cease t h e i r p r a y e r s , everyone r i s e s , grasps a r i g h t

handful of barley f l o u r ( o f f e r e d by t h e sponsors o f t h e b s a n g s - g s o l ,

t h a t i s , those who h i r e t h e monks, t o those who a r e empty-handed), and

t a k e s a p l a c e i n a huge c i r c l e . Then, i n Dharmsala, t h e man e l e c t e d

as t h e skyid-sdug"*' l e a d e r o f t h e McCleod Ganj T i b e t a n merchants

l e a d s everyone i n s i n g i n g t h e T i b e t a n n a t i o n a l anthem and a song i n

honor o f t h e D a l a i Lama. A f t e r t h e songs, t h e people c r y " s o " as

they r a i s e t h e i r r i g h t hands t h r e e t i m e s . At the t h i r d r a i s i n g of

hands, everyone throws t h e f l o u r i n t o t h e a i r , s h o u t i n g " K y i - K y i

G s o l - G s o l Lha R g y a l - l o ! " ( " V i c t o r y t o t h e Gods!"). T h i s marks the

o f f i c i a l end o f t h e r i t e . I f , however, t h e g e n e r a l ambience i s

j u b i l a n t , some people w i l l p e l t each other w i t h f l o u r throughout their

r e t u r n h i k e t o McCleod Ganj, w h i l e o t h e r s might s i n g a r i a s from

Tibetan operas.

The c r y i n g o f " g s o l " ( s o ) , meaning "take t h i s o f f e r i n g " , i s

made t h r e e times, probably t o t h e t h r e e cosmic realms, but as one

T i b e t a n opined, "We s i n g t h i s a s a chorus t o b u i l d up t o something.

' K y l - K y l ' i s a T i b e t a n w a r r i o r ' s c r y on the b a t t l e f i e l d . " 'Gsol'

conveys the n o t i o n o f i n c r e a s e . Some T i b e t a n s who c o n s i d e r the

decrease i n the number o f T i b e t a n monks and lamas i n e x i l e to i n d i c a t e

a c o r r e s p o n d e n t decrease I n the number o f l h a e x i s t i n g f o r T i b e t a n s

both i n T i b e t and i n e x i l e , m a i n t a i n t h a t a n o f f e r i n g o f i n c e n s e to

the gods w i l l s u s t a i n the remaining T i b e t a n l h a .

How T i b e t a n l h a might come to such a reduced s t a t e i s e v i n c e d i n

an e p i s o d e I heard from the e p i c o f Gesar, when the hero i s about to

determine how the w i s h - f u l f i l l i n g gems and o t h e r s p o i l s from h i s

conquest o f S t a g - g z i g ( I r a n ) might b e s t be d i s t r i b u t e d . Gesar, who i s

h i m s e l f a l h a , r e p e a t e d l y asks o f h i s audience a r h e t o r i c a l q u e s t i o n

- "Am I n o t w o n d e r f u l ? " - b u t h i s mood changes, and he denounces the

p r o b a b i l i t y o f p u b l i c i n g r a t i t u d e by g i v i n g three proverbs

illustrating the r e s p e c t i v e f a t e s o f mdzo (a cow-yak h y b r i d ) , h o r s e s ,

and mothers. Each case i s remarked f o r the u t t e r l a c k o f r e g a r d and

compassion e x h i b i t e d by the owners o f the mdzo and h o r s e s and the

c h i l d r e n o f the mothers when the animals o r mothers grow o l d and

i n f i r m , a l a c k o f r e g a r d d e s p i t e the f a i t h f u l s e r v i c e o f the former

and the n u r t u r e o f the l a t e r . I n a s i m i l a r manner, Gesar warns,

" S e n t i e n t beings w i l l tend to f o r g e t me and my g r e a t n e s s w i l l s l o w l y

decline."

Some T i b e t a n s r e f e r to the b s a n g s - g s o l as a l h a - g s o l , a r i t u a l

which enhances the gods. I n e i t h e r case, the r i t e i s b e l i e v e d to

p l e a s e the gods and to r a i s e the i n d i v i d u a l r l u n g - r t a o f each

participant. Now the l h a a r e p r o p i t i a t e d and f e d n o t so much by the

b u r n t o f f e r i n g s , as by t h e i r s m e l l , which i s , o f c o u r s e , wafted to
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heaven by t h e g r e a t column o f smoke. J u n i p e r branches produce the

most d e s i r a b l e i n c e n s e because T i b e t a n s say t h a t t h e s m e l l i s the most

p l e a s i n g t o the gods.

In f a c t , s m e l l , as one o f the f i v e senses, i s a pivotal reference

p o i n t used by T i b e t a n s t o d e s i g n a t e p o l l u t i o n . I t i s good t o put

g l a s s over p i c t u r e s o f the D a l a i Lama and other high lamas who might

appear on the f a m i l y a l t a r i n order t o prevent them from exposure t o

"bad smells". Women w i l l a v o i d e n t e r i n g , a l t h o u g h they will

circumambulate, the main temple i n Dharmsala, d u r i n g t h e i r menstrual

p e r i o d s because they do n o t wish t o o f f e n d with t h e i r "bad s m e l l s " .

Lichter (1980) d e l v e s i n t o t h e p r a c t i c e o f nose-grabbing among t h e

Tsumbas and concludes t h a t i t i s p r a c t i c e d between good f r i e n d s when

one o f them has committed some breach o f f a i t h . The o f f e n d e r ' s nose

i s grabbed t o remind him o r her t h a t h i s o r her a c t i o n s have v i o l a t e d

the norms o f f r i e n d s h i p . Furthermore, i n T i b e t , a married woman who

committed a d u l t e r y o c c a s i o n a l l y s u f f e r e d the l o s s of her nose a t t h e

hand o f her husband. Monks performing a s b y i n - s r e g r i t u a l , o r

p r e p a r i n g the g t o r - r g y a gtor-ma p r i o r t o the pre-New Year exorcism

of evil spirits a t the main temple, will cover t h e i r noses and mouths

with a white c l o t h t i e d behind t h e i r heads t o prevent any bad s m e l l s

they might emit from r e a c h i n g the o f f e r i n g s or the gtor-ma. I f , as

L i c h t e r seems t o suggest, " s m e l l s " a r e r e l a t e d m e t a p h o r i c a l l y t o the

s t a t e o f a s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , then i t h o l d s t h a t p r o v i d i n g these l h a

with the most p l e a s i n g aromas might s e r v e t o s u s t a i n a good social

r e l a t i o n s h i p with them.

The best p o s s i b l e p l a c e t o hold a bsangs-gsol i s on a mountain.

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As one dge-bshes e x p l a i n e d :

A b s a n g s - g s o l i s h e l d mainly to appease l e s s e r l h a l i k e
one's s k y e s - l h a . I t would n o t be d i r e c t e d towards the
Buddhas. I f these l h a a r e p l e a s e d , they w i l l come to h e l p
you and t h a t w i l l i n c r e a s e y o u r r l u n g - r t a . I f you want to
g i v e a p a r t y f o r your f r i e n d s i n your room, you cook f o r
them and prepare e v e r y t h i n g . But, i f you take them o u t s i d e
Instead to a b e a u t i f u l p l a c e l i k e a garden, and serve the
same food, they w i l l be much h a p p i e r . They would be much
h a p p i e r due to the e f f e c t of the beauty from the o u t s i d e .
By the same r e a s o n i n g , you c o u l d perform a b s a n g s - g s o l i n
your room, b u t when we go up there on the h i l l s i d e w i t h the
c l e a n a i r , the l h a s w i l l be much h a p p i e r .

A bsangs-gsol i s performed w i t h the avowed i n t e n t o f raising

r l u n g - r t a - but i t proves as much o f a t e s t o f one's amount of

r l u n g - r t a as i t p r o v i d e s a way to i n c r e a s e i t . I f , f o r example, a

planned b s a n g s - g s o l must be c a n c e l l e d due to weather or f o r some o t h e r

reason, I t i s proof t h a t one's r l u n g - r t a i s low. Equally, a strong

wind t h a t c a r r i e s away the smoke from the bsangs f i r e , wet wood t h a t

r e f u s e s to b u r n , o r a s h o r t column of smoke a l l i n d i c a t e t h a t one's

r l u n g - r t a i s low and n o t about to be r a i s e d . R l u n g - r t a cannot, then,

be o b t a i n e d w i t h c e r t a i n t y i n any s y s t e m a t i c manner and, as one

informant remarked, "You can t e s t y o u r r l u n g - r t a a t the same time that

you a r e trying to r a i s e i t . "

R l u n g - r t a , the human g o a l o f t h i s i n c e n s e - b u r n i n g ceremony, i s

t r a n s l a t e d by T i b e t a n s as " l u c k " . But s e t t i n g t h i s exegesis a s i d e f o r

the p r e s e n t , we can draw some comparisons between the p o t e n t i a l s o f

r l u n g - r t a , dbang, and bsod-nams. Bsod-nams, as d i s c u s s e d i n

Chapter I I , i s the sum total of one's good deeds o r m e r i t o r i o u s

activities and i s the p o s i t i v e a s p e c t o f karma. Dbang tang may derive

from one's karmic a c t i o n s or may be a c t i v e l y and d e l i b e r a t e l y pursued

in this lifetime. Dbang tang c o n s t i t u t e s a s p i r i t u a l power, but one

which may, as we have shown above, be a c q u i r e d without a 'proper

attitude'. Rlung-rta, however, i s unique i n t h a t i t can, as Epstein

c o n c l u d e s , be " e i t h e r h i g h o r low, u n l i k e bsod-nams, which can

accumulate (bsag) or be exhausted" (1982:240). Rlung-rta, in

fact, f l u c t u a t e s d a i l y , and i s discovered only i n retrospect. I t does

not ' c a r r y o v e r ' i n t o the n e x t l i f e , and a l t h o u g h some T i b e t a n s prefer

to a s s e s s i t as a p r o d u c t o f one's accumulated bsod-nams, i t i s

e s s e n t i a l l y uncertain. Rlung-rta even a p p e a r s , a t f i r s t g l a n c e , to be

the v e r y a n t i t h e s i s o f a h i e r a r c h i c a l e t h o s . Rlung-rta i s also a

p o t e n t i a l a v a i l a b l e only to humans — i . e . , g h o s t s do n o t have

r l u n g - r t a , demons do n o t have r l u n g - r t a , and k l u do n o t have

rlung-rta. Thus, r l u n g - r t a i s a p a r t i c u l a r f a v o u r bestowed only

upon humans and by w h i m s i c a l gods.

Rlung-rta as a P r o t e c t i o n A g a i n s t Spirit Attack

I n Chapter I I I , I recounted the s t o r y of a young monk who had

polluted the Gorkha F o u n t a i n , the home of k l u , and s u f f e r e d as a

r e s u l t of h i s unintended a c t i o n . The young monk e x p l a i n e d to me that

he was s u s c e p t i b l e to an a t t a c k from the k l u because h i s r l u n g - r t a had

been low. The Rinpoche whom he had consulted, however, would never be

so s u s c e p t i b l e because o f h i s h i g h s t a t u s and i t s a t t e n d a n t knowledge

and power (dbang). The more dharma one knew, the l e s s l i k e l y one

might be the v i c t i m of a s p i r i t a t t a c k . The young monk surmised that

the h i p p i e s who had been washing t h e i r laundry and d i s h e s i n the

f o u n t a i n would n o t prove to be p o t e n t i a l k l u t a r g e t s e i t h e r a s a

r e s u l t o f t h e i r own h i g h r l u n g - r t a o r due to the f a c t t h a t they d i d

n o t b e l i e v e i n o r were unaware o f the e x i s t e n c e of k l u . I f , the

young monk t h e o r i z e d , a Westerner b e l i e v e d i n k l u and had the same

l e v e l o f r l u n g - r t a as the young monk d i d , then p o s s i b l y both would be

attacked.

Rlung-rta, to T i b e t a n reckoning, i s n e i t h e r s y s t e m a t i c a l l y nor

'fairly' ( t h a t i s to say, i n k e e p i n g w i t h one's e t h i c a l a c t s o r

intents) a l l o t t e d . I f a young monk i s v e r y good and s t u d i e s

d i l i g e n t l y while others p l a y , b u t happens to be i n t h e same a r e a when

the d i s c i p l i n a r i a n monk spots the young monk's d e l i n q u e n t peers, then

a l l w i l l be punished even i f the i n n o c e n t monk p r o t e s t s t h a t he was

not p l a y i n g . The boy would be i n t h a t s i t u a t i o n and punished through

no f a u l t o f h i s own, b u t as a r e s u l t o f h i s low r l u n g - r t a . Another

example from Chapter I I I which removes r l u n g - r t a from any immediate

e t h i c a l "grounding" p r e s e n t s i t as a type o f p r o t e c t i o n f o r the

p o s s e s s o r , a p r o t e c t i o n which renders him o r h e r immune to a t t a c k s

from e v i l s p i r i t s o r " j u s t i f i a b l y " outraged k l u , as i s the case w i t h

the p o l l u t e d k l u w e l l (presented i n Chapter I I I ) .

The p r o t e c t i o n provided by r l u n g - r t a a p p a r e n t l y r e n d e r s a person

i n v i s i b l e o r transforms him o r h e r i n the p e r c e p t i o n of a p o t e n t i a l

adversary. The phrenum (the i n d e n t a t i o n o f s k i n between the upper l i p

and the n o s e ) , which i s thought to be a l o c a t i o n o f the b l a o r

secondary s o u l , and the eyebrows r a d i a t e flames i f one's r l u n g - r t a i s

high. These flames a r e so b r i l l i a n t t h a t they b l i n d e v i l spirits

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although they a r e i n v i s i b l e to humans. But when one's r l u n g - r t a i s

low, the flames dim and evil spirits or a n i m a l s may attack. Rlung-rta

can stand a T i b e t a n i n as good a s t e a d as does dbang, but r l u n g - r t a

cannot be d e l i b e r a t e l y or s y s t e m a t i c a l l y a t t a i n e d .

Gambling

Only a new opportunity to gamble e x c i t e s T i b e t a n s more than

does the outcome of a game of chance. I n the West, gambling has been

launched by s o c i o l o g i s t s and p s y c h o l o g i s t s onto a course that

p a r a l l e l s alcoholism. However, i n the T i b e t a n c o n t e x t , a very

d i f f e r e n t case may be presented f o r i t . Gambling, f o r T i b e t a n s , may

prove to be a t r a n s c e n d e n t a l experience. T i b e t a n c h i l d r e n experiment

with the f o u r - s i d e d knucklebone o f a sheep (a-cug o r " j o i n e d bone").

The concave s i d e i s c a l l e d "horse" and i t s o p p o s i t e end represents a

donkey; the o t h e r s i d e s are termed "goat" and "sheep". I f the toss o f

the knucklebone r e v e a l s the "horse" s i d e , i t I n d i c a t e s the p l a y e r will

win money; the donkey s i d e f o r e t e l l s l o s s . Similarly, the "sheep"

represents food, but the "goat" I n d i c a t e s t h a t one w i l l go hungry.

A d u l t s may e l e c t to p l a y the indigenous T i b e t a n game o f sho,

mah-jong, buy lottery t i c k e t s , o r , as was done i n T i b e t , r a c e horses.

Gambling, f o r the T i b e t a n , may prove a l m o s t the e q u i v a l e n t o f a

Western "weather r e p o r t " i n the amount of i n t e r e s t and ensuing

commentary aroused by i t s announcement o f the a s s o r t e d r l u n g - r t a

" l e v e l s " of the v a r i o u s players. In T i b e t a n s o c i e t y , gambling

provides a s i n g u l a r opportunity to measure one's quantum o f r l u n g - r t a

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f o r the day a g a i n s t those of a l l o t h e r comers, and T i b e t a n s b e l i e v e

f o r the most p a r t t h a t a l l e n t e r a game of chance on an e q u a l b a s i s .

One T i b e t a n proverb spoken w h i l e gambling o r d u r i n g a horse race

proves the r u l e by p r o v i d i n g the e x c e p t i o n : "Mi s k a l bza-ba l a , l c a g

gi 'agram-pa dgos" o r "he who has an i r o n jaw can e a t o t h e r people's

chances." T h i s proverb r e f e r s to the gambler who continues to win

d e s p i t e the e q u a l i z i n g laws o f p r o b a b i l i t y , he, thus, " e a t s " o t h e r

people's chances to win by v i r t u e o f h i s i r o n jaw, which symbolizes

h i s p e r s o n a l s t o c k o f dbang tang. What i s o f i n t e r e s t here again,

is the a s s o c i a t i o n o f dbang tang o r dbang w i t h s y s t e m a t i c advancement.

A gambler who suddenly makes a b i g " k i l l i n g " one n i g h t or wins a

l o t t e r y demonstrates h i s r l u n g - r t a , but one who i s consistent

demonstrates h i s dbang. A parallel to t h i s may be found i n the

young monk's i n s i s t e n c e t h a t he was v u l n e r a b l e to a k l u a t t a c k because

h i s r l u n g - r t a was low. A h i g h Rinpoche would be immune not because of

h i s h i g h r l u n g - r t a , but due to h i s s i g n i f i c a n t amount o f dbang.

The young monk d i d not h o l d h i s lower amount o f dbang r e s p o n s i b l e f o r

his misfortune because he harbored no i l l u s i o n s as to h i s p r o g r e s s up

the s p i r i t u a l l a d d e r , he knew p r e c i s e l y where he ranked i n the

r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y , and accused instead his mercurial rlung-rta.

Sports

I n s p o r t s , however, l o s s i s assigned to a d i f f e r e n t causality.

Dharmsala, as I mentioned i n Chapter I I , i s d i v i d e d more or l e s s into

f i v e s o c i a l spheres based upon g e o g r a p h i c a l r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s - i . e . ,

the l i b r a r y and the T i b e t a n government b u i l d i n g s o f Gangs-skyid, the

D a l a i Lama's p a l a c e and temple complex ( i n c l u d i n g the Buddhist

D i a l e c t i c a l S c h o o l and Rnam-rgyal Monastery), McCleod Ganj, TCV, and

the TIPA. With the e x c e p t i o n o f the D a l a i Lama's complex, the o t h e r

f o u r r e g i o n s produce s p o r t s teams who compete i n l o c a l and r e g i o n a l

b a s k e t b a l l and s o c c e r tournaments. Now, w i t h the a d o p t i o n o f such

Western s p o r t s ( s o c c e r was played i n Lhasa and i n t r o d u c e d by T i b e t a n

a r i s t o c r a t s educated I n the E n g l i s h s c h o o l s o f S i k k i m ) , has a l s o come

the a t t e n d a n t p r e s c r i p t i o n s u r g i n g " f a i r p l a y " and the n o t i o n o f "good

sp or tsmanship".

The t w e n t i e t h a n n i v e r s a r y (1980) o f TCV, which would be marked by

s p o r t s , c a l i s t h e n i c s d r i l l s , f e a s t s , s i n g i n g , and d a n c i n g , was a l s o

the o c c a s i o n f o r numerous essays w r i t t e n by TCV students on the

s u b j e c t o f "good sportsmanship" which appeared i n the TCV s c h o o l

paper. What tends to happen d u r i n g these s p o r t i v e combats, however,

i s n o t so much i n k e e p i n g with these p r o f e s s e d ideals. The TCV

teachers' team c o n s i d e r s i t s e l f the b e s t o f the Dharmsala teams

because the teachers have s u p e r i o r s p o r t s f a c i l i t i e s w i t h which to

p r a c t i c e , and some o f the teachers spend much time doing so. B u t on

occasion, they l o s e to a supposedly inferior team.

A t such times, the TCV team may appear about to s c o r e a l m o s t

c e r t a i n g o a l s , b u t the o t h e r team's g o a l keeper may somehow manage to

make " i m p o s s i b l e " saves o r the b a l l glances o f f a g o a l p o s t r a t h e r

than r e a c h i n g the g o a l . When the TCV teachers a r e d e f e a t e d on t h e i r

home ground, however, by another team, ( e s p e c i a l l y i f the o t h e r team

members might be c o n s i d e r e d the s o c i a l I n f e r i o r s o f the TCV teachers

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as would be the case with the drama school team), the TGV teachers and

some students reportedly have slung mud and stones at the departing,

victorious team. The teachers' defeat signals to the community that

the TCV rlung-rta l e v e l i s low. The loss proves, i n a sense, to be a

forced admission on their part, an admission of low rlung-rta. The

mud-slinging i s rationalized as a response to the shame that this

announcement brings to the teachers. The night before an important

game, young Tibetan players w i l l place their uniforms and b a l l

underneath a statue of Buddha and hold a bsangs-gsol the morning of

the game i n an attempt to raise their rlung-rta. But i f the team,

nonetheless loses, they w i l l f i r s t blame the referee and accuse him of

cheating, asking him to swear by a p o r t r a i t of the Dalai Lama that he

has called the game f a i r l y . Low rlung-rta i s the l a s t mentioned of

a l l possible excuses, no one wishes to consider the p o s s i b i l i t y i n the

context of sports.

Divination

Gambling, or, more p r e c i s e l y , the r o l l of dice, enters other

spheres quite prominently as well. Henderson (1966:1103) c i t e s the

use of a r o l l of dice i n the adjudication of disputes. Dice figure

most importantly i n d i v i n a t i o n . There are, for example, a number of

methods used for divination - consulting oracles, a s t r o l o g i c a l

c a l c u l a t i o n s , counting beads on a rosary (phreng-ba), i n t e r p r e t i n g

dreams, etc. - but one of the most common strategies i s to go to a

lama f o r mo, a d i v i n a t i o n involving the throw of dice and the

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reading of a s c r i p t u r a l passage p e r t a i n i n g to the number thrown. Rona

Tas (1956:173) makes r e f e r e n c e to an a s s o c i a t i o n between the

d i v i n a t i o n d i c e of the goddess Lha-mo and healing. More than one

dge-bshes noted that a t r u l y educated and v e r y h i g h lama would not

have to r e s o r t to such t a c t i c s , t h a t he would simply d i v i n e the

p r e d i c t i o n mentally. They c l a i m e d , however, t h a t i g n o r a n t people, or

those who have n o t e s t a b l i s h e d s p e c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e i r lamas,

expect the d i c e to be r o l l e d . I f i t i s not, these people might

believe t h a t the lama i s l y i n g to them. The t a n g i b l e r e s u l t of a dice

r o l l affords the people s a t i s f a c t i o n and, e q u a l l y , a s s u r e s them o f the

" v a l i d i t y " of the r e s u l t .

A dice throw a l s o f i g u r e s s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n a Tibetan ritual of

soul r e t r i e v a l (bla-khug tshe-khug), a r i t u a l t h a t adds another

dimension to the exorcisms d e s c r i b e d i n the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r s i n t h a t

i t combines a dbang c o n t e s t between the o f f i c i a t i n g sngags-pa and

s o u l - s t e a l e r s , as i s done i n gto or mdos r i t u a l s , w i t h the d i r e c t

p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the p a t i e n t h i m s e l f in a rlung-rta competition

between the sexes.

A R i t u a l of Soul R e t r i e v a l

A r i t u a l of soul r e t r i e v a l (bla-khug) was performed f o r one

young man on the a d v i c e of the l a d y o r a c l e . He had taken a bus trip

with friends to Kangra, the d i s t r i c t c a p i t a l , to enjoy swimming and a

picnic. On the j o u r n e y , the bus stopped i n a v i l l a g e where many

saddhus l i v e and the passengers were e n t e r t a i n e d by a dancing monkey.

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The young Tibetan wanted to feed the monkey some peanuts, but since he

was afraid to do so by hand, the monkey's owner agreed to offer the

peanuts himself. However, when the owner presented the peanuts In his

open palm, the monkey b i t his owner's hand, and the young Tibetan and

his friends responded to this act by pelting the monkey with stones.

Later that day, the young man f e l l i l l with fever and trembling.

He consulted doctors to no avail, and finally sought the opinion of

the lady oracle, who recounted his experience on the Kangra trip and

ascertained that the saddhus living in that village had cursed him,

causing him to lose his soul (bla), through the vehicle of the

monkey.

The ritual of soul retrieval consists essentially of four parts:

a reception for the soul-stealers, breaking their hold on the patient,

luring the freed soul (bla) back to the patient and determining

whether or not i t has returned, and, finally, calling in the blessings

of long-life for the patient.

1. Preparations
!

The soul-stealers must f i r s t be invited to the ritual, but their

invitation w i l l not be accepted unless elaborate preparations are

made: thread crosses, clothing, food, money, f i r branches, and a

'palace' are a l l anchored in a mud-base platform. Also, the

soul-stealers themselves are depicted as five dough effigies

representing the four cardinal directions plus the center. The

officiating sngags-pa beckons the spirits to the ceremony, assuring

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them t h a t a p a l a c e and i t s b e a u t i f u l surroundings - t r e e s , rivers,

rainbows, and a l l manner o f d e l i g h t f u l foods and w e a l t h have been

r e a d i e d f o r them. When the e v i l s p i r i t s a r r i v e , they f i n d themselves

magically transferred to and trapped i n s i d e t h e i r gtor-ma effigies.

The sngags-pa then breaks t h e i r c o n t r o l o v e r the p a t i e n t . He

t i e s a thread around each f i n g e r o f the p a t i e n t ' s l e f t hand and l i n k s

one f i n g e r to each o f the e f f i g i e s . These s t r i n g s r e p r e s e n t the

lassos thrown by the s o u l - s t e a l e r s onto the p a t i e n t and d e s c r i b e t h e i r

intentions towards him. S i n c e they a l r e a d y possess h i s b l a , i t i s

o n l y a matter o f time b e f o r e the s p i r i t s g a i n complete c o n t r o l and

c a p t u r e the u l t i m a t e p r i z e , the rnam-shes o r e t e r n a l s o u l . The

e x o r c i s t reads B u d d h i s t s c r i p t u r e s e x h o r t i n g the s p i r i t s to go beyond-

the g r e a t ocean s u r r o u n d i n g the world and to remain t h e r e i n the

p a l a c e b u i l t f o r them, c o n t e n t w i t h what has been o f f e r e d , and never

to harm the p a t i e n t a g a i n . As the e x o r c i s t r e c i t e s t h i s message to

each o f the f i v e s p i r i t s , he c u t s the t h r e a d l i n k i n g that p a r t i c u l a r

spirit to the p a t i e n t . When the f i f t h thread i s c u t , the b l a i s

considered to be f r e e from captivity.

2. L u r i n g the S o u l and T e s t i n g I t s R e t u r n

A t t h i s p o i n t i n the r i t u a l the b l a s t i l l roams f r e e l y . I t must

be l u r e d i n t o a sheep and then i n t o a t u r q u o i s e from where i t c a n

r e - e n t e r the p a t i e n t ' s body. The p a t i e n t must p e r f o r m three t e s t s In

o r d e r to determine whether o r n o t h i s b l a has r e t u r n e d . For this

purpose, a c a u l d r o n i s f i l l e d w i t h a m i l k and water m i x t u r e . A white

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sheep s c u l p t e d from b u t t e r i s p l a c e d i n t o the p a t i e n t ' s d r i n k i n g cup

and f l o a t e d on the m i l k .

I n the f i r s t t e s t , the p a t i e n t , who s i t s b e f o r e the c a u l d r o n ,

s e t s the cup s p i n n i n g I n a c l o c k w i s e d i r e c t i o n . I f , a f t e r the

r o t a t i o n s t o p s , the head o r l e f t s h o u l d e r o f the b u t t e r sheep f a c e s

the p a t i e n t , the b l a has entered the sheep ( c f . L e s s i n g , 1951). If

the d e s i r e d r e s u l t Is n o t produced, another attempt i s made. Three

such t r i a l s a r e p e r m i t t e d w i t h i n the r i t u a l prescription. F o r the

second t e s t , three b l a c k s t o n e s , three w h i t e s t o n e s , and a t u r q u o i s e

a r e tossed i n t o the m i l k and water m i x t u r e . The p a t i e n t must reach

in, r e t r i e v e a h a n d f u l o f s t o n e s , and then examine them. The white

stones must outnumber the b l a c k , and the t u r q u o i s e must appear. If

•

t h i s i s n o t the case, t h e stones a r e r e t u r n e d to the c a u l d r o n and the

p a t i e n t t r i e s once more ( a g a i n three t r i a l s a r e p e r m i t t e d ) . The f i n a l

t e s t i n v o l v e s the throw o f three w h i t e and three b l a c k d i c e . A woman

is called i n to throw the b l a c k d i c e a g a i n s t the p a t i e n t ' s w h i t e . The

p a t i e n t has three chances to r o l l a h i g h e r number than the woman. I f

he succeeds i n these t r i a l s , h i s b l a has r e t u r n e d and the p a t i e n t

wears the t u r q u o i s e r e c o v e r e d from the c a u l d r o n a b o u t h i s neck. Since

the b l a i s s a i d to have a mental a f f i n i t y f o r t u r q u o i s e , wearing i t

will ensure t h a t the b l a remains w i t h i n the body. I f the p a t i e n t

fails i n one o f these tests, the performance o f a more w r a t h f u l ritual

is prescribed. This r i t u a l , the gcod, would be a gto r i t u a l .

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3. Securing the Blessings of Long Life

The ritual concludes with the patient's securing the blessings of

a long l i f e . In his right hand, the patient grasps a ceremonial arrow

(md'a-dar) and, at appropriate pauses in the ceremony, circles i t

in the a i r and calls for the return of his bla and the return of a

long-life (tshe-ring) span. This arrow is endowed with the power

to summon the blessings of long-life from the three realms, heaven,

earth, and the lower world. The blessings accrued through this arrow

flow into a small bowl of barley beer (chang) which the patient

then drinks.

Analysis

My analysis of this ritual begins by exploring some of its

salient symbols, namely: the lasso, sheep, turquoise, stones, dice,

and arrow, i n order to gain their emergent meanings.

1. The Lasso and Trapping the Soul

A lasso is used by Tibetan nomads to single out a member of their

herds. In the r i t u a l , i t symbolizes the hold of the bla-stealers

over the patient. Lassoes are also employed in capturing witches and

brides. Normally, a person's l i f e is near i t s end i f the bla leaves

the body. In the case of witches, however, i t is a different matter

entirely. Witches are almost invariably female and also unconscious

o f t h e i r p r o p e n s i t i e s . While a w i t c h s l e e p s , h e r b l a l e a v e s h e r body

and wanders about a t t e m p t i n g to possess someone and, i n so d o i n g ,

control t h a t person's rnam-shes. But the c o n n e c t i o n o f the w i t c h ' s

bla to h e r body i s n o t thought to be s e v e r e d . One method o f

d e t e r m i n i n g whether o r n o t a woman i s a w i t c h i s to f i l l the woman's

shoes w i t h f l o u r w h i l e she s l e e p s . I f , I n the morning, the f l o u r i n

the shoes has been p r e s s e d down, i t i n d i c a t e s t h a t the woman has

t r a v e l l e d about a t n i g h t w h i l e h e r body has remained a t home. Shoes

fitted to s t a t u e s o f w i t c h e s chained i n the Sa-skya monastery i n T i b e t

r e p o r t e d l y had to be r e p l a c e d monthly s i n c e t h e shoes wore o u t so

quickly. The w i t c h , then, has an extremely m o b i l e b l a o r secondary

soul.

When a w i t c h takes p o s s e s s i o n o f someone, c e r t a i n mandatory

procedures must be f o l l o w e d . One case o f w i t c h - p o s s e s s i o n o c c u r r e d to

a middle-aged man I n the McLeod Ganj community who was n o t c o n d u c t i n g

h i m s e l f s t r i c t l y a c c o r d i n g to c e r t a i n norms o f p u b l i c m o r a l i t y . This

man was s u b j e c t to a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f g o s s i p (mi-kha) i n

McLeod Ganj because he had m a r r i e d a young l a d y who a l r e a d y had a

c h i l d by another man. Although the young l a d y and h e r former lover

considered themselves to be m a r r i e d (by v i r t u e o f l i v i n g t o g e t h e r and

b e i n g the parents o f a c h i l d ) , the young woman's parents arranged.for

h e r to marry a w e a l t h i e r and much o l d e r man w h i l e h e r f i r s t 'husband'

was temporarily out of India. I n the eyes o f the community, the young

woman was f o r c e d to submit to h e r p a r e n t s ' wishes and, thus, n o t

blamed f o r h e r change o f s i t u a t i o n . However, n e i t h e r he n o r h i s new

w i f e took much n o t i c e o f h e r son.

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T h i s c h i l d c o u l d o f t e n be seen wandering about McLeod Ganj

begging money. H i s a c t i o n s were r a t h e r encouraged, however, by local

people. When a T i b e t a n who knew of the boy's s i t u a t i o n met him on the

road, he would ask the l a d who h i s f a t h e r was. When the boy replied

c o r r e c t l y , he would be g i v e n a t w e n t y - f i v e paisa coin (equivalent to

one-fourth of an I n d i a n Rupee). The young l a d y ' s new husband was not

unaware of t h i s v i l l a g e sentiment, t h a t he was u n f i t t o be the father

of the c h i l d , and, hence, the husband of h i s w i f e . Furthermore, the

new husband r e a l i z e d t h a t h i s w i f e ' s former l o v e r was r e l a t e d to the

lady o r a c l e .

One n i g h t , the new husband r e t u r n e d t o h i s home l a t e a f t e r

becoming i n t o x i c a t e d a t a p a r t y . On h i s way, the man passed the house

of an o l d woman who happened t o be a known w i t c h . Upon r e a c h i n g his

f a m i l y , he babbled as i f he were the o l d woman and announced himself

i n her name. But h i s r e l a t i v e s knew immediately how t o proceed. They

t i e d the t h i r d f i n g e r of each of h i s hands to prevent the w i t c h ' s b l a

from e s c a p i n g and then beat the man u n t i l they had e x t r a c t e d a promise

from the w i t c h never to r e t u r n t o him.

With t h i s promise from the 'witch', the r e l a t i v e s u n t i e d the

s t r i n g s from h i s f i n g e r s and the b l a of the w i t c h f l e d (cf. Berglie

1976:90-91). A t h i r d i l l u s t r a t i o n of the use of a l a s s o comes from

the i n i t i a l scene of the T i b e t a n opera Nor-bzang, i n which a hunter

captures a khandroma (sky goddess) by l a s s o i n g the t h i r d f i n g e r of her

l e f t hand. T h i s p r e v e n t s her from f l y i n g away and e n a b l e s the hunter

to p r e s e n t her as a p r o s p e c t i v e b r i d e f o r the hero, P r i n c e Nor-bzang.

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The l a s s o tied to a f i n g e r , then, symbolizes the power o f the

s o u l - s t e a l e r s o v e r the p a t i e n t ' s b l a , r e s t r i c t s the movement o f a

w i t c h , and ensnares a goddess. The f i r s t two cases i l l u s t r a t e control

over a b l a ; the t h i r d , c o n t r o l o v e r a woman.

2. Sheep

A b u t t e r sheep i s the l u r e which draws the b l a back to the

patient. Sheep and b u t t e r s i g n i f y wealth and sheep themselves a r e

thought to a t t r a c t gyang, which r e f e r s , e s s e n t i a l l y , to the

" s a t i s f a c t i o n " one d e r i v e s from one's w e a l t h . Moreover, gyang c o u l d

w e l l be a symbol f o r s t a t u s i n T i b e t a n s o c i e t y . An i n d i v i d u a l may

have good c l o t h i n g and f i n e food and y e t l o s e h i s o r h e r " t a s t e " f o r

these a s s e t s : a l o s s o f " t a s t e " , enjoyment o r s a t i s f a c t i o n i s

e x p l a i n e d as a l o s s o f gyang. The T h i r t e e n t h D a l a i Lama attempted

to p r e v e n t s t a t u s c o m p e t i t i o n amongst h i s l e s s e r l a y o f f i c i a l s . The

measure he chose to e n f o r c e t h i s s a n c t i o n was to f o r b i d the wives o f

these o f f i c i a l s to deck themselves w i t h e x p e n s i v e j e w e l r y (Shakabpa

1967:272). Furthermore, T i b e t a n s say t h a t i f the l a d y o f the house

forgets to wear h e r j e w e l r y when she may be seen i n p u b l i c , the gyang

of h e r household i s l o s t . D u r i n g T i b e t a n New Y e a r , T i b e t a n s place

b u t t e r sheep on t h e i r a l t a r s to summon gyang f o r the coming y e a r , and

a sheep's head, e v o k i n g the " s t a r t o f good t h i n g s , " i s eaten by

prosperous f a m i l i e s . The sheep p l a c e d i n the p a t i e n t ' s d r i n k i n g cup

i s analogous to the sheep accompanying T i b e t a n boatmen who c r o s s

r i v e r s i n a c o r a c l e c o n s i s t i n g o f yak h i d e s c o v e r i n g a cup-shaped
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wooden frame. The boatman t r a v e l s downstream i n t h i s c o r a c l e along

w i t h a sheep, which w i l l , i n t u r n , c a r r y the c o r a c l e and s u p p l i e s upon

i t s back on the r e t u r n t r i p over l a n d (thereby avoiding the problem of

t r a v e l l i n g upstream i n the c r a f t ) . Thus, the sheep as a symbol of

wealth a t t r a c t s both p r o s p e r i t y and the b l a . I t i s , perhaps, hoped

t h a t the b l a , tempted by the sheep, w i l l r e t u r n t o the p a t i e n t as

faithfully as the sheep f o l l o w s the boatman home. In t h i s way, the

sheep i s a t once a l u r e and a d i r e c t i o n i n d i c a t o r f o r the b l a .

3. Turquoise

T u r q u o i s e i s a stone p r i z e d most h i g h l y by T i b e t a n s . I t serves as

the midpoint f o r the r e t u r n journey of the b l a as i t t r a v e l s from the

sheep t o the t u r q u o i s e and from the t u r q u o i s e to the p a t i e n t , who will

then wear i t about h i s neck, a s s u r e d t h a t the b l a , a t t r a c t e d to the

gem, w i l l never l e a v e h i s body a g a i n . But another context i n which

turquoise p l a y s a c r i t i c a l r o l e i s t h a t of m a r r i a g e . The presentation

of a t u r q u o i s e by the groom's spokesman t o the b r i d e s i g n a l s the

f i n a l i z a t i o n of marriage t r a n s a c t i o n s . T h i s g e s t u r e suggests c o n t r o l

over the b r i d e by the groom. Two examples d e r i v e d from Tibetan

l i t e r a t u r e bear out t h i s p o i n t . In the h e r o i c e p i c of Gesar ( G l i n g

Gesar), an e v i l k i n g succeeds i n c a p t u r i n g and marrying the hero's

w i f e a f t e r he s t e a l s her most v a l u e d turquoise, and the sky goddess

lassoed i n the aforementioned opera Nor-bzang i s named Yid-'akhrog

Lha-mo, or "most p r e c i o u s turquoise goddess." The attachment of

b r i d e s to t u r q u o i s e s , then, i s a s t r i k i n g connection.
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4. Stones, D i c e , and Gyang

I f , i n the second t e s t , the p a t i e n t r e t r i e v e s a g r e a t e r number of

w h i t e stones than b l a c k , the v i c t o r y of a " b e n e f a c t o r " god (the

skyes-lha) seated on h i s l e f t s h o u l d e r over the l h a n c i g skyes-ba

l h a seated on h i s r i g h t i s demonstrated. T h i s l a t t e r l h a Is

customarily d e s c r i b e d as an "accountant" who keeps a r e c o r d of a

person's bad a c t i o n s and reports them, upon h i s o r her death, to

Gshtn-rje (the l o r d of death). He w i l l weigh them a g a i n s t the

i n d i v i d u a l ' s good deeds (bsod-nams), and d i r e c t the rnam-shes to

the a p p r o p r i a t e rebirth. This victory i s echoed i n the t h i r d trial,

where a woman competes w i t h b l a c k d i c e a g a i n s t the p a t i e n t ' s w h i t e .

Das (1893:12) observes t h a t a T i b e t a n a s t r o l o g e r tosses pea-sized

white and b l a c k b a l l s on h i s c h a r t to determine the f o r t u n e s of

p a r t i e s who are to be m a r r i e d . I f the p a t i e n t wins t h i s gamble a f t e r

s u c c e s s f u l l y completing the two previous tests, the b l a has returned

to him.

The arrow c i r c l e d by the p a t i e n t to summon the b l e s s i n g s of

long-life i s the same arrow g i v e n a b r i d e by the groom's

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , an arrow she must wear tucked between h e r phyu-pa

( d r e s s ) and shawl on her journey to the home of her bridegroom. This

arrow i s a l s o I n s t r u m e n t a l i n the c o m p e t i t i o n between the f a m i l i e s o f

the b r i d e and groom f o r gyang ( s t a t u s ) which i s d e s c r i b e d as the

"invisible" emanation from norbus, the w i s h - f u l f l l l i n g gems. As the

b r i d e l e a v e s her p a r e n t s , a member of the groom's p a r t y c i r c l e s the

f a m i l y arrow c a l l i n g f o r gyang to f o l l o w the b r i d e . The bride's

family, fearing their gyang might depart with her, circle the arrow

imploring the gyang to remain. Before leaving for her bridegroom's

residence, Rinchen Dolma Taring (1970) recalls placing the imprint of

her l e f t foot in a wooden box of wheat kept in her family's treasure

room. This imprint was intended to convince her family's gyang that

she had not l e f t the household. One informant related the concern

Khams-pa nomads had that the bride might depart with the lha which

looked after the family's welfare and would hire monks to perform a

puja to prevent the lha from leaving. Also, i f the bride l e f t for the

groom's house accompanied by her parents, then the household lha would

never return. Accordingly, the bride's maternal uncle would assist

her on the journey. The maternal uncle's lha would guard her, but his

potential loss to her parents was deemed unimportant.

A Marriage of Souls

A Tibetan soul-retrieval ritual (bla-khug) appears to focus

upon a contest between two souls. This contest determines which soul

w i l l direct the course of the other. After the bla is freed from the

snares of the soul-stealers, i t remains in a state of "soul flight",

an undirected mobility which threatens the existence of the rnam-shes

in the body. Until the tests performed in the ritual prove

conclusively that the bla has returned, the patient is essentially an

embodied rnam-shes attempting to recover a bla. To this end, the

rnam-shes must direct and control the mobility of the bla. The

strategies employed are those of enticement, deriving in part from a

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T i b e t a n maxim t h a t only a w e a l t h y man can o b t a i n a good b r i d e , and, in

p a r t , from the a l l u r e a gambling p r o p o s i t i o n h o l d s f o r a T i b e t a n . The

butter sheep tempts the b l a as w e a l t h a t t r a c t s a b r i d e ; the turquoise

s e c u r e s the b l a as i t i s intended to cement a m a r r i a g e . The gyang

contested by the r e s p e c t i v e f a m i l i e s of the b r i d e and groom a t a

wedding p a r a l l e l s , to the e x t e n t t h a t s e x u a l combat i s i n v o l v e d , the

gambling c o n t e s t between a male p a t i e n t and a woman to determine the

d i s p o s i t i o n of the man's secondary s o u l .

Some of the meanings emerging from these s t r a t e g i e s a r e : (1) that

the b l a i s conceived o f as female and displays the a t t r i b u t e s o f a

bride; (2) t h a t the b l a i s a t t r a c t e d to wealth; and (3) t h a t the b l a

i s a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l to the h e a l t h of the soul-body complex. The

r e t u r n of the b l a to the rnam-shes can be compared to a m a r r i a g e and

exemplifies the a b i l i t y o f the rnam-shes to d i r e c t the m o b i l i t y o f the

bla. But why should the metaphor of marriage f i g u r e so

significantly i n a r i t u a l of s o u l retrieval?

One f u r t h e r example from a T i b e t a n marriage may tender a

rationale. I n the polyandrous wedding of two brothers from a nomad

family to one woman, three a u s p i c i o u s B u d d h i s t symbols were drawn w i t h

barley f l o u r on the s e a t s which were to be occupied by the b r i d e and

grooms. The symbols were two s w a s t i k a s ( c f . F r a n c k e 1901),

representing the " t u r n i n g wheel of i n c a r n a t i o n s " , f l a n k i n g an "eternal

knot". The b r i d e seated h e r s e l f on the k n o t w h i l e the grooms s a t to

e i t h e r s i d e of her. Now the economic p r o s p e r i t y of the household

depends upon the s u c c e s s o f polyandrous m a r r i a g e . The bridegrooms

will, a t any one time, most l i k e l y be s c a t t e r e d , r o t a t i n g t h e i r

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a c t i v i t i e s of tending herds o r engaging i n t r a d e m i s s i o n s , and, thus,

t r a v e l l i n g f a r from t h e domestic household.

G o l d s t e i n has weighed s e v e r a l assessments ( P r i n c e P e t e r 1965;

E k v a l l 1964) w i t h r e s p e c t t o T i b e t a n marriage p r e f e r e n c e s and

c o n c l u d e s t h a t the marriage p a t t e r n adopted i s , f o r the most p a r t ,

determined by the h e r e d i t a r y s o c i a l s t a t u s of the p r o s p e c t i v e family.

The s e r f s were c l a s s i f i e d i n t o two c a t e g o r i e s : t h e k h r a l - p a and

dud-chung, g l o s s e d r e s p e c t i v e l y as " t a x p a y e r " and " s m a l l

householder". The former were o r g a n i z e d i n t o "named c o r p o r a t e family

u n i t s " which h e l d h e r e d i t a r i l y " s i z a b l e amounts o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d

from t h e i r l o r d " ( G o l d s t e i n does not mention the s i z a b l e h o l d i n g s o f

c e r t a i n Tibetan nomads, herds which were not g i f t s from any l o r d but

upon which taxes payable t o t h e T i b e t a n Government were assessed).

The dud-chung d i d not i n the same sense possess h e r i t a b l e l a n d s , were

taxed i n d i v i d u a l l y as opposed t o as a c o r p o r a t e f a m i l y , and tended t o

pay t a x through corvee l a b o r . G o l d s t e i n f i n d s t h a t the two c l a s s e s o f

serf exhibit " d i s t i n c t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t patterns o f marriage and f a m i l y

structure." The k h r a l - p a p r e f e r r e d what G o l d s t e i n terms a

"monomarital" p r i n c i p l e , which a l l o w s the c o n t r a c t i o n o f but one

marriage per g e n e r a t i o n , f o r t h e f o l l o w i n g reason (1971a:68):

Given the b a s i c i n h e r i t a n c e r u l e which h e l d t h a t a l l males

i n a f a m i l y were c o p a r t n e r s w i t h demand r i g h t s t o a share of
the f a m i l y c o r p o r a t i o n ' s l a n d , T i b e t a n s considered
s i t u a t i o n s w i t h two c o n j u g a l f a m i l i e s i n a g i v e n g e n e r a t i o n
( i . e . , j o i n t f a m i l i e s ) unstable. S i t u a t i o n s such as t h i s
produced s e r i o u s c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t between the two
c o n j u g a l f a m i l i e s (and t h e i r two s e t s o f h e i r s ) and were
thought l i k e l y t o l e a d t o p a r t i t i o n between the two u n i t s .
 Since the khral-pa were patrilineal and primarily patrilocal, the

"monomarital principle" generated bi-fraternal, tri-fraternal, and, on

occasion, quatri-fraternal polyandry. The d i f f i c u l t i e s ensuing from

the latter types of marriage (i.e., bonding more than two male

siblings through one joint wife), as Goldstein suggests, may have

encouraged the election of one son to the monastery in order to reduce

the number of male siblings (1971a:69). Adherence to such a system

prevented "the creation of two elementary families in a given

generation" (1971a:71). The dud-chung, on the other hand, were not

partners in a family corporation and "gained access to land as

individuals" (1971a:71). Children of dud-chung families contracted

monogamous marriages and tended to s p l i t off from their natal

families, as they had no patrimony to inherit. However, when

polyandry did occur in dud-chung families, they were "very wealthy

(usually trading families) who were upwardly mobile and who, in fact,

did have significant 'corporate' wealth" (1971a:72).

In light of Goldstein's analysis of Tibetan marriage patterns,

then, the importance of a bride as a bonding agent uniting brothers

cannot'be overstated. The very fac-t that a nomadic polyandrous

corporate family sustains itself through economic enterprises that

w i l l scatter the brothers in distant travels also poses the danger

that a brother might be lost to a "foreign" woman. Tibetan males

about to set off on a journey are frequently enjoined teasingly, for

example, "not to do what Gesar did," by which is meant that Gesar

became inveigled with the wife of a demon he slew and did not return

to his own wife and kingdom for nine years. For prosperous nomads,
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the retention of as many brothers as possible in a polyandrous

marriage develops the economic potential of the corporate family to

the maximum as males would be available to supervise the herds, s e l l

salt in India, and trade in other parts of Tibet.

The onus on the bride, who seats herself on the eternal knot

during the marriage ceremony, i s to remain in the corporate household,

foster the return of her husbands from distant travels, and ensure

that through the success of the joint marriage the brothers' labours

w i l l be directed to the common good. The brothers, who s i t on

swastikas, may, however, anticipate many journeys. To continue the

metaphor that the bla is a bride and the rnam-shes a bridegroom, the

eternal knot may be seen as representing ideally restricted movement

for the bla, while the swastika evokes the mobility of the

rnam-shes.

In Tibetan Buddhist soteriology, the goal of a l l sentient beings

is enlightenment of the rnam-shes. Enlightenment means, among other

things, the power of the rnam-shes to direct its own course after the

death of the individual. An enlightened rnam-shes can choose either

to leave the cycle of rebirth altogether or to reincarnate as a

Boddhisattva or sprul-sku in order to help other sentient beings

attain enlightenment. Enlightenment is conditional upon the ability

of the rnam-shes to transcend a l l worldly attachments. If, at the

point of death, the rnam-shes retains strong attachments to persons or

things, i t w i l l become a ghost. A ghost is a rnam-shes that is

attached to i t s former l i f e and, therefore, unable to travel through

bar-do in search of rebirth. To return to the analogy of the knot and

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swastika, a bla safely inside a body helps to prevent the rnam-shes

from becoming an immobile ghost.

The motive of the evil spirits in stealing a bla is to capture

the victim's rnam-shes at the moment the victim dies as a result of

soul loss. The captured rnam-shes would then become a ghost. When

the officiant of the ritual releases the bla from the snares cast on

i t by soul-stealers, two courses remain open to the bla: either i t

can try to go i t s own way, or i t can succumb to the enticements

offered i t to return to the body. If the bla chooses to direct its

own course, I t would resemble the bla of a witch, one that is w i l l f u l

and independent of the witch's unconscious rnam-shes. But since the

lifespan of the bla corresponds precisely to that of the patient, the

bla cannot survive without returning to the body. If the bla returns

to the body and submits to the supervision of the rnam-shes, then

optimum survival is assured for both the bla and the rnam-shes In the

body.

The ritual emphasis on the tests to determine the bla's return

to the body suggests that the rnam-shes may have considerable

difficulty In directing or subordinating the bla. If a Tibetan soul

retrieval ritual is an idiom for discourse between two souls, then,

that idiom is a contest of wills where one must subdue the other.

Tibetans say that while one out of four men is a Buddha (which

might be interpreted as one out of four men is a monk), which might be

viewed as an enlightened, self-directing rnam-shes, one out of four

women is a witch, or w i l l f u l , self-directing bla. The ritual may

thus be seen to contrast the behaviour and movement appropriate to

each o f the two s o u l s o f the body. A l t h o u g h the a p p r o p r i a t e r o l e f o r

the b l a i s t h a t o f a b r i d e c e n t e r e d i n the household o f h e r husband o r

husbands, the b l a might d e c i d e i n s t e a d to a c t l i k e a w i t c h . The

a p p r o p r i a t e r o l e f o r the rnam-shes i s to transcend the m a t e r i a l w o r l d ,

b u t i t may become a t t a c h e d to m a t e r i a l t h i n g s , l i k e t h e sheep and the

t u r q u o i s e , and, thus, by a c t i n g l i k e a b l a , become a g h o s t , unable

to proceed on the path to enlightenment.

I f enlightenment appears to imply an a s c e t i c i d e a l , where the

m a s c u l i n e rnam-shes transcends a l l w o r l d l y sentiments as w e l l as the

baser n a t u r e s o f the f e m i n i n e b l a , i t must be p o i n t e d o u t t h a t ,

a p a r t from the event o f s o u l l o s s , the rnam-shes i s w i t h o u t a b l a

companion i n o n l y two c o n t e x t s : the f i r s t , as a g h o s t , and t h e second,

In the limbo s t a t e o f bar-do. T h i s s t a t e ( o r l i m i n a l p e r i o d between

s t a t e s ) i n v o l v e s a p e r i l o u s j o u r n e y f o r the rnam-shes, which must

r e c e i v e d i r e c t i o n s from lamas as to how to n a v i g a t e i n bar-do and

a t t a i n a favourable r e b i r t h . T i b e t a n s say the rnam-shes a t t h i s time

i s d u l l and s t u p i d as i t i s w i t h o u t a b l a . But the e n l i g h t e n e d

rnam-shes, the one f u l l y i n c o n t r o l o f i t s own d e s t i n y o r c o u r s e ,

does n o t t r a v e l through bar-do. I n s t e a d , the e n l i g h t e n e d rnam-shes

is t r a n s p o r t e d to heaven on a rainbow by khandromas, t h e sky-going

goddesses. When t h i s rnam-shes chooses to take r e b i r t h , i t r e t u r n s to

e a r t h i n l i k e manner.

The female i n a r i t u a l o f s o u l r e t r i e v a l i s paradigmatically

linked to gyang ( p r o s p e r i t y o r s t a t u s ) , the secondary s o u l b l a ,

symbols o f w e a l t h , and the "accountant l h a . " T h i s l i n k a g e suggests

t h a t a " r l u n g - r t a c o n t e s t " between the male p a t i e n t and a woman

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demonstrates that rlung-rta must stand apart not only from dbang, the

s p i r i t u a l power which guarantees h i e r a r c h i c a l ascent, but also from

the systematic accumulation of wealth, which serves to place the

Tibetan merchant on near-equal footing with the Tibetan a r i s t o c r a t .

Wealth i n i t s various applications — i . e . , the wealth of horses,

grains, precious metals, etc. - i s symbolized by Tibetans as norbu

"the w i s h - f u l f i l l i n g gem".

Though norbus were a t one time tangible substances which humans

possessed, the epic hero Gesar decided that they must be placed i n the

trust of lha and k l u i n order to stop humans from constantly

quarreling over them. Gesar determined that any d i v i s i o n of the

norbus he had gained i n the conquest of various kingdoms should not

be accomplished, because their d i v i s i o n would r e s u l t In an end to the

future prosperity of Tibet: " I f we divide a l l the land, grass, and

water, they w i l l slowly dry up. I f the norbus are divided, kingdoms

would f l o u r i s h momentarily; but If the norbus dwindle, the future of

Tibet i s at stake." Gesar accomplishes the entrusting of these

norbus to nuraina essentially by i n v i t i n g them to a dice throw.

Various lha and k l u r o l l dice and seven of them succeed i n becoming

"trustees" of norbus. Gesar himself demonstrated his transcendental

q u a l i t i e s by r o l l i n g the number thirteen with only two dice during his

escapades i n Hor, one of the countries Gesar conquered.

I f the success of a dice throw, then, i s to be Interpeted as a

measure of rlung-rta, the above examples present a case f o r

rlung-rta as a d i s t i n c t means to legitimate authority or hierarchy.

Furthermore, i n Tibet, mi-ser (common people) and nomads reportedly

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r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r g a m b l i n g t o g r e a t c e l e b r a t i o n s , such as L o - g s a r

( T i b e t a n New Y e a r ) and the b i r t h d a y o f the D a l a i Lama. However, i n

L h a s a , i t was the p a s s i o n a t e and o n g o i n g c o n c e r n o f the a r i s t o c r a t s

and w e a l t h y merchants. I f the c o m p e t i t i o n between those who claimed

h e r e d i t a r y s u p e r i o r i t y and prosperous merchants matched r e l a t i v e

r l u n g - r t a l e v e l s , then r l u n g - r t a might a l s o be viewed as a v a r i a b l e

t e s t o f two modes o f a s c e n d i n g t h e s o c i a l hierarchy.

The D a l a i Lama and t h e Scapegoat

D u r i n g the L o - g s a r ( T i b e t a n New Year) c e l e b r a t i o n s once h e l d i n

L h a s a , t h e r e was a r i t e c a l l e d " b e a t i n g the ox-demon k i n g " . This

ox-demon, o r , a s he i s a l s o r e f e r r e d t o , the Ransom K i n g (glud-'abrong

r g y a l - p o ) was c o n s i d e r e d to be a n enemy o f r e l i g i o n and, t h e r e f o r e ,

a demon. D u r i n g the p r e c e d i n g y e a r , a man i m p e r s o n a t i n g t h i s demon

p a i n t e d h i s f a c e h a l f b l a c k and h a l f w h i t e , and passed from house t o

house i n L h a s a , r e c e i v i n g d o n a t i o n s o f money. By g i v i n g money to t h i s

l i v i n g glud, Tibetans believed they c o u l d t r a n s f e r onto him any e v i l

w h i c h m i g h t have been b e s e t t i n g them t h a t y e a r . On the e i g h t e e n t h day

of the f i r s t month o f the y e a r , a sheep was l e f t i n s i d e a b l a c k tent

p i t c h e d on t h e Ox-head mountain and the t e n t was cannonaded. Everyone

hoped t h a t the c a n n o n b a l l s would n o t k i l l the sheep, f o r " i t would

i n a u s p i c i o u s f o r i t t o be h i t " ( S t e i n 1972:215). Paul cites ancient

Tibetan funerary t e x t s as r e f e r r i n g t o the use o f a sheep as a ransom

s u b s t i t u t e f o r the body o f a k i n g (1982:294). He assumes, then, t h a t

the sheep may r e p r e s e n t the body o f the D a l a i Lama.

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On the t h i r t i e t h day of the f i r s t month, the man masquerading as

the ox-demon k i n g engaged i n a debate w i t h a mock D a l a i Lama (a lama

d i s g u i s e d as the D a l a i Lama) on the v a l i d i t y of B u d d h i s t tenets and

then competed i n a d i c e c o n t e s t w i t h the D a l a i Lama. S i n c e the dice

were l o a d e d , the mock D a l a i Lama always won, a r e s u l t which d i s p a t c h e d

the Ransom K i n g to a y e a r ' s exile, and p u r i f i e d the community i n the

p r o c e s s ( S t e i n 1972:215-217). P a u l a s s e s s e s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of this

c o n t e s t as follows:

S i n c e , as o c c u r s i n many r o y a l r i t u a l s o f i n s t a l l a t i o n o r
annual d e d i c a t i o n , the k i n g , i n t h i s case the D a l a i Lama, i s
c h a l l e n g e d and i n s u l t e d , we may a l s o guess t h a t p a r t o f the
meaning of s h o o t i n g a t and m i s s i n g the sheep i n the b l a c k
t e n t i s to demonstrate the k i n g ' s power to s u r v i v e , a b s o r b ,
and transcend d e a t h . The a b i l i t y of the D a l a i Lama to
s u r v i v e d e a t h , t h a t i s , to r e i n c a r n a t e a t w i l l , Is
c h a l l e n g e d by the Ox-demon-king, who c a l l s him a f r a u d ; b u t
doubt and d e s p a i r a r e d i s p e l l e d by the subsequent v i c t o r y o f
the D a l a i Lama over h i s c h a l l e n g e r i n the d i c e match
(1982:295).

Paul's analysis then f o c u s e s upon the O e d i p a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f the

"ox-head" and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of its defeat In relation to a regicide

(the 842 A . D . a s s a s s i n a t i o n o f an a n t i - B u d d h l s t k i n g o f T i b e t , Glang

Dar-ma). He c e n t e r s upon the f a c t t h a t the r e g i c i d e , though

d e s i g n e d to r e s t o r e Buddhism i n T i b e t , was n o t o n l y a n t i t h e t i c a l to

Buddhist tenets, b u t a l s o was committed by a monk.

Where I would agree w i t h P a u l Is in his interpretation of the mock

d u e l as a c o n t e s t between the descendants o f the l a s t Y a r l u n g k i n g o f

Tibet, Glang Dar-ma (and the s y m b o l i c a s s o c i a t i o n between this royal

l i n e a g e and the y a k ) , and the r e l i g i o u s l i n e a g e of the D a l a i Lamas

(1982:296). But i n c o n s i d e r i n g the q u e s t i o n of the l e g i t i m a c y of

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rulers, I p r e f e r to h i g h l i g h t the d i c e game i t s e l f as the mechanism

effecting the Ransom King's d e f e a t . The dice r o l l , after a l l , i s a

p u b l i c s p e c t a c l e , and the (mock) D a l a i Lama, i n keeping w i t h the same

maxim expressed by the Dge-lugs-pa lamas i n t h e i r censure o f the

p u b l i c "power" d i s p l a y s c u s t o m a r i l y g i v e n by sngags-pas, would not

be a t t e m p t i n g to demonstrate h i s u n q u e s t i o n a b l y s u p e r i o r dbang before

the people. What I suggest i s b e i n g demonstrated, however, i s the

r l u n g - r t a o f the D a l a i Lama and/or t h a t o f the T i b e t a n Government.

The very f a c t t h a t the d i c e must be loaded underscores the premise

that c e r t a i n t y must be made from n a t u r a l u n c e r t a i n t y .

Paul's a n a l y s i s of the black-and-white f a c e d scapegoat emphasizes

the scapegoat's ambiguity as c o n s i s t e n t w i t h h i s r o l e as "receptacle

of e v i l , and, by the same token, the p u r i f i e r of the community"

(1982:295). But the h a l f - b l a c k and h a l f - w h i t e f a c e i s a common

T i b e t a n symbol f o r "being two-faced" or d e c e i t f u l . A prime mover i n

the T i b e t a n opera G z u g s - k y i Nyi-ma i s the queen's handmaiden, Yama,

who wears a h a l f - b l a c k , h a l f - w h i t e mask. Yama proceeds throughout the

s t o r y c r e a t i n g j e a l o u s y and o p p o s i t i o n s between p e o p l e and has

I n s p i r e d s e v e r a l T i b e t a n aphorisms: "Don't be l i k e Yama" which means

"do n o t i n t e r r u p t l o v e a f f a i r s or c r e a t e j e a l o u s y , " o r "Yama and a

damaru (the T i b e t a n s k u l l drum) a r e the same," which r e f e r s to the

f a c t t h a t they both have two faces. Yama's b e h a v i o u r i s c o n s i d e r e d

a k i n to t h a t of a cham-cha, a H i n d i word which means "spoon", o r "he

who t r a v e l s from the p l a t e to the mouth," and r e f e r s to a social

c l i m b e r , and, i n particular, to a s o c i a l c l i m b e r who i s attached to an

important o f f i c i a l or a r i s t o c r a t .
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Cham-cha i s used by T i b e t a n s i n India i n preference to the

T i b e t a n gyug-khyi or "running dog". "Spoon" b e h a v i o u r i s two-faced i n

t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f - e f f a c i n g and faithful "presentation of

self" i s displayed before the "spoon's" s t a t u s s u p e r i o r s , w h i l e those

beneath the "spoon" or who must c o n f r o n t hira i n o r d e r to g a i n access

to the o f f i c i a l , f i n d hira a r r o g a n t and w i t h o u t compassion. A "spoon"

i s known f o r a l t e r i n g the truth i n order to enhance h i s own position

and a l s o , l i k e Yama, i s thought to have a t a l e n t f o r changing people's

minds. But t h i s t a l e n t f o r "changing people's minds" o r I n f l u e n c i n g

them i s a l s o the same s k i l l a s c r i b e d to someone who has accumulated a

s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f dbang. In t h i s r e s p e c t , the theme o f

u n e t h i c a l power, o r c l i m b i n g the h i e r a r c h y i n an u n e t h i c a l manner,

reappears.

What s e r v e s our i n t e r e s t here i s that t h i s d u e l Is n o t a contest

o f dbang. I t i s , i n s t e a d , a c o n t e s t of r l u n g - r t a , and, as such, Is

n o t e t h i c a l l y grounded and runs a g a i n s t the p r e s c r i b e d r u l e s of

h i e r a r c h i c a l ascent. But as humans are the only beings who can enjoy

it, the p o s s e s s i o n o f r l u n g - r t a does n o t threaten the l e g i t i m a t e

h i e r a r c h y as does the p o s s e s s i o n o f dbang by demons. I f the Ransom

King impersonates a demon as a lama Impersonates the D a l a i Lama, then

the d i c e d e m o n s t r a t i o n proves to the s p e c t a t o r s t h a t a demon has no

r l u n g - r t a , d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t he may have a c q u i r e d a g r e a t deal

o f power. I t may a l s o h i n t a t the i n f e r i o r i t y o f dbang i n comparison

to r l u n g - r t a .
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Conclusion

The f u n c t i o n of r l u n g - r t a , I would submit, i s two-fold:

firstly, i t provides a Tibetan with a way, however temporary, to

transcend the h i e r a r c h y i n a " l e g i t i m a t e " f a s h i o n by t r a n s c e n d i n g its

r u l e s ; s e c o n d l y , i t v a l i d a t e s the h i e r a r c h y by i n t r o d u c i n g the concept

of " g r a c e " . The r u l e s transcended i n c l u d e t h a t p r e s c r i b i n g

n e c e s s a r i l y e t h i c a l a c t i o n as a means of l e g i t i m a t e l y a s c e n d i n g the

hierarchy and a l s o the p o s i t i n g of an unequal — that i s , s t r u c t u r a l l y

predetermined — a c c e s s to s u c c e s s , good f o r t u n e , and r e s i s t a n c e to

evil, a s t r u c t u r a l predetermination which o p e r a t e s a p r i o r i i n a

r e l i g i o u s philosophy that subscribes to a b e l i e f i n karma.

In c o n s i d e r i n g the aspect of "grace", Das Gupta remarks:

Grace may be d e f i n e d as an a c t of favour done by a k i n d

s u p e r i o r to a d o c i l e and dependent p e t i t i o n e r . When i t i s
an a c t of favour on the p a r t of God, i t must be done without
any c o n s i d e r a t i o n of m e r i t ; grace must t h e r e f o r e be some
unmerited g i f t or favour from God (1961:105).

Leaving aside the n o t i o n t h a t the p e t i t i o n e r i s n e c e s s a r i l y

d o c i l e or dependent, we have the T i b e t a n case, s u b s t i t u t i n g l h a ,

though not n e c e s s a r i l y a Buddha or B o d h i s a t t v a , f o r God. But how then

might r l u n g - r t a which s u p e r f i c i a l l y presents itself as a n t i t h e t i c a l to

the legitimate hierarchy p o s s i b l y v a l i d a t e t h a t same h i e r a r c h y ? The

answer, I suggest, emerges from the r e s t r i c t i o n p l a c e d upon the 'flow'

of r l u n g - r t a — t h a t r l u n g - r t a i s always given by a god and only given

to a human, who cannot, i n t u r n , accumulate i t , d i r e c t i t to h i s or

her own s p e c i f i e d purpose, or t r a n s f e r i t to anyone e l s e . The

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consistent message put forth in relation to rlung-rta is that i t is at

once uncertain and transcendental. It indicates that one lias been

"chosen" by the gods. I f rlung-rta were a consistent "grace", i t

would acquire the "deliberately attained" quality of dbang. But

rlung-rta demonstrates, instead, the possibility of a special

relationship between human and lha that might be evocative of what

0'Flaherty finds for the Bhakti cults:

In the Vedic age, gods and men are complementary, while

demons are antagonistic to both; i n the post-Vedic age, men
and demons are complementary, i n that often they are both
antagonistic to the gods; and in the bhakti age, men and
good demons are complementary to each other and to the gods,
who oppose only evil demons and e v i l men. Against the
e l i t i s t , Establishment view, the bhakti texts set the
alternative which the priests had previously obscured, that
the gods might be willing to make good men or demons into
gods. This view eliminates the need for any priests at a l l ,
for men and gods are now joined in a mutual dependence,
which is direct and personal, unlike the Vedic dependence,
which relied on priestly mediation (1976:82).

If rlung-rta joins men and gods in a "direct and personal"

interdependence, then i t provides an alternative to the systematic

hierarchical advancement gained through the accumulation of dbang.

With systematic hierarchical advancement comes the problem of

misdirected spiritual power, or the dge-bshes 'gone wrong'. Other

modes of acquiring high status i n Tibetan society, such as the

accumulation of wealth, may also involve transgressions of the moral

order. Rlung-rta, on the other hand, articulates hierarchical

values as i t reveals the essential subordination of humans to the

gods. Rlung-rta suggests a relationship between gods and humans which

obviates the human preoccupation with ascending the hierarchy. Since

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rlung-rta springs from what Dumont (1980) refers to as a

"complementarity" of hierarchical relations, i t stands apart from

dbang, which fosters competition amongst different ranks in the

hierarchy. Humans cannot accumulate rlung-rta, direct i t towards

any specific purpose, or transfer i t to another human or lesser being.

Rlung-rta does not threaten the gods, or other hierarchical superiors

of humans, since i t can transmit in only one direction - from the gods

to humans. Its transitory quality and uni-directional flow proves the

existence of the gods as i t circumvents the formation of an alternate

hierarchy.
 NOTES

1. A skyld-sdug society, which means l i t e r a l l y a "happiness-misery"

society, is a voluntary organization composed of Tibetans from
particular districts in Tibet, or, as is the case with McLeod Ganj
merchants, who share an occupation. Such organizations were
traditional in Tibet and have been carried over into exile. A
skyid-sdug society exacts dues from its members and elects officers;
i t serves as a source of "aid and comfort during the l i f e crises or
major prolonged illnesses of its members" (Miller 1956:160). The
society also serves as a social club.
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CHAPTER VIII

OF A MONSTROUS BIRTH AND MIRACULOUS RETURNS:

LEGITIMATING RULE IN TIBETAN HISTORY

Introduction

Thus far, I have presented the logic of Tibetan ritual curing as

a symbolic strategy for maintaining social equilibrium in a

hierarchical society. The general problem, as revealed by the

rituals, is the legitimation of status. Within this the crux,

however, concerns the rationalization of hierarchical ascent. While

dbang represents systematically acquired power, rlung-rta is an

unpredictable, almost revelatory announcement of "divine" election.

Where moral ambiguities emerge in Tibetan society is where

rationalizations of dbang and rlung-rta overlap.

Sports competitions, weather-making, and s p i r i t attacks provide

such overlaps. The outcome of a soccer match in Dharmsala, for

example, can provoke considerable social tension i f a team with very

high social status and a formidable reputation appears to have a low

level of rlung-rta. Bad weather during the celebration of major

Dharmsala events such as the commemoration of the March 10th uprising

in Lhasa would signify low rlung-rta to Dharmsala Tibetans. At the

same time, a concerted effort by a sngags-pa to ensure good weather is

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understood by many Tibetans to be a dangerous and inappropriate

(albeit desirable) application of dbang. Dharmsala Tibetans relate

immunity to illness resulting from spirit attack to a high level of

either dbang or rlung-rta. The young monk who suffered a klu attack

at the Gorkha Fountain (described in Chapter III) related his

vulnerability to his low rlung-rta. He rationalized his abbot's

immunity to such attacks, however, in terms of the abbot's great

amount of dbang.

The foregoing examples link dbang and rlung-rta to the

legitimation of status. In Tibetan astrology, this linkage is made

even more explicit. Young Tibetan men consult a Tibetan astrologer

about the level of their dbang, since their overriding concern is to

acquire more. High government o f f i c i a l s , on the other hand, who would

be expected to have considerable dbang, consult astrologers about

their rlung-rta levels. These respective concerns lead in to a

historical problem in Tibetan society, a context where the

rationalizations of dbang and rlung-rta have not only overlapped, but

also actively competed. This problem Is one of succession and

legitimating rule in Tibet. This chapter defines the problem by

presenting a condensed chronicle of the legitimate rulers of Tibet.

Drawing chiefly from the work of Shakabpa (1967), Stein (1972),

Richardson (1982), and Cassinelli and Ekvall (1969), I point up a

number of succession problems in Tibetan history and their various

solutions - a l l of which demonstrate several distinct patterns of

legitimating rule and legitimating authority.

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D i v i n e Kings

According t o myth, t h e f i r s t k i n g o f T i b e t was the monstrous

c h i l d o f a noble B i h a r i f a m i l y . F o r some unknown r e a s o n , t h i s child

travelled to Tibet. When q u e s t i o n e d about h i s o r i g i n s by t h e

Tibetans, t h e boy, who knew l i t t l e o f t h e T i b e t a n language, responded

by f l i n g i n g h i s arm over h i s head. The T i b e t a n s , who b e l i e v e d a t t h a t

time i n t h e Bon r e l i g i o n , m i s i n t e r p r e t e d t h i s gesture, assuming t h a t

the boy was r e f e r r i n g t o h i s d i v i n e o r i g i n from t h e s a c r e d s k y . They

h e l d t h e boy t o be d i v i n e , and subsequently enthroned him as t h e f i r s t

k i n g o f T i b e t (Gny'a-khri Btsan-po). Thus began t h e Y a r l u n g

Dynasty.^ S i n c e t h i s new k i n g p u r p o r t e d l y introduced houses t o

the c a v e - d w e l l i n g Tibetans (Shakabpa 1967:23), he a c q u i r e d a further

mythic s i g n i f i c a n c e by t r a n s f o r m i n g the chthonic Tibetans into

dwellers i n t h e middle world (on t o p o f , a s opposed t o i n s i d e or

under, t h e e a r t h ) .

Gny'a-khri Btsan-po and t h e next s i x k i n g s o f T i b e t demonstrated

t h e i r d i v i n e o r i g i n s by d i s s o l v i n g up a rope t o t h e sky and l e a v i n g

the middle-world upon t h e i r d e a t h s . The e i g h t h k i n g , however, broke

the t r a d i t i o n o f t h i s e x c e p t i o n a l journey when he a c c i d e n t a l l y c u t h i s

"sky-rope". From thence forward, T i b e t a n k i n g s were entombed a t death

and t h e i r a b i l i t y t o r e t u r n body and s o u l t o heaven was l o s t .

B u d d h i s t t r a d i t i o n i n i t i a t e s an a s s o c i a t i o n between t h i s d i v i n e

l i n e a g e and t h e B u d d h i s t r e l i g i o n w i t h a d i s c o v e r y made by t h e

twenty-eighth Yarlung king. This king, Tho-tho-ri Gnyan-btsan,

purportedly r e c e i v e d a book o f Buddhist s c r i p t u r e which was w r i t t e n i n

Sanskrit and, therefore, unintelligible. The king informed his

ministers that the book had fallen from the sky (thereby assigning i t

divine origination according to a Bon Interpretation). He also

prophesied that in four generations, a Tibetan king would be able to

interpret the book. In keeping with this prophecy, the throne was

ascended i n 627 A.D. by Srong-btsan Sgam-po, the thirty-third

Yarlung king.

Srong-btsan Sgam-po became Tibet's f i r s t great historical king,

renowned for his unification of the various Tibetan principalities,

his territorial expansion of Tibet, and his Introduction of Buddhism

to Tibet. Srong-btsan Sgam-po requested and received the hand of a

Nepalese princess in marriage and, as an alternative to war, forced

the Chinese emperor T'ai-tsung to send him an imperial princess

(Wen-ch'eng Kung-chu) in marriage. Both princesses were Buddhist and

each built a temple in Lhasa to house the image of Buddha she had

brought with her from her respective country to Tibet. Srong-btsan

Sgam-po sent Thon-mi Sam-bhota to India to learn Sanskrit. Upon his

return, Thon-mi Sam-bhota devised a Tibetan script and translated the

scriptures Tho-tho-ri Gnyan-btsan had received from India.

Srong-btsan Sgam-po consolidated his vast kingdom by appointing

governors (khos pon) who made land divisions among the subjects of

their respective districts. "Each governor had his own military

command, distinguished from the others by a distinctive uniform, flag,

and color of horse" (Shakabpa 1967:27-28). He appointed a spokesman

for every thousand families in Tibet. He elaborated the social

hierarchy by distinguishing soldiers from court attendants, and court

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attendants from agriculturalists. Though Srong-btsan Sgam-po died in

649 A.D. of an epidemic, certain religious historians claimed that he

"and his two queens were absorbed into a statue of Avalokiteshvara [a

compassionate manifestation of Buddha] in the Jokhang [a temple in

Lhasa], when the king was 82 years old" (Shakabpa 1967:29). Thus,

Srong-btsan Sgam-po came to be thought of as an incarnation of

Avalokiteshvara (Stein 1972:51).

The Yarlung dynasty reportedly was not challenged by political

rivals until the death of Srong-btsan Sgam-po. The Yarlung heirs,

son and grandson of Srong-btsan Sgam-po, died young, and their early

deaths contributed to the considerable de facto power wielded by

Srong-btsan Sgam-po's chief minister, Mgar Stong-btsan of the Mgar

clan and his five sons. This "parallel rule", as Stein has i t , was

ended when the minister Mgar Khri-'abring did not manage to enthrone

the younger brother of the eight-year-old King 'Adus-srong

(Srong-b tsan Sgam-po's great-grandson) during the latter's absence

from Lhasa. This strategy would have enabled the minister to sustain

de facto power for himself for a longer period. Furthermore, when the

young King 'Adus-srong reached adulthood, he determined to destroy the

Mgar clan's power, and defeated Mgar Khri-'abring with the royal array.

The Chinese received Mgar Khri-'abring's son and brother, however,

"with open arms - giving them titles and responsibility for guarding

the frontier" (Stein 1972:64).

Tibetan history recounts serious contention among the Yarlung

heirs from the death of 'Adus-srong to the end of the dynasty

itself. The second great historical king of Tibet, Khri-srong

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Lde-btsan (enthroned 755-756), was 'Adus-srong's grandson. Under

this king, the Tibetans were able to take advantage of internal

troubles in China. They formed an alliance with Nan-chao and the

Uighurs against China, and received tribute from the Pala kings of

Bengal. However, the "decisive event for Tibetan civilization in this

period was the king's o f f i c i a l adoption of Indian Buddhism" (Stein

1972:65). Some of the ministerial clans who were Bon followers

opposed this o f f i c i a l adoption. But when the major opponents of

Buddhism had been ambushed and k i l l e d , Khri-srong Lde-btsan summoned

Padmasambhava, the legendary Tantric practitioner, and Santaraksita to

raissionize in Tibet. A great temple was built at Bsam-yas (Samye) and

seven nobles were selected to be ordained as monks by Santaraksita

(Stein 1972:62).

This flourishing of Buddhism was not met without resistance.

Some ministers, for example, objected to the number of people taking

ordinations. Also, the issue of "doctrinal antagonism" emerged

between the supporters of Indian and Chinese Buddhism. Stein claims

that the

success of Buddhism had been primarily that of Chinese

quietism, Ch'an ("Zen" in Japanese), which set l i t t l e store
by good works and the slow, d i f f i c u l t advance towards
sainthood. Its popularity worried the Indian teachers, who
had chiefly preached simple rules of moral conduct and the
principle that good or bad actions are rewarded In a future
l i f e (1972:67).

King Khri-srong Lde-btsan's solution to this problem was to hold a

two-year debate between leading proponents of each doctrine. The

Indians o f f i c i a l l y won (although they accepted certain aspects of the

 257

Chinese doctrine) and the Chinese Buddhists were booted out of the

country.

Khrl-srong Lde-btsan died shortly after this debate. After a

reign of two years, his eldest son was poisoned by his mother (Stein

1972:68). The youngest son succeeded to the throne, and his son,

Ralpacan, was the last Buddhist king of Tibet (reigning 815-838).

Ralpacan*s succession was somewhat irregular. The Yarlung dynasty

followed the pattern of primogeniture in determining succession to the

throne. Ralpacan, however, was the youngest of three brothers. His

eldest brother had been assassinated, but Ralpacan was chosen over his

middle brother, Glang Dar-ma, to assume the throne. Ralpacan,

after siring a successor, became a monk himself and created resentment

by lavishing favors upon the clergy. Ralpacan was eventually

assassinated, and his son, who had also become a monk, was exiled.

Glang Dar-ma succeeded to the throne. Glang Dar-ma, who i s

traditionally reviled by Tibetans as the persecutor of Buddhism, was

assassinated in 846 by a disguised monk, Dpal-gyi Rdo-rje. Glang

Dar-ma's assassination marked the end of Tibet's "glory and royal

power" (Stein 1972:68).

Tibet Decentralizes and Lineage Gurus Emerge

Clearly Buddhism, and particular schools of Buddhism, had been

deployed by the Tibetan nobility in their attempts to gain p o l i t i c a l

advantage since the reign of Khrl-srong Lde-btsan. Though following

Glang Dar-ma's assassination, Buddhist monks were i n i t i a l l y

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persecuted and took r e f u g e i n T i b e t ' s border regions, allegiance to

Buddhism on the p a r t of many noble T i b e t a n f a m i l i e s prevented Glang

Dar-ma's h e i r s from assuming the t h r o n e . Central authority i n Tibet

thus d i s s o l v e d and was r e p l a c e d by the i n t e r n e c i n e s t r u g g l e s o f

competing s m a l l hegemonies. But g r a d u a l l y Buddhism came t o enjoy a

renewed e n t h u s i a s t i c a c c e p t a n c e . Many of the r u l e r s of these various

T i b e t a n hegemonies became p a t r o n s of Buddhism, and wished t o " p u r i f y "

Buddhist p r a c t i c e s of w i l d a c t i v i t i e s such as c a n n i b a l i s m , d r i n k i n g ,

and sexual l i c e n s e . These a c t i v i t i e s were p u r p o r t e d l y b e i n g p r a c t i c e d

by m a r r i e d T a n t r i c s who s u b s c r i b e d t o a l i t e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of

tantrism. However, as Shakabpa n o t e s , " t h e r e was considerable rivalry

among persons of power, who wanted t o a c q u i r e r e p u t a t i o n s as patrons

of r e l i g i o u s l e a r n i n g " (1967:60), and we may therefore i n f e r that a

c l a i m t o promoting the " c o r r e c t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n " o f Buddha's teachings

was i n s t r u m e n t a l t o the b i d s f o r power amongst these T i b e t a n rulers.

T h i s p e r i o d s u s t a i n e d the b u i l d i n g and r e - b u i l d i n g of Buddhist

temples, the sending of T i b e t a n monks t o I n d i a f o r r e l i g i o u s

i n s t r u c t i o n , and the i n v i t i n g of I n d i a n t e a c h e r s t o m i s s i o n i z e i n

Tibet.

The e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y was a time of " i n c r e d i b l e r e l i g i o u s and

p h i l o s o p h i c ferment" f o r T i b e t ( S t e i n 1972:74) and the r i s e o f T i b e t a n

Buddhist l i n e a g e gurus. The I n d i a n Guru A t i s a (982-1054) was invited

t o T i b e t and founded the Bk'a-gdams-pa o r d e r , which was t o become the

Dge-lugs-pa s e c t . A t i s a ' s c h i e f d i s c i p l e founded the Rwa-sgrengs

( R e t i n g ) monastery i n 1057. In Khams, the s p i r i t u a l l i n e a g e of

Padmasambhava was s u s t a i n e d through the e f f o r t s o f the translator

Vairocana, who founded the Rdzogs-chen-pa ("great perfection) order

(part of the Rnying-ma-pa sect). In India, 'Abrog-mi (992-1074)

studied the teaching of lam-'bras, "the path and f r u i t of action,"

that made use of sexual practices for mystical realization" (Stein

1972:73). His disciple, Dkon-mchog Rgyal-po founded the great

monastery of Sa-skya In 1073.

It was, however, the "art of transferring the conscious principle

into another body or a paradise", a teaching that Marpa (1012-1096)

learned in India, that reawakened the enthusiasm and p o l i t i c a l

subterfuges accompanying the notion of divine origination of rulers in

Tibet. Marpa transmitted his teachings to the hermit poet

Mi-la-ras-pa (1040-1123), whose disciples formed the Bka-rgyud-pa

order. This order consisted of two main branches which later

subdivided and took their names from specific monasteries such as the

Karma-pa, Mtshal-pa, Stag-lung-pa, and 'Abrug-pa subsects (Stein

1972:74).

The breach of the cognitive gap between the divinely-descended

nobility and the guru lineage was f i r s t achieved with the founding of

the Karma-pa order by Dus-bsum Mkhyen-pa (1110-1193). A student of

Ml-la-ras-pa's disciples, Dus-bsum Mkhyen-pa initiated a new

derivative of the Bk'a-rgyud-pa school, the Karma-pa order, and

established four monasteries to propagate this derivative. The symbol

of the order was a black hat said to be made from mkh'a-'agro-ma

(khandroma) ("sky-going goddess") hair which wove together " a l l the

works of a l l the Buddhas" (Stein 1972:76). The abbots of the

'Abri-gung monastery (another arm of the Bk'a-rgyud-pa order) were

called the Karma-pas, and were held to be successive incarnations of

the f i r s t 'Abri-gung abbot. The Karma-pa "succession claims to have

started the system of successive reincarnations of the same person,

which was later adopted for the Dalai and Panchen Lamas" (Stein

1972:76), among others. However, Stein notes that the 'Abri-gung

monastery's "real foundation" occurred in 1179, and that its

administration was patterned after that of the Sa-skya administration

(1972:76). The Sa-skyas claim that Sa-chen (1092-1128), the

codifier of Sa-skya religious doctrine, was the incarnation of two

Bodhisattvas, and that this "spiritual" incarnation was manifested in

his male descendents (Cassinelli and Ekvall 1969:13).

With the emergence of monastic authority on a religious,

political, economic, and military level, Stein notes that historical

sources leave "scarcely a trace" of the fate of the kings of the

Tibetan principalities (1972:76). However, the histories of the

Sa-skya-pa, Bk'a-gdams-pa, and Bk'a-rgyud-pa orders were

intertwined with the histories of important noble families, who tended

to claim divine descent (Stein 1972:75).

The Patron-Priest Relationship and the Rise of the Sa-skya Hlerarchs

The arrival of the Mongols had monumental impact on Tibet. By

1206, Genghis Khan had reached Central Tibet. He was "greeted" by a

descendent of the Yarlung royal family and by Kun-dg'a Rdo-rje, the

head of a Bk'a-rgyud-pa sect (Mtshal-pa), and received the

submission of (a tribute from) central Tibet. Two somewhat different

 261

v e r s i o n s appear o f the e n s u i n g e v e n t s . Stein maintains that Genghis

Khan s e n t p r e s e n t s t o the Sa-skya abbot, Sa-skya P a n d i t a and invited

him t o come t o preach i n M o n g o l i a , thus e s t a b l i s h i n g the p a t t e r n o f

the yon-mchod or p a t r o n - p r i e s t r e l a t i o n s h i p between i m p e r i a l p a t r o n s

and T i b e t a n lamas. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , Shakabpa s t a t e s t h a t the T i b e t a n s

ceased t o pay t r i b u t e upon the death o f Ghenghis Khan i n 1227, and,

t h e r e b y , invoked the wrath o f P r i n c e Godan, grandson o f Genghis Khan.

In 1240, P r i n c e Godan s e n t t r o o p s i n t o T i b e t who burned two

monasteries. P r i n c e Godan i n v i t e d Sa-skya P a n d i t a t o j o i n him i n

M o n g o l i a and preach Buddhism. Subsequently, P r i n c e Godan i n v e s t e d

Sa-skya P a n d i t a w i t h temporal a u t h o r i t y over the t h i r t e e n m y r i a r c h i e s

i n t o which c e n t r a l T i b e t was divided (Shakabpa 1967:63).

K u b l a i Khan, the g r e a t - g r a n d s o n o f Genghis Khan, i n v i t e d Sa-skya

P a n d i t a ' s nephew ( a l s o a monk), 'Aphags-pa, t o h i s c o u r t and

c o n t i n u e d the yon-mchod t r a d i t i o n . 'Aphags-pa was reportedly invested

w i t h temporal and s p i r i t u a l power over T i b e t i n t h r e e s t a g e s : the

first, over the t h i r t e e n m y r i a r c h i e s which had been under Sa-skya

P a n d i t a ' s a u t h o r i t y ; the second, over c e n t r a l T i b e t , Khams, and

Amdo; and the t h i r d , the t i t l e o f t i - s h i h o r "Teacher o f the Emperor".

But 'Aphags-pa was not the o n l y s i g n i f i c a n t T i b e t a n lama a t the

Mongolian c o u r t . Shakabpa notes t h a t w h i l e K u b l a i was yet a prince, a

Karma-pa lama was present at h i s court. Furthermore, Shakabpa c l a i m s

t h a t the Karma-pa r e i n c a r n a t i o n s began a f t e r t h i s lama's death

(1967:65). S t e i n f i n d s e v i d e n c e t h a t the f i r s t head o f the Karma-pa

s e c t ( r e f e r r e d t o as the Karma-pa, Dus-bsum Mkhyen-pa, t r i e d

u n s u c c e s s f u l l y t o c o n v e r t K u b l a i Khan (1972:77). Both accounts agree,

 262

however, that the Karma-pas were the rivals of the Sa-skya lamas at

the "court of the Emperors of China - f i r s t Mongolian (Yuan) and later

Chinese (Ming)" (Stein 1972:77).

'Aphags-pa returned to Tibet in 1265 for the f i r s t time since his

childhood journey with his uncle, the Sa-skya Pandita, to the court

of Genghis Khan. 'Aphags-pa died in 1280, the year Kublai Khan

o f f i c i a l l y became Emperor of China. Sa-skya Pandita had originally

travelled to the Mongol court with his two nephews, 'Aphags-pa and

Phyag-na. The latter married and died at age 29. His son,

Dharmapala, was appointed ti-shih in Peking two years after

'Aphags-pa's dea th.

Meanwhile, the other monasteries, namely, those of the

Bk'a-rgyud-pa order, forged their own campaigns. These monasteries

took advantage of the division of Mongol power (Stein 1972:78) between

Kublai Khan and his brothers, and sought their individual patrons

among the latter. Though he o f f i c i a l l y bestowed upon 'Aphags-pa

temporal and spiritual power over Tibet, Kublai Khan was, nonetheless,

the patron of the Mtshal-pa monastery (a Bk'a-rgyud-pa order). The

'Abri-gung-pas found their patron in Kublai Khan's elder brother,

Hula'u, In 1267. With his help, the 'Abri-gung-pas were able to

gain control of the province of Dbus. In 1285, they attacked Sa-skya

with a Mongolian array (Stein 1972:78-79). The Sa-skyas were able to

defeat the 'Abri-gung-pas with the aid of the array of Kublai's son,

and an array from Gtsang. The temple of 'Abri-gung was burned in

1290, but soon restored at the request of the Sa-skya-pas.

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The Sa-skya Pattern of Legitimation

The history of the Sa-skya hierarchs is of particular importance

as i t represents the second dynasty of Tibetan rulers. The Sa-skya

hierarchs were, with one exception, a l l of the 'Akhon family

patrlline. The Sa-skya strategy, however, was to enthrone only a

celibate 'Akhon male heir. The 'Akhon family, to whom mythical

origins were attributed, were f i r s t committed to recorded history with

Dkon-pa rje gung stag btsan, the chief counselor of King Khrl-srong

Lde-btsan. While the elder of this counselor's two sons became one

of the f i r s t learned monks of the Tibetan monastic system, the younger

continued the family's patriline. With the persecution of Buddhism

under the rule of Glang Dar-ma, the 'Akhon family was split, some

members carrying on religious achievements while others sought land

and position and became involved in feuds. The teacher of a

descendent of the former group dreamed that i f his pupil l e f t the

monastic order and had a son, that boy would be an emanation "who

would also found a new religious sect and tradition" (Cassinelll and

Ekvall 1969:12). The pupil, Dkon-mchog Rgyal-po, built what was to

become the great Sa-skya monastery, married, and fathered a son

Sa-chen, who was thought to be the emanation of two Bodhisattvas.

From thence forward, every male member of the 'Akhon family has been

considered to be an emanation of "one or more of the three

Bodhisattvas" (Avalokiteshvara, Manjusri, and Vajrapani) (Cassinelll

and Ekvall 1969:13). Sa-chen codified the Sa-skya religious doctrine

and had four sons. The youngest was the only one to continue the
line. Of his two sons, the eldest was the scholar and statesman

Sa-skya Pandita, while the younger fathered children.

As mentioned above, Sa-skya Pandita interceded with the invading

Mongol Prince Godan, requesting him to accept Tibetan submission.

Sa-skya Pandita visited Godan's court with two of his nephews, Lama

'Aphags-pa and Phyag-na Rdo-rje. While 'Aphags-pa and his brother

entrenched themselves at the Mongolian court and 'Aphags-pa received

control over thirteen Tibetan myriarchies, the 'Akhon family line was

continued through the children of 'Aphags-pa's father and a serving

woman.

'Aphags-pa and his brother were possibly poisoned upon their

return to Sa-skya (Cassinelli and Ekvall 1969:16) and the office of

ti-shih (teacher to the emperor) was passed on to 'Aphags-pa's

half-brother (who died "possibly by poison, after only two years in

office" (1969:10), then to the son of 'Aphags-pa's brother Phyag-na

Rdo-rj e (who also died very young), and then to the son of

'Aphags-pa's half-brother, who was suspected of complicity in the

deaths of previous ti-shihs and exiled. The next ti-shih was a

member of the Khang-gsar family and "held the office for 18 years"

(1969:16).

The Khang-gsar family was one of four who had supported the

'Akhon family:

in their dealings with the Mongols and the other people of

Tibet...however, [they] were constantly seeking power for
themselves, thereby confusing the succession of leadership
in Sa skya [Sa-skya] and no doubt contributing to the
brevity of Sa skya's [Sa-skya's] dominance in Tibet
(Cassinelli and Ekvall 1969:16-17).
 265

The exiled nephew of 'Aphags-pa returned to Tibet after sixteen years,

married six wives, and sired sixteen or seventeen children, thirteen

or fourteen of them sons. These sons were organized into four

branches of the family, each branch was assigned land:

The f i r s t three branches each contained two brothers of the

same mother; one was unmarried and presumably a monk, the
other married in order to carry on the line. The fourth
branch had two unmarried brothers and one who married
(Cassinelll and Ekvall 1969:17).

Of these branches, only one, the Dus-mchod branch, lasted twenty-three

generations into the present.

Though the 'Akhon family had lost the t i t l e of ti-shih, the

head of the Sa-skya sect and polity held a number of titles until the

t i t l e Khri-chen ("great throne") was adopted during the time of

Gong-ma Kun-dg'a Blo-gras (1728-1790). A new succession problem

resulted with the failure of a polyandrous marriage arranged for two

of his sons who were both disinclined to take monastic vows. These

two sons established separate palaces and each sought the title of

Khri-chen for himself. The upshot of this contest was an agreement

that succession to the throne of Khri-chen would f a l l upon the oldest

male member from either branch of the 'Akhon family.

The principle of seniority was adopted rather than the

principle of alternation of the family's branches because
alternation would not have solved the immediate problem.
The agreement was signed by the two brothers and their uncle
as mediator, and to increase its authority i t was sealed by
the Dalai Lama (Cassinelll and Ekvall 1969:22).

However, succession to the Khri-chen throne did not continue smoothly.

 266

Subsequent mediations were sought when the son of the deceased

Khri-chen contested the right of his elder cousin to succeed to the

office in 1865, 1882, 1935, and 1950. The unmarried daughters were

considered to be nuns (Cassinelli and Ekvall 1969:355).

Family Hegemonies

Following the death of Kublai Khan in 1295, "the Mongol Emperors

of China exerted a fairly loose suzerain!ty over Tibet" (Stein

1972:79). The real authority in Tibet was " s t i l l contested among

great monasteries backed up by important noble families" (Stein

1972:79). Sa-skya rule of Tibet ended in 1350, when Byang-chub

Rgyal-mtshan, a monk administrating the Phag-mo-gru myriarchy,

gained control of the central Tibetan province of Dbus. Phag-mo-gru

(1118-1170) was the founder of a sect of the Bk'a-rgyud-pa order. A

monastery built around his hermitage became part of the Phag-mo-gru

myriarchy organized in the time of 'Aphags-pa. The governorship of

this myriarchy was retained by the Rlangs family. This family

determined i t s succession pattern in a manner similar to that adopted

by the i n i t i a l Sa-skya ti-shihs. While one son remained celibate,

ruled the monastery, and governed the myriarchy, another perpetuated

the patriline. The Rlangs family governors became known as the

Phag-mo-gru-pa. Though they had been i n i t i a l l y linked to the

'Abri-gung-pa, the Phag-mo-gru-pa succeeded in southern Tibet by

playing the Sa-skya-pas off against the 'Abri-gung-pas. By 1354,

Byang-chub Rgyal-mtshan controlled a l l of Tibet with the exception of

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Sa-skya, and reorganized the myriarchies into districts (dzong),

appointing his followers to rule them (Shakabpa 1967:73-81).

The second family hegemony arose when, in 1433, the son of the

younger brother of the previous Rlangs ruler assumed the throne. His

mother, who belonged to the Rin-spungs family, was the daughter of a

minister of the late ruler. By 1434, the Phag-mo-gru power collapsed,

and the Rin-spungs family gained ascendence. The Rin-spungs rulers

married, and thus broke the Phag-mo-gru tradition. The third family

hegemony, the Gtsang-pa, was created through the various alliances

established by a servant of the Rin-spungs rulers, Tshe-brtan Rdo-rje.

The Gtsang-pa forced the Rin-spungs family to withdraw from Lhasa in

1517, and established a hegemony that was to last until 1642, when the

Fifth Dalai Lama came to power (Shakabpa 1967:86-90).

The Emergence of the Dalai Lamas

In 1403, Tsong-kha-pa (1357-1419), echoing the prescriptions put

forth earlier by Atisa and his Bk'a-gdams-pa order calling for

monastic discipline and the gradual path to enlightenment, founded the

Dge-lugs-pa order "('those who follow virtuous works')" (Stein

1972:80). Tsong-kha-pa established the Dg'a-ldan (Ganden) monastery

in 1409, and two of his disciples each built another of the great

Dge-lugs-pa monas teries, Sera i n 1419 and 'Abras-spungs (Drepung) in

1416. These three monasteries were situated in the province of Dbus.

For the next 100 years, the struggle for power between Dbus and Gtsang

was equally the struggle for domination between the Dge-lugs-pa and
 268

Karma-pa sects.

Bsod-nams Rgya-mtsho (1543-1588), later to be known as the Third

Dalai Lama, was the abbot of 'Abras-spungs. He resolved to meet the

threats posed to Dbus and the Dge-lugs-pas by the ruling family of

Gtsang (along with the Karma-pas) by appealing to Altan Khan, the

king of the Turned Mongols. Altan Khan invited Bsod-nams Rgya-mtsho to

come to his court in 1578. Though the Sa-skya-pa and Karma-pa

hierarchs had secured influence at the court of the Mongol Khans, they

had not actually converted them to Tibetan Buddhism (Stein 1972:81).

But Bsod-nams Rgya-mtsho succeeded in this task and received the t i t l e

of 'Dalai Lama' (dalai meaning ocean in Mongolian).

The chief disciple of Tsong-kha-pa, the founder of the

Dge-lugs-pa sect, was Dge-'adun-grub (1391-1474), who founded

Bkra-shis-lhun-po (Trashilhunpo) monastery in 1447. His f i r s t

recognized incarnation was Dge-'adun Rgya-mtsho (1475-1542), who had

been abbot of Drepung, Sera, and Trashilhunpo. Since Bsod-nams

Rgya-mtsho was considered the incarnation of Dge-'adun Rgya-mtsho,

Dge-'adun Rgya-mtsho became known retrospectively as the Second Dalai

Lama; and Dge-'adun-grub, as the First Dalai Lama.

The Third Dalai Lama secured the "patronage of the Turned, Ghakar,

and Khalkha Mongols for the Gelugpa" (Dge-lugs-pa) (Stein:82).

When Bsod-nams Rgya-mtsho died, the Fourth Dalai Lama was recognized

by a delegation from Drepung in the person of Altan Khan's

great-grandson. But the Fourth Dalai Lama was " s t i l l threatened by

the rulers of Tsang [Gtsang] - who were aiming at hegemony and

whose dependency the fief of Lhasa then was - and by the Karma-pas"
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(Stein 1972:82).

Through the i n t e r v e n t i o n o f G u s h r i Khan, c h i e f o f the Qoshot

Mongols, i n a l l i a n c e w i t h t h e Dzungar and T o r g u t Mongols, t h e Regent

of Gtsang and h i s a l l i e s i n Khams were d e f e a t e d . G u s h r i Khan

i n s t a l l e d t h e F i f t h D a l a i Lama i n 1642 as t h e supreme " a u t h o r i t y over

a l l o f T i b e t from T a c h i e n l u i n t h e e a s t up t o t h e Ladakh border i n t h e

west" (Shakabpa 1967:111). The t i t l e o f " s d e - s r i d " (Mongolian f o r

" r e g e n t " ) , was a p p l i e d t o the D a l a i Lama's c h i e f a d m i n i s t r a t o r , who

was supposed t o handle minor p o l i t i c a l m a t t e r s . Minor rebellions

a g a i n s t t h e r u l e o f the F i f t h D a l a i Lama c o n t i n u e d t o c r o p up, but

were r e a d i l y c o n t a i n e d w i t h t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f t h e Mongols.

The F i f t h D a l a i Lama c o n s o l i d a t e d h i s a u t h o r i t y i n s e v e r a l ways.

He promulgated laws o f p u b l i c conduct, a p p o i n t e d governors t o

d i f f e r e n t d i s t r i c t s , chose m i n i s t e r s , and d i s p a t c h e d envoys t o I n d i a ,

Nepal, and Ladakh. He began t o b u i l d a p a l a c e ( t h e P o t a l a ) i n h i s new

c a p i t a l c i t y , Lhasa, on t h e r u i n s o f the p a l a c e b u i l t i n 636 by

Srong-btsan Sgam-po f o r h i s Nepalese queen. He c o n v e r t e d s e v e r a l

Bk'a-rgyud-pa m o n a s t e r i e s t o t h e Dge-lugs-pa s e c t . He conducted a

census and compiled 56 books on t h e c o l l e c t i o n o f revenue from

l a n d h o l d e r s a l l over T i b e t . While some o f t h i s revenue supplied

m o n a s t e r i e s , t h e remainder was d e p o s i t e d i n t h e t r e a s u r y a t Dg'a-ldan

pho-brang (Shakabpa 1967:113).

What s e r v e d , however, t o symbolize t h i s new o r d e r f o r t h e people

of T i b e t was the F i f t h D a l a i Lama's i n s t i t u t i o n o f n a t i o n a l dress:

The T i b e t a n people were then i n the h a b i t o f wearing a

v a r i e t y o f costumes, some o f Mongolian and some o f Chinese
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d e s i g n . The D a l a i Lama d e c i d e d t h a t t h e r e s h o u l d be a
n a t i o n a l d r e s s , e s p e c i a l l y f o r h i s o f f i c i a l s , who should
wear uniforms a c o r d i n g t o t h e i r rank...(The custom) d u r i n g
the T i b e t a n New Year f o r a l l o f f i c i a l s t o put on the
costumes of the e a r l y kings...had d i e d out...but i t was now
r e v i v e d , and the D e s i summoned a l l the o l d e s t o f f i c i a l s and
monks t o h e l p i n the s e l e c t i o n o f these t r a d i t i o n a l
costumes. A system of s e a t i n g by s t a t u s and s e n i o r i t y ,
known as Dan-yig A-khu Badro, was a l s o d e v i s e d . The h i g h e r
the s t a t u s , the h i g h e r the s e a t i n g , and a l l of the Mongol
c h i e f s , lamas and monks, noblemen and o f f i c i a l s , found
themselves a l l o t t e d f i x e d p l a c e s under t h i s system. These
r e g u l a t i o n s were f i r s t put i n t o w r i t i n g and then i n t o
p r a c t i c e b e g i n n i n g w i t h the, T i b e t a n New Year o f 1672
(Shakabpa 1967:120).

The F i f t h D a l a i Lama c r e a t e d a new l i n e of i n c a r n a t i o n s , t h a t of

the Panchen Lamas. C l a i m i n g the d i s c o v e r y of h e r e t o f o r e hidden texts,

the F i f t h D a l a i Lama d e c l a r e d h i s f r i e n d , Blo-bzang Chos-kyi

Rgyal-mtshan, the abbot of T r a s h i l h u n p o , to be the f o u r t h i n a line

of Panchen Lamas stemming from a d i r e c t d i s c i p l e of Tsong-kha-pa.

The Panchen Lama was deemed the i n c a r n a t i o n of Amitabha; the D a l a i

Lama, of A v a l o k i t e s v a r a .

A c c o r d i n g t o Buddhist d o c t r i n e , each Buddha appearing i n the

world m a n i f e s t s h i m s e l f s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n t h r e e w o r l d s . The first is

the world of d e s i r e where the Buddha embodies i n human form. The

second i s the world of forms, where the Buddha m a n i f e s t s as a Dhyani

Buddha; the l a s t world i s the most sublime. In t h i s world the Buddha

i s an i n c o r p o r e a l , unnamed b e i n g . S c h l a g i n t w e i t (1968) notes t h a t a

Dhyani Buddha can c r e a t e a " c e l e s t i a l son," a Dhyani B o d h i s a t t v a , who

s u p e r v i s e s the c o n t i n u a t i o n of the work i n i t i a t e d by the human-born

Buddha. The human-born Buddha i n s t r u c t s humans i n r e l i g i o n and i s

s u b j e c t t o the l i m i t a t i o n s of l i f e and h e a l t h imposed

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upon ordinary mortals. When this human-born Buddha dies, the Dhyani

Bodhisattva oversees the Buddha's re-emergence, or reincarnation in

human form. The Buddha of the present era is Sakyarauni. His Dhyani

Buddha is Amitabha ('Aod-dpag-med) and his Dhyani Bodhisattva is

Avalokitesvara (Spyan-ras-gzigs).

Avalokitesvara is considered to be the patron saint of Tibet.

Prior to the emergence of the Dalai Lamas, Avalokitesvara was believed

to have incarnated as the Tibetans' monkey ancestor and as the great

king Srong-btsan Sgam-pd. Statues of both incarnations displayed in

Lhasa bore an image of Amitabha, "the 'father' from whom

Avalokitesvara sprang, on their heads" (Stein 1972:84). Furthermore,

the practice arose for the elder of the living Incarnations of the

Dalai and Panchen Lamas to initiate the younger. The Fifth Dalai Lama

thus created an incarnating line of his own "spiritual fathers", one

of whom might be presumed to be living during the two or three year

"search period" for a new Dalai Lama (after the death of a Dalai Lama)

and, perhaps, during a Dalai Lama's minority, when the Regent would be

temporal leader of Tibet.

Another office created by the Fifth Dalai Lama was that of the

Nechung Gnas-chung Oracle. This oracle, whose origins I discussed i n

Chapter V, has served as a consultant on affairs of state to the

Tibetan Government. When a Nechung Oracle dies, his successor Is

discovered and tested by high government o f f i c i a l s . Nebesky-Wojkowitz

(1956:449) observes that Nechung oracles have, on occasion, been

punished or dismissed from office for giving false prophecies. The

Oracle, in turn, has been called upon to provide c r i t i c a l information

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regarding the birth of a new Dalai Lama, and has tested the candidates

for the office (Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956; Shakabpa 1967).

Thus, the Fifth Dalai Lama may be said to have created two

charismatic offices, that of the Panchen Lama and that of the Nechung

Oracle, complementary to his own. These new offices are of particular

interest, since each serves in its respective way to validate the

office of the Dalai Lama. While the Panchen Lamas were to be a

lineage of reincarnating "spiritual fathers" to the. Dalai Lamas, the

Nechung Oracles represented an alternate line of "reincarnations" ( a l l

Nechung Oracles were thought to be possessed by Pehar), who

legitimized the candidate for the office of Dalai Lama.

The Rise of Regents and Court Intrigue

Sangs-rgyas Rgya-mtsho, who became Regent in 1679, was the

nephew of the previous Regent and a favorite of the "Great Fifth"

Dalai Lama. When the latter died in 1682, Sangs-rgyas Rgya-mtsho kept

the death secret for fourteen years while he completed the

construction of the Potala. The Sixth Dalai Lama was sought covertly

in the usual manner and prepared for his eventual assumption of the

throne. Thus, when Sangs-rgyas Rgya-mtsho finally announced the death

of the Fifth Dalai Lama, he also introduced the thirteen-year-old

Sixth Dalai Lama. But this Dalai Lama was not inclined to the

monastic l i f e . He wrote many of Tibet's best-loved romantic poetry

and l y r i c a l verse and visited women on his nightly excursions into

Lhasa. The Regent disapproved of the Dalai Lama's activities and

o f f i c i a l l y resigned his post after being implicated in a plot to

assassinate one of the Dalai Lama's aides. Shakabpa notes, however,

that the new Regent was reputed to be the son of Sangs-rgyas

Rgya-mtsho, and Sangs-rgyas Rgya-mtsho maintained covert control of

the administration (1967:131).

With the death of Gushri Khan i n 1655, the "Dalai Lama became the

sole arbiter of Tibetan affairs" (Richardson 1932:45). The Fifth

Dalai Lama, who sustained close ties with the Qoshot Mongols,

restrained the aggression of the Dzungar Mongols, who threatened both

the Qoshot and China. But after the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama,

Sangs-rgyas Rgya-mtsho cultivated Dg'a-ldan Dzungar, the chief of the

Dzungar Mongols, and infuriated Lhabzang Khan (the grandson of Gushri

Khan and, thereby, the titular "King of Tibet"), the chief of the

Qoshot Mongols. Encouraged by his ally, the Chinese Emperor K'ang

Hsi, Lhabzang Khan attacked Lhasa, killed Sangs-rgyas Rgya-mtsho,

and abducted the Sixth Dalai Lama, who died en route to Peking

(Shakabpa 1967:133).

The Dzungars invaded Tibet in 1717 to depose Lhabzang Khan and a

false Sixth Dalai Lama whom he had appointed, and to restore the true

Seventh Dalai Lama to the throne. However, though the Dzungars

managed to k i l l Lhabzang, they Incurred disfavour with the Tibetan

people by their looting and oppression. Meanwhile, Emperor K'ang Hsi

had taken the true Seventh Dalai Lama into his custody. K'ang Hsi's

army entered Lhasa in 1720, defeated the Dzungars, and enthroned the

Seventh Dalai Lama. These Manchu troops remained in Lhasa until 1723,

when the new Emperor, K'ang Hsi's son, withdrew them, leaving a c i v i l
 274

advisor in Lhasa.

Richardson indicates that the withdrawal of Chinese Troops gave

way to further intrigues among Tibetan officials and a c i v i l war from

1727-1728 (1982:51). This c i v i l war aroused fears in the Chinese

Emperor of further Dzungar intervention, and once again Chinese troops

arrived in Lhasa. Two c i v i l officers known as Ambans were appointed

to report to the Emperor on Tibetan affairs. Their presence was

supported by a Chinese array garrison. Also, this turn of events

served to diminish the temporal power of the Dalai Lama and to bolster

the authority of the lay ministers (1982:52). The Emperor believed

that the father of the Seventh Dalai Lama had played a significant

political role In the c i v i l war, and decided to remove the Seventh

Dalai Lama from Lhasa by inviting him to China. The Dalai Lama,

however, never reached China. He was detained for seven years in

Khams before he was permitted to return to Lhasa "on the s t r i c t

condition that he refrained from p o l i t i c a l activity" (1982:52). With

the Dalai Lama out of the way, the new administration of lay ministers

was led by Pho-la Mi-dbang, who enjoyed the trust of the Emperor and

was awarded the t i t l e i n 1740 of "King of Tibet" (1982:53).

The Manchus also sought to curtail the power of the Dalai Lama on

spiritual grounds by putting forth the Panchen Lama as the Dalai

Lama's spiritual r i v a l . In 1728, the Manchus offered the Panchen Lama

sovereignty over vast parts of Western and North Central Tibet. This

he declined, accepting sovereignty over districts neighboring his

monastery at Trashilhunpo. "That was the beginning of a long policy of

playing off one Lama against the other" (Richardson 1982:53).

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Pho-la was succeeded as "King of Tibet" in 1747 by his younger

son 'Agyur-med Rnam-rgyal. 'Agyur-med revived an alliance with the

Dzungars while convincing the Emperor to remove a l l but one hundred of

his troops stationed in Lhasa. 'Agyur-med eliminated his potential

rivals by k i l l i n g his elder brother and exiling his nephews, but was

himself slain by the Ambans. The Seventh Dalai Lama, who was now able

to return to Tibet, restored order, but was not able to convince the

Emperor of the fact. A new Chinese military expedition was sent to

Tibet and Richardson writes:

A regular cycle in the affairs of Tibet and China was

beginning to become apparent. A military expedition
followed by a re-organizatlon of the government of Lhasa;
then a decline in the imperial interest there, leading to an
internal crisis calling for another expedition and another
reorganization - and so on once more (1982:57).

Much of the power enjoyed by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama was

restored to the Seventh Dalai Lama, who finally gained the Emperor's

confidence, and the lay nobility once again became subservient to a

religious administration. Pho-la Mi-dbang was an exceedingly skillful

administrator who managed to sustain the support of the nobility

(though he himself was not a member of Tibet's oldest families), and

to keep the priesthood at bay despite the fact that he had assumed the

temporal authority belonging to the Dalai Lama. His son, 'Agyur-med

Rnam-rgyal, did not match him in these respects: 'Agyur-med

Rnam-rgyal's reign "convinced the Emperor that hereditary kingship

did not provide a solid foundation for peaceful government i n Tibet.

The reforms of 1750 put the temporal supremacy of the religious

hierarchy on a lasting basis which was never afterwards challenged"

(1982:58).

When the Seventh Dalai Lama resumed his rule in 1750, the office

of Regent was re-instituted and i t became customary for a lama to hold

it. This office proved to be exceedingly important. Following the

death of the Seventh Dalai Lama i n 1757, a Dalai Lama actually ruled

only seven years out of the succeeding 120. The Eighth Dalai Lama

ruled from 1781-1804, but reportedly l e f t a l l secular matters to his

Regent. The Ninth and Tenth Dalai Lama died before reaching their

majority. The Eleventh (1838-1856) and Twelfth (1856-1875) died soon

after being invested with the office.

A new twist in the selection process of the Dalai Lama occurred

during the evaluation of candidates for the Ninth Dalai Lama i n 1793.

The Emperor desired that the Dalai Lama be chosen by the drawing of

lots. For this purpose he sent a golden urn to Tibet. The Regent and

the Bk'a-shag (cabinet), however, ignored the Emperor's wishes and

judged the validity of each rival's claims to the throne (Shakabpa

1967:172). When the Tenth Dalai Lama was sought in 1818, the Tibetans

simply arranged for the lottery to agree with their pre-determined

choice. No disagreement arose during the selection of the Eleventh

Dalai Lama and i n the process of selecting the Twelfth Dalai Lama,

Reting (Rwa-sgrengs) Regent was informed by Tibetan o f f i c i a l s that

a name drawn by lottery had better agree with the candidate approved

by the Tibtan people or a revolt would result (Richardson 1982:171).

While the Eighth through Twelfth Dalai Lamas were not

significant, the Panchen Lamas were fairly active in Tibetan history.

 277

The S i x t h , Blo-bzang D p a l - l d a n Ye-shes (1738-1780), proposed a l i n k

between the Chinese God o f War and the T i b e t a n e p i c hero Gesar,

negotiated with Warren H a s t i n g s , Governor o f I n d i a , and the Raja o f

Bhutan. S t e i n notes t h a t "with the second h a l f o f the n i n e t e e n t h

c e n t u r y we f i n d a c e r t a i n f e l l o w s h i p growing up, more or l e s s i n

opposition t o the D a l a i Lama, between the Panchen Lama, or the Regent,

and C h i n a " (1972:89).

The Thirteenth D a l a i Lama

T h i s t r e n d was t o a l t e r when the T h i r t e e n t h D a l a i Lama a t t a i n e d

his majority i n 1895. A c c o r d i n g t o Shakabpa, no l o t t e r y determined

h i s e l e c t i o n , only r e l i g i o u s t e s t s (1967:192). T h i s D a l a i Lama

uncovered a p l o t a g a i n s t h i s l i f e which exposed the a m b i t i o n s o f the

ex-Regent (who as a matter o f course l o s t h i s o f f i c e upon the D a l a i

Lama's r e a c h i n g h i s majority). T h i s ex-Regent and h i s r e l a t i v e s were

a r r e s t e d and i n v e s t i g a t e d . The ex-Regent c o n f e s s e d t h a t he had

dabbled i n w i t c h c r a f t i n o r d e r t o do away with the D a l a i lama, not

w i s h i n g t o r e l i n q u i s h h i s Regency a f t e r a s h o r t time i n the o f f i c e

(1967:195).

Meanwhile, the B r i t i s h f e a r e d growing R u s s i a n i n f l u e n c e i n T i b e t ,

and, unable t o n e g o t i a t e , attacked T i b e t and o c c u p i e d Lhasa i n 1904.

The Thirteenth D a l a i Lama was i n Mongolia a t the time, which l e f t the

B r i t i s h t o s i g n an A n g l o - T i b e t a n Convention w i t h the Regent (appointed

by the D a l a i Lama t o a d m i n i s t r a t e i n h i s absence), Dg'a-ldan K h r i

Rinpoche ( R i c h a r d s o n 1982:87). When the D a l a i Lama r e t u r n e d t o the

 278

Kokoaor region in 1906, he was faced with two choices: either to

return to Lhasa as he was urged to do by the Tibetan government, or to

accept an invitation by the Manchu Court to v i s i t Peking. The Dalai

Lama chose the latter as he had learned that the Chinese were

"constantly causing trouble on the border" of Khams (Shakabpa

1967:227). The Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa in 1909, just ahead of a

large Chinese force being sent to Tibet "to police the trade marts"

(1967:227). The Chinese force entered Lhasa, k i l l i n g Lhasa police and

some o f f i c i a l s , and even firing upon the Potala. The Dalai Lama

appointed a new Regent and fled to India, where he met the Viceroy,

Lord Minto.

Indian newspapers reported that the Manchus were choosing a new

Dalai Lama by lottery, and the Dalai Lama determined "never to have

direct negotiations with the Manchus or the Chinese; "instead, he

invoked one of the articles of the 1904 Lhasa Convention and appealed

to the British to intercede on his behalf" (Shakabpa 1967:231). The

Viceroy extended his hospitality, but promised nothing. Meanwhile, in

Lhasa, Chinese police replaced Tibetan, the Dalai Lama's personal

effects and the treasury of the Tibetan government were confiscated by

the Chinese, and the Lhasa armory was emptied. But the Tibetan people

refused to cooperate with the Chinese. Districts sent their revenues

to the Dalai Lama in Darjeeling and not to Lhasa.

The officials serving the Panchen Lama thought to take advantage

of the Dalai Lama's absence to augment the power of the Panchen Lama.

They invited the Panchen Lama to Lhasa, where he moved into the Dalai

Lama's summer palace and accompanied the Manchu Ambans to social

 279

events. As Shakabpa writes (1967:237):

During the Butter-lamp festival, the Panchen Lama and the

Amban placed themselves in sedan chairs and were taken in
procession around Lhasa in the same manner in which the
Dalai Lama was normally escorted. The Lhasa populace
participated in the ceremony, but only to the extent of
dropping mud and old socks on to the heads of the Panchen
and the Amban as they passed. It was also the occasion for
a new Lhasa street song:

The slovenly attired monk

On the roof of the Jokhang,
Would have been a thief
If i t were not for the arrival of the dawn."

The song refers to the fact that the Tibetan resistance movement

prevented the Panchen Lama from assuming the Dalai Lama's

administrative duties.

In October, 1911, the Manchus were overthrown in China, Chinese

troops in Lhasa mutinied, and the Tibetans were able to drive the

Chinese out of Tibet. The Dalai Lama returned to Tibet in 1912, and

in 1913 proclaimed the Independence of Tibet. A monastery which had

assisted the Chinese troops was disendowed. The monk collaborators

were exiled and the rest assigned to other monasteries (Shakabpa

1967:249). Later, three chief monks from Loseling (Blo-gsal-gling)

College of Drepung Monastery were found to have also assisted the

Chinese. These three were disrobed and imprisoned. When three

thousand monks from Loseling College demonstrated in protest in front

of the Dalai Lama's summer palace, their organizers were arrested.

The Thirteenth Dalai Lama increased revenues to support the army. In

1923, when the officials of Trashilhunpo monastery discovered the

 280

sizeable amounts owed by the Panchen Lama's estates, they and the

Panchen Lama fled to China (1967:262-263).

The Thirteenth Dalai Lama issued Tibetan paper currency, postage

stamps, and maintained a standing array. His representatives ratified

a treaty and signed trade regulations with Great Britain (independent

of Chinese approval) at the Simla Convention of 1914. He prohibited

the import of tobacco, opium, liquor, and also prohibited gambling.

Furthermore, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama paid particular attention to

the symbolic display of nationalism and rank. He required officials

to wear traditional Tibetan clothing, and

discouraged women from buying jewelry and expensive clothes

in competition with each other, because the wives of poor
o f f i c i a l s were getting into debt. I t had become impossible
to enter high society without possessing costly ornaments
(Shakabpa 1967:272).

Thus, while the Thirteenth Dalai Lama cultivated the notions of

nationalism in his subjects, he also attempted to discourage intense

status rivalries.

Regent Rivalry

The Thirteenth Dalai Lama died in 1933. After some jockeying for

power by three of his favorites, who included the Head of the Mint and

the Commander-in-Chief of the Military, a lottery selected Reting

(Rwa-sgrengs) Rinpoche as Regent. This Regent followed traditional

procedure in his search for the Fourteenth Dalai Lama. Reting Regent
 281

visited an oracle lake where he observed portents alluding to the

place of the rebirth of the Dalai Lama, and search parties were sent

to different parts of Tibet. Of three candidates, the one from

Takster (Stag-'atsher) near Sku-'abum Monastery passed the

religious tests (identification of religious objects belonging to the

previous Dalai Lama), and was confirmed by the Nechung Oracle and

other lamas. In 1939, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, Bstan-'adzin

Rgya-mtsho, was enthroned.

Two years later, the state astrologer predicted a short l i f e for

Reting Regent i f he did not resign from administrative l i f e and devote

himself strictly to religious observances. Stag-sgra Rinpoche, the

senior tutor to the Dalai Lama and Abbot of Ganden (Dg'a-ldan)

Monastery, became the new Regent (Shakabpa 1967:286). But the former

Regent did not relinquish his office so easily.

In 1944, the Tibetan government ruled that those who were heavily

in debt need not pay their interest arrears. Therefore, certain

subjects refused to pay interest due to the estates of the Sera Byes

and Sngags-pa Colleges of Sera Monastery. A quarrel developed between

the Colleges' interest-collectors and the District Officer

representing the Tibetan government. The officer was killed and the

government retaliated by demoting the abbots of the colleges and

punishing monastic o f f i c i a l s found to be involved i n the incident.

Sera Monastery rallied around Reting Rinpoche, who was one of their

members, when he was implicated in a plot to assassinate Stag-sgra

Regent by parcel bomb. To complicate matters further, the

investigation of Reting Rinpoche revealed that he had been negotiating

 C H R O N O L O G I C A L TABLE O F TIBETAN R U L E R S , BUDDHIST L I N E A G E G U R U S ,
282
A N D M A J O R C H A R I S M A T I C OFFICES

PERIOD O F REIGN DIVINE KINGS - THE YARLUNG DYNASTY < tho e n , i r e

Y
8 Dynasty is chronicled
o r l u n

by Haarh (1969)).
B.C. ? GNY'A-KHRI BTSAN-PO

A.D. 617-649 SRONG-BTSAN SGAM-PO (33rd KING)

j (introduces BUDDHISM to Tibet)
RNYING-MA-PA SECT
676-703 ' A D U S - S R O N G (36th KING)

(
755-797 K H R I - S R O N G LDE-BTSAN (38th KING)

{ (introduces P A D M A S A M B H A V A to Tibet)

815-836 RAL-PA-CAN (41sl KING)

}
836-842 G L A N G O A R - M A (42nd KING)

TIBET DECENTRALIZED (continue, to present)

842-1249 Tibet divides fnto principalities a n d Buddhist lineage gurus emerge.

BK'A-GDAMS-PA SECT

SA-SKYA SECT
982-1054 ATISA
BK'A-RGYUD-PA SECT
992-107* 'ABROG-MI
1012-1096 MARPA

1073 D K O N M C H O G R G Y A L P O 1057 'ABROM-STON founds

founds SA-SKYA M O N A S T E R Y RWA-SGRENGS MONASTERY

1040-1123 MI-LA-RAS-PA

SA-CHEN KUN-DG'A SNYING-PO

1092-1128

recognized as incarnation 1079-1153 SGAM-PO-PA

of two Bodhisattvas.

KARMA-PA I
DUS-BSUM-MKHYEN-PA S G O M - PA PHAG-MO-GRU
1110-1193 1116-1169 1118-1170

I I
KARMA-PA LINEAGE MTSHAl-PA LINEAGE ABRI-GUNG-PA
LINEAGE

STAG-LUNG-PA •ABRUG-PA
LINEAGE LINEAGE

^ designates b i o l o g i c a l descent BOLD FACE d e s i g n a t e s actual ruler of Tibet

| designates spiritual descent

Dates from Shakabpa 1967.

 283
C H R O N O L O G I C A L TABLE (CONTINUED)

PERIOD O F REIGN SA-SKYA HIERARCHS

1207 Tibetans submit to C H E N G H I S KHAN

1249 S A - S K Y A P A N D I T A given control over 13 myriarchies of central Tibet by P R I N C E G O D A N .

1253 ' A P H A G S - P A given control over 13 myriarchies of central Tibet by KUBLAI K H A N .

1261 ' A P H A G S - P A g i v e n rule over a l l of Tibet by KUBLAI K H A N .

1280-1350 SA-SKYA HIERARCHS

DGE-LUGS-PA SECT
FAMILY HEGEMONIES
1357-1419 TSONG-KHA-PA,
1350-1481 PHAG-MO-GRU-PA HEGEMONY disciple of BK'A-GDAMS-PA Lineage,
founds DGE-LUGS-PA SECT.
1481-1565 RIN-SPUNG HEGEMONY
DALAI LAMA I
1565-1642 GTSANG-PA HEGEMONY DGE-'ADUN GRUB-PA 1391-1475

DALAI LAMA II
DGE-'ADUN RGYA-MTSHO 1475-1542
THE DALAI LAMAS AND REGENTS
I
DALAI LAMA III
BSOD-NAMS RGYA-MTSHO 1543-1588
g i v e n title by ALTAN KHAN

DALAI LAMA IV
YON-TAN RGYA-MTSHO 1589-1617
(grandson of A L T A N KHAN)

DALAI L A M A V P A N C H E N LAMA I
BLO-BZANG CHOS-KYI
1642-1682 NGAG-DBANG BLO-BZANG RGYA-MTSHO 1617-1682
RGYAL-BTSAN 1570 1662
(creates office of the P A N C H E N LAMA (enthroned 1600)
and the office of the STATE O R A C L E ) I
P A N C H E N LAMA II
BLO-BZANG YE-SHES
1682-1695 S A N S - R G Y A S R G Y A - M T S H O , REGENT 1663-1737

1695-1705 Covertly ruled by S A N S - R G Y A S R G Y A - M T S H O

DALAI L A M A VI TSHANG-DBYANGS RGYA-MTSHO 1683 1706

INTERSESSIONAL GOVERNMENTS

1705-1717 LHA-SZANG KHAN

1717-1720 DG'A-LDAN DZUNGAR

1720 Office of Regent a b o l i s h e d a n d overlordship of Ch'ing Emperors of C h i n a b e g i n s .

The new Tibetan Government becomes a C o u n c i l of Ministers.

P A N C H E N LAMA III
1728-1747 PHO-LA MI-DBANG
BLO-BZANG DPAL-LDAN YE-SHES
1738-1780

1747-1750 'AGYUR-MED RNAM-RGYAL

 C H R O N O L O G I C A L TABLE (CONTINUED)
284

PERIOD O F REIGN RESUMPTION OF RULE BY DALAI LAMAS AND REGENTS

DALAI L A M A VII
1751-1757 B S K A L - B Z A N G R G Y A - M T S H O 1708-1757
P A N C H E N LAMAS

1757-1777 D E - M O RINPOCHE I REGENT

1777-1781 D G ' A - L D A N KHRI-PA I REGENT

D A L A I L A M A VIII
1781-1804 'AJAM-DPAL R G Y A - M T S H O 1758-1804

1804-1810 T A - T S A RINPOCHE I REGENT

DALAI L A M A IX L U N G - R T O G S R G Y A - M T S H O 1806-1815

1810-1819 D E - M O R I N P O C H E II REGENT

1819-1844 D G ' A - L D A N KHRI-PA II REGENT P A N C H E N LAMA IV

BSTON-P'AI NYI-MA 1781-1854
D A L A I L A M A X T S H U L - K H R I M S R G Y A - M T S H O 1816-1837.

P A N C H E N L A M A IV
1844- 1845 B S T O N - P ' A I N Y I M A 1781-1854

1845- 1862 R W A - S G R E N G S RINPOCHE I REGENT P A N C H E N LAMA V

CHOS-KYI S G R A G S - P A 1855-1882
DALAI L A M A XI MKHAS-'AGRUB RGYA-MTSHO 1838-1856

1862-1864 BSHAD-SGRA REGENT

1864-1871 D P A L - L D A N D O N - G R U B i REGENT

1871-1872 MKHEN-RAB DBANG-PHYUGS REGENT

DALAI L A M A XII
1873-1875 ' A P H R I N - L A S R G Y A - M T S H O 1856-1875

1875-1886 TA-TSA RINPOCHE II R E G E N T PANCHEN LAMA VI

CHOS-KYI NYI-MA 1883-1937
1886-1895 D E - M O RINPOCHE III REGENT

DALAI L A M A XIII
1895-1933 THUB-BSTAN R G Y A - M T S H O 1876-1933

re-establishes Tibetan i n d e p e n d e n c e from Chinese overlordship.

1933-1947 R W A - S G R E N G S RINPOCHE II REGENT

P A N C H E N LAMA VII
1947-1950 S T A G - S G R A RINPOCHE REGENT RGYAL-BTSAN .1938—

DALAI L A M A XIV

1950- 1959 BSTAN-'ADZIN R G Y A - M T S H O 1935-

1951- Tibet annexed to the People's Republic of China.

1959 L H A S A UPRISING - March 10,1959. The DALAI LAMA a n d 100,000 Tibetans flee from Tibet.
 285

secretly with Chiang Kai-shek. Reting Rinpoche died under house

arrest and the Sera monks revolted, looting and pillaging Lhasa for

several days. This potential c i v i l war was contained, however,

shortly before India gained independence.

The Fourteenth Dalai Lama and the Chinese Invasion

The Dalai Lama was invested with the f u l l powers of his office in

1949, when he was but fifteen years of age. In 1950, troops of the

People's Republic of China invaded Khams and Northwest Tibet. The

Dalai Lama l e f t Lhasa for the Chumbi Valley, near the Indian border.

The captured Governor of the Chab-mdo district of Khams became the

"head" of a Tibetan delegation who signed a treaty with China "for the

Peaceful Liberation of Tibet" in Peking (Richardson 1982:187). The

young Dalai Lama was persuaded to return to Lhasa, the Chinese

military occupation of Tibet proceeded swiftly, and the terms of the

treaty were violated with increasing frequency by the Chinese. One

violation of particular significance for our present purposes was the

Chinese attempt to reduce the temporal and spiritual power of the

Dalai Lama by granting further powers to the Panchen Lama and "the

right to maintain an army, which he had never previously enjoyed"

(Richardson 1982:191).

By 1954, roads from China to Lhasa were completed, and more

Chinese troops occupied Tibet. The Chinese grip on a l l aspects of

Tibetan l i f e strengthened and the Tibetans became increasingly

restive. Active guerrilla warfare against the Chinese had been waged
i n Khams and Amdo s i n c e 1950. On March 9, 1959, the D a l a i Lama was

i n v i t e d to a t t e n d (without e s c o r t ) a d i s p l a y a t the Chinese m i l i t a r y

b a r r a c k s i n Lhasa. The T i b e t a n people, f e a r i n g f o r the D a l a i Lama's

life, h e l d a g r e a t demonstration i n Lhasa, r e s o l v i n g t o defend him at

a l l cost. The demonstrations c o n t i n u e d and on March 17, "the Chinese

f i r e d two s h e l l s i n t o the grounds of the Norbu L i n g k a not f a r from the

D a l a i Lama's p a l a c e " ( R i c h a r d s o n 1982:209). That n i g h t the D a l a i Lama

f l e d t o I n d i a , e s c o r t e d by the Chu-bshi-gangs-drug ("Four R i v e r s , S i x

Ranges"), a T i b e t a n g u e r r i l l a army. F i g h t i n g broke out i n Lhasa and

o t h e r p a r t s of T i b e t , genocide and other a t r o c i t i e s followed, and

100,000 T i b e t a n s f o l l o w e d the D a l a i Lama i n t o e x i l e , dodging the

Chinese army as they escaped.

Conclusion

T h i s h i s t o r i c a l survey incorporates several s i g n i f i c a n t patterns

of l e g i t i m a t i n g r u l e and of l e g i t i m a t i n g c h a r i s m a t i c a u t h o r i t y i n

Tibetan history. T i b e t a n h i s t o r y , a c c o r d i n g t o Shakabpa (1967), began

w i t h the q u e s t i o n a b l e o r i g i n of a l i n e of d i v i n e k i n g s , a l i n e which

appears t o have proceeded without undue i n t r i g u e u n t i l the death of

the g r e a t k i n g Srong-btsan Sgam-po, when Srong-btsan Sgam-po's

c h i e f m i n i s t e r and h i s sons attempted to a p p r o p r i a t e r o y a l power. The

divine lineage did reassert i t s e l f , but not without fierce sibling

competition f o r the throne.

With K h r i - s r o n g Lde-btsan's o f f i c i a l adoption of Buddhism,

s i b l i n g r i v a l r y among the Y a r l u n g h e i r s and the a l l i a n c e s among

 287

Tibetan noble families became complicated by their allegiances either

to the Bon religion or to Buddhism. This conflict helped to

precipitate the eventual dissolution of the Yarlung Dynasty with the

assassination of Glang Dar-ma in 842, and contributed to the

decentralization of Tibet by precluding any unified support of Glang

Dar-ma's heirs.

Importantly, this decentralization was accompanied by the

emergence of various guru-inspired Buddhist lineages. A guru

tradition such as Tibetan Buddhism promises its followers salvation

through systematic achievement (a series of religious instructions and

initiations), and places the guru at the apex of the disciple's

devotion. Noble families sponsored such lineages through the

construction of monasteries, and frequently supplied the abbots and

administrators for these monasteries. If certain Tibetan noble

families utilized the guru tradition for their political ends, the

implication is that the systematic attainment of divine status proved

useful in counteracting the principle of a divine biological lineage

(the Yarlung Dynasty). However, the question then turned to which

mode of systematic attainment - that i s , which guru lineage - was to

be embraced. As Buddhism resurged i n Tibet, the conflict between the

supporters of various Buddhist sects, and, therefore, various Buddhist

gurus, was another factor preventing re-centralization of rule in

Tibet.

One of the most significant developments of these lineages was

the institution of the reincarnated lama, who became the head of a

spiritual lineage initiated by a guru. Though the gurus themselves

 288

did not r e i n c a r n a t e , t h e i r d i s c i p l e s d i d . In t h i s way, a Tibetan

Buddhist lineage provided i t s f o l l o w e r s with two distinct charismatic

p o s s i b i l i t i e s : a s y s t e m a t i c a l l y achieved office (the g u r u ) , and a

miraculously discovered office (the r e i n c a r n a t e d lama). That the

Sa-skyas and Karma-pas, who were major r i v a l s , e s t a b l i s h e d their

first r e s p e c t i v e i n c a r n a t i o n s a t roughly the same time (Sa-chen

(1092-1128) f o r the Sa-skyas and Dus-bsum Mkhyen-pa (1110-1193) f o r

the Karma-pas), suggests t h a t each s e c t was seeking a further

l e g i t i m a t i o n of i t s founding guru.

The Mongols u n i f i e d T i b e t when P r i n c e Godan, the grandson of

Genghis Khan, granted Sa-skya P a n d i t a temporal a u t h o r i t y over the

thirteen myriarchies of c e n t r a l T i b e t , and when K u b l a i Khan gave

'Aphags-pa c o n t r o l over a l l o f T i b e t . The Sa-skyas a p p l i e d the

premise t h a t every male of the founding 1

Akhon f a m i l y was an emanation

of a B o d h i s a t t v a t o the l e g i t i m a t i o n of the Sa-skya h i e r a r c h s

succeeding 'Aphags-pa. In t h i s way, the Sa-skyas combined their

b i o l o g i c a l p a t r i l i n e w i t h a m i r a c u l o u s l i n e a g e by e s t a b l i s h i n g a line

of h e r e d i t a r y r e i n c a r n a t e s . T h i s s t r a t e g y would appear to contain

both c h a r i s m a t i c p o s s i b i l i t i e s n e a t l y w i t h i n one f a m i l y , but the

Sa-skyas r u l e d T i b e t f o r o n l y about one hundred y e a r s , fading

p o l i t i c a l l y w i t h the s p l i t t i n g of the Mongol Empire.

The Karma-pa s e c t , as espoused by s u c c e s s i v e f a m i l y hegemonies,

challenged the Sa-skyas, and a t t a i n e d p o l i t i c a l dominance from about

1350-1578. But i n 1578, the Dge-lugs-pas gained the support of one

of the more powerful Mongols, A l t a n Khan, who bestowed upon Bsod-nams

Rgya-mtsho the t i t l e of " D a l a i Lama". The D a l a i Lamas, as spiritual

and temporal rulers of Tibet, represented a third strategy in the

evolution of Tibetan rule, since the discovery of a Dalai Lama was not

contingent upon his biological parentage. Though Bsod-nams Rgya-mtsho

f i r s t came to power chiefly in the province of Dbus, the Fifth Dalai

Lama ruled a l l of Tibet. He consolidated his temporal authority by

instituting formal ranks, dress codes, taxes, laws, envoys, and a

palace. He also, however, created two offices relating to his

spiritual authority, that of the Panchen Lama, a line of incarnations

representing the "spiritual father" of the Dalai Lama, and that of the

Nechung oracle, who served in locating and validating future Dalai

Lamas. Thus, the Fifth Dalai Lama created two "miraculous offices"

which would legitimate his own line of reincarnations.

The efforts of the Fifth Dalai Lama, however, to ensure the

authority of future Dalai Lamas, did not go unchallenged. The Manchus

interrupted the reign of the Seventh Dalai Lama by fostering a

short-lived temporal administration of lay ministers led by a man

awarded the title of "King of Tibet" by the Emperor. The Manchus also

attempted to cultivate a spiritual rival to the Dalai Lama in the

person of the Panchen Lama. This lay administration quickly gave way

to the supremacy of the religious hierarchy in Tibet, but the temporal

and spiritual rule of Tibet by the Dalai Lamas was not to resume until

the investiture of the Thirteenth. During this interim, Regents

tended to rule Tibet. Some of these Regents were themselves

reincarnated lamas, and several of these Regents' successive

reincarnations also became Regents. That several of these Regents had

an active hand in preventing the Dalai Lamas from reaching their

m a j o r i t y and assuming power, suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y of a r i v a l line

of Dge-lugs-pa r e i n c a r n a t e s . But Regents tended to be e l e c t e d on the

b a s i s of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l c o n n e c t i o n s and i n f l u e n c e (Shakabpa 1967).

Therefore, the m i r a c u l o u s o f f i c e of the D a l a i Lama was held

i n e f f e c t u a l l y from the E i g h t h through T w e l f t h D a l a i Lamas w h i l e the

Regents, as s y s t e m a t i c a c h i e v e r s , were the a c t i v e r u l e r s o f T i b e t .

The T h i r t e e n t h D a l a i Lama, the f i r s t to escape an untimely death

s i n c e the i n e f f e c t u a l r e i g n of the E i g h t h , c o n s o l i d a t e d h i s r u l e ,

f u r t h e r e d n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , and sustained fierce loyalty i n his

people. A f t e r h i s death, and p r i o r to the i n v e s t i t u r e of the

Fourteenth, however, another s i g n i f i c a n t r i v a l r y which n e a r l y r e s u l t e d

i n c i v i l war broke out between two r e i n c a r n a t e d lamas who contested

the o f f i c e of Regent.

A f i n a l p o i n t to be made f o r the p r e s e n t about the permutations

of c h a r i s m a t i c r u l e i n T i b e t a n h i s t o r y r e s t s w i t h the f a c t t h a t two

r e i n c a r n a t e s were r e c o g n i z e d among the s i b l i n g s o f the Fourteenth

D a l a i Lama. An e l d e r b r o t h e r was discovered to be the abbot of

Sku-'abum monastery i n Amdo, and a younger b r o t h e r was recognized as

Mng'a-ri Rinpoche, whose r e l i g i o u s dominion i s T i b e t ' s extreme western

province. Thus, as Dr. P a u l P r o v o s t ( p e r s . com. 1981) suggests,

w i t h i n one f a m i l y , the D a l a i Lama and two significant reincarnations

representing the geographic extremes of T i b e t were r e c o g n i z e d . This

f a m i l y of m u l t i p l e r e i n c a r n a t i o n s suggests the p o s s i b i l i t y pf a new

development i n the p a t t e r n i n g o f r u l e i n T i b e t .

The s t r a t e g i e s l e g i t i m a t i n g r u l e i n Tibet included divine kings,

gurus, r e i n c a r n a t e lamas, d i v i n e l a y n o b i l i t y , and hereditary

 291

incarnates. Paul (1982) has suggested that a solution to the Oedipal

dilemma might be found in the spiritual lineage, where teachings and

spiritual essence are transmitted from spiritual father (lama) to

spiritual son (disciple), obviating the need for women and the source

of struggle between father and son. Paul finds the institution of

reincarnation to be the perfect symbolic solution to Oedipal strife

since he concludes that the reincarnate gives birth to himself.

However, the Oedipal struggle is also a competition for legitimate

authority, and I would submit that the number of permutations Tibetans

have developed to respond to the question of legitimate rule suggests

that something more complex than generational rivalry is at stake.

While members of divine biological lineages and reincarnations

hold ascribed (and, in the case of the latter, "miraculously

ascribed") statuses, lineage gurus and calculating Regents demonstrate

the systematic attainment of their positions. The principle

underlying the legitimacy of ascribed status f i t s with the idiom of

rlung-rta, while that serving the legitimacy of achieved status

evokes the idiom of dbang. Since each principle has legitimated

charismatic office i n Tibet, and respectively has been seized upon to

rationalize a new form of charismatic rule, the superiority of one

principle over the other appears to have become problematic for

Tibetans.
 292

NOTES

1. Haarh (1969) chronicles different textual accounts of the

genealogy of the Yarlung Dynasty.
 293

CHAPTER IX

CONCLUSION

Tibetan ritual curing is primarily concerned with redressing what

Tibetans perceive to be disturbances in the moral order. Essentially,

these disturbances arise from conflicts over the appropriate use of

power, and the challenging of authority. The task of the curing

ritual, then, i s to manipulate the idioms of power in Tibetan society,

dbang and rlung-rta, so as to define authority. The manipulation of

idioms of power, however, Is not limited to Tibetan curing rituals; i t

is at once a strategy devised to legitimate Tibetan rulers, and a

strategy Dharmsala Tibetans apply to certain exigencies of l i f e in

exile.

The Efficient Causes of Spirit Attack and Concomitant Cures

Tibetans find two efficient causes of illnesses resulting from

spirit attack. One cause suggests that such an attack devolves from

the patient's error. This error is the patient's lack of respect for

(whether or not intentional) or infringement upon the legitimate

status claims of klu or lha. These two classes of numina, together

with human beings, comprise the three major divisions of the Tibetan

cosmos. Viewed synchronically, a trl-partite division forms the

 294

lowest common denominator of any hierarchy. Thus, the Tibetan idioms

of "offering" and "giving" reinforce the notion of human

responsibility for cosmic alignment.

Although exculpation does not attend the establishment of patient

responsibility for illness, i t does accompany the notion of a

successful cure. The strategy of the ritual cure when the patient has

aroused the "righteous" wrath of klu or lesser lha is the most pacific

strategy in the Tibetan ritual repertoire - that of intentional

appeasement. No subterfuge is involved. The patient must supplicate

with his or her "offerings" or "givings". However, the patient w i l l

not be cured unless the klu or lha accept the supplication. Herein

lies the uncertainty. Lesser lha are described as jealous, touchy

beings, while klu can be headstrong, unforgiving, and also rather

dim-witted. The respective personae assigned to klu and lesser lha do

not necessarily bode well for anyone wishing to gain their favour -

one cannot, after a l l , befriend a klu. Their acceptance, then, of

the patient's apology depends upon the rlung-rta of the patient. In

this way, the cure of such s p i r i t attacks signals the patient's

participation in grace. Furthermore, the patient must make his

offering with 'pure intent' - that i s , with no thought to his personal

status gain by making the offering. This removes the notion of

systematic advancement from the context of rlung-rta and from the

context of the cure.

The second efficient cause presents the patient as "innocent"

victim. Here, e v i l klu or lha, demons, and ghosts are the agents of

illness, and the strategies of ritual cure become more complex. Evil
klu or lha do f i t within the spectrum of the legitimate hierarchy, and

are thus addressed through what Tibetans refer to as peaceful means.

But these recalcitrant klu and lha are tricked into accepting a

substitute (a term I prefer to "ransom" in this case) for the patient.

The substitute draws in these numina because they are attracted to and

deceived by its external appearances - clothing, shape, wealth, and

name - a l l criteria which Tibetans apply to determine someone's

status.

Tibetan demons and ghosts appear rather interestingly as disease

agents, for these demons and ghosts seem to be caught in the

interstices of the Tibetan cosmic hierarchy. In Dharmsala (and, I

suspect, in other Tibetan settlements), ghosts accused of attacking

humans are not yi-dwags, rather they are s t i l l attached to the human

realm. A ghost's rnam-shes, after a l l , has not travelled through

bar-do and on to another rebirth. Demons are also curious phenomena.

Certain demons appear to be ghosts who have managed to escape exorcism

for a sufficient time to build up imposing strength and succeed in

attracting followers. These demons may be either indigenous Tibetan

demons who have eluded the efforts of tantrie masters such as

Padmasarabhava to convert them into defenders of Buddhism, or belong to

the category of rgyal-po, the monk, dge-bshes, or lama 'gone

wrong'. The latter category is, perhaps, the most threatening in that

i t points to the possibility of hierarchical ascent through unethical

means and allows for the creation of new demons.

In the event of an attack from evil spirits, the patient is

exculpated more directly. The success of the exorcism (and the cure),
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however-, depends upon the dbang of the exorcist. While the rgyas-ba

and dbang-bo strategies of exorcism f u l f i l l the status ambitions of

the evil spirits, the drag-po mode, which involves the annihilation

and transformation of the s p i r i t , i s applied as a final measure. The

evil being, in such cases, i s f i r s t trapped or embodied in a human

form (the ling-ga). If we pursue the symbolic implications of this

entrapment, then the spirit becomes subject once more to the norms of

the legitimate hierarchy and to the fluctuations of rlung-rta.

Therefore, susceptibility to rlung-rta i s , for the evil s p i r i t , a

consequence of i t s losing a dbang competition with the exorcist.

The ascent of hierarchy corresponds to the accumulation of dbang,

and dbang connotes both spiritual power and the ability to influence

others, or, perhaps, to collect followers. But dbang i s available to

both humans and non-humans, i t serves those in the legitimate

hierarchy as i t serves those who might construct an alternate

hierarchy. Rlung-rta, however, establishes the superiority of the

legitimate hierarchy since i t can only be obtained from the lha,

and, thus, has a unidirectional flow. The patient who has

transgressed against the legitimate hierarchy must efface himself

before the offended klu or lha and gain no status from a generous

prestation to these numina, and depend, to a large extent, upon

rlung-rta. On the other hand, the patient who i s victimized by evil

spirits must apply to the exorcist. The exorcist, on behalf of the

patient (and often on behalf of the community), deflects, deceives, or

transforms the ambitions of the evil s p i r i t . In so doing, the

exorcist endeavors to protect the legitimate ascent of the hierarchy.

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In the c o n t e x t of c u r e , then, the a p p l i c a t i o n of dbang i n f o r m s the

n o t i o n o f p o s s i b l e h i e r a r c h i c a l a s c e n t , w h i l e r e l i a n c e upon r l u n g - r t a

h i n t s a t s u b m i s s i o n to the s t a t u s quo.

Baraka, R l u n g - r t a , Dbang, and Mana

I t i s a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t we t u r n once more to baraka. The

Hamadsha c u l t i d e o l o g y pays p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n t o the l e g i t i m a t e

t r a n s f e r and p o s s e s s i o n of baraka. I t can be t r a n s m i t t e d o n l y by

the d i r e c t descendant of a s a i n t l y l i n e a g e or by a c u l t adept i n an

extraordinary state. But the p a t i e n t who r e c e i v e s baraka cannot

h i m s e l f t r a n s m i t i t nor can he s y s t e m a t i c a l l y a c q u i r e i t . Baraka

resembles r l u n g - r t a i n these r e s p e c t s . Baraka resembles dbang i n t h a t

it can be passed from f a t h e r to son i n a s a i n t l y l i n e a g e ( o r as i n the

t r a n s m i s s i o n of dbang from lama to d i s c i p l e ) , or o b t a i n a b l e through

s a i n t l y p a r a p h e r n a l i a (as would dbang be o b t a i n a b l e from T i b e t a n

amulets, the robe of a D a l a i Lama, e t c . ) and from the s a i n t s '

descendants (as would be a b l e s s i n g from a h i g h lama, one renowned f o r

h i s r e l i g i o u s knowledge, or r e i n c a r n a t e lama, known to T i b e t a n s as a

sprul-sku).

I f , as G e e r t z s u g g e s t s , the containment o f baraka has been a

f o c u s o f Moroccan c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y , and the containment of baraka

i m p l i e s the " e l e v a t i o n o f . . . h e r e d i t a r y charisma o v e r . . . p e r s o n a l

c h a r i s m a " (1971:45), then what might be a t play i n T i b e t a n cultural

history? I f dbang and r l u n g - r t a symbolize a s p e c t s of charisma, then

how do these a s p e c t s i n f o r m the l e g i t i m a t i o n of a u t h o r i t y i n T i b e t ?

To answer this question, we must also consider the concept of mana i n

Polynesia.

Firth (1940) defines mana as success in one's enterprises and the

ability to influence and attract followers. Mana points up the

f u t i l i t y of relying upon an empirical causality linking competence to

a guaranteed result. Mana rationalizes good fortune and promises

future success. The most powerful Polynesian chiefs were considered

to have the greatest amount of mana, and this consideration, i n

turn, brought them more subordinates. These connotations of mana link

i t to dbang, but mana also applies to the ability to commit moral

transgressions with impunity. In this context, mana echoes rlung-rta.

Mana, according to Handy (1927), is divinely transmitted through the

Polynesian chiefly lineages, but is also systematically acquired by

ritual priests. Mana could, however, be lost to both chief and

priest. A chief slain in battle gave proof of his Inferior or waning

mana. Equally, a wise man who lost in debating with other wise men

demonstrated his loss of mana. Witchcraft, pollution, or a moral

transgression could result in such a loss of mana. Given the *

Polynesian exegeses for the loss of mana, Tibetans would suggest that

the Polynesian's dbang was superceded by his low rlung-rta, implying

that rlung-rta legitimated dbang.

The crisp distinction Tibetans draw between dbang and rlung-rta

sets systematic attainment of power apart from unsystematic attainment

of power. The distinction blurs, however, when Tibetans manipulate

personal and hereditary charisma. This overlapping of personal and

hereditary charisma may be seen in the varieties of charismatic office

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found i n Tibetan society.

The Permutations of Tibetan Charismatic Office

At least seven types of charismatic office obtained i n Tibet: (1)

divine kings; (2) Buddhist lineage gurus; (3) reincarnate lamas; (4)

hereditary lamas; (5) reincarnate oracles; (6) hereditary oracles; and

(7) the descendants of divine kings and the kindred of high

reincarnate lamas. The line of divine kings ended with the death of

Glang Dar-ma in 842; that of the Buddhist lineage gurus, with the

death of Tsong-kha-pa, founder of the Dge-lugs-pa school in 1419.

In Weber's definition, genuine charisma must be devoid of "objectified

form" in that i t does not "appeal to an enacted or traditional order,

nor does f i t base i t s claims upon acquired rights" (1968:39). Charisma

is, rather, the recognition of personal revelation or heroism. In the

interest of social stability, however, charisma becomes rationalized

into institutions, and serves to legitimate the acquisition of

sovereign power (Weber 1968:39).

In Tibet, the 'pure' charismatics, as Weber defines them, were

the Buddhist lineage gurus. But, interestingly, these gurus did not

reincarnate, i t was their disciples who did. The reincarnate lama,

then, presents a charismatic figure distinct from the guru, and

represents one of the five types of charismatic office retained by

Tibetans in exile.

Sprul-skus or reincarnate lamas are thought to be emanation

bodies of Bodhisattvas. The i n i t i a l sprul-sku of any lineage

 300

corresponds to just such an emanation. However, a subsequent

sprul-sku may incarnate but one aspect of that emanation - that i s ,

the body, speech, or mind of the previous sprul-sku. Hence, the new

incarnation of a sprul-sku may be found to be embodied simultaneously

in three different persons. The potential for multiple embodiments of

one sprul-sku, then, would compound the number of reincarnates in

Tibet. There are estimates of one thousand or more living

incarnations prior to 1959 (see Samuels 1973b).

The successive reincarnations of a disciple emphatically

legitimate the teachings, and, therefore, the religious lineage of the

disciple's guru. Hereditary reincarnate lamas exist in the persons of

the Sa-skya hierarchs and in various sngags-pa lineages.

Reincarnations are ranked in their order of importance - that i s ,

whether or not they are spiritual lineage heads or associated with the

greater monasteries. Almost every monastery had i t s sprul-sku, who

would often function as i t s abbot. Thus, a reincarnate lama may have

served to legitimate or raise the status of the monastery i t s e l f .

Moreover, the institution of the reincarnate lama itself could be

interpreted as a signal to potential followers that the need for or

recognition of other gurus has been obviated.

Within the Tibetan schema, oracles also f i l l a charismatic

office, but oracles transmit charisma in a different manner. An

oracle is not the emanation body of a Bodhisattva, but the vehicle for

a chos-skyong (a defender of Buddhism). Though the person of the

oracle may not be considered to be charismatic, the office of the

oracle i s . Major monasteries sought the advice of their specific

 301

o r a c l e s , and, a s I noted i n Chapter V I I I , the F i f t h D a l a i Lama c r e a t e d

the o f f i c e o f t h e Nechung O r a c l e . The T i b e t a n Government and the

D a l a i Lama c o n s u l t e d the Nechung (Gnas-chung) O r a c l e , who a l s o

p r e d i c t e d t h e p a r t i c u l a r s o f a D a l a i Lama's r e b i r t h and v e r i f i e d the

candidates f o r that o f f i c e . Prince Peter (1978:296) r e f e r s t o the

Nechung O r a c l e as an i n c a r n a t i o n who was not a lama and n o t ,

t h e r e f o r e , n e c e s s a r i l y s u b j e c t t o a vow o f c e l i b a c y . The Nechung

' c a l l i n g ' , however, was not t r a n s m i t t e d g e n e a l o g i c a l l y , but through

' d i s c o v e r y ' as i s the case w i t h r e i n c a r n a t e lamas.

Not a l l important oracles are discovered. Some t r a n s m i t

matrilineally or p a t r i l i n e a l l y . A young government o f f i c e r expressed

t o me h i s disappointment i n t h e son o f t h e p r e v i o u s Dg'a-ldan o r a c l e .

Although he was expected t o assume t h e o f f i c e o f h i s deceased f a t h e r

and was p r e p a r i n g f o r the t a s k , he d i d n o t appear t o be r e c e i v i n g the

' c a l l i n g ' - t h a t i s , he was unable t o become possessed by t h e d e i t y .

O r a c l e s may a l s o be female. The most famous o r a c l e i n Dharmsala,

a p a r t from t h e Nechung, i s a l a d y who i s possessed by Lha-mo

Gyu-sgron. I n her f a m i l y , t h e o f f i c e has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been passed

from mother t o daughter.

The seventh c h a r i s m a t i c o f f i c e i n T i b e t a n s o c i e t y i s t h a t o f t h e

sku-draa, which means, l i t e r a l l y , "the possessor of a superior

body". Many persons i n t h i s c a t e g o r y p a r a l l e l those i n t h e Moroccan

saintly l i n e a g e groups d e s c r i b e d by Crapanzano (1973). Others a r e

descendants o f t h e r u l e r s o f t h e v a r i o u s T i b e t a n m y r i a r c h i e s prior to

t h e i r c o n s o l i d a t i o n under Sa-skya P a n d i t a , descendants o f those

noble familes intimately connected with the rise of spiritual

lineages, and the immediate families of the Dalai Lamas. To be a

sku-drag is to be born as one, but care must be taken to maintain this

status. There are, for example, criteria - speech, clothing, wealth,

associates, and even a walk - which describe a sku-drag. A sku-drag

must use honorific language, dress well, sustain his wealth, and

attract followers - the cham-cha or "spoons", who must always be at

his side. A peculiar penguin-like step (the sku-drag peb-dang) which

forces the walker to turn his body from one side to the other is also

appropriate to the status. With such a walk, i t is said that a male

sku-drag can turn to face and acknowledge respectful greetings from

anyone who might be viewing him from the side lines.

If dbang and rlung-rta symbolize two charismatic frames, then, as

befits Weber's pure type, systematically gained charisma (dbang)

is less desirable than is unsystematic charisma (rlung-rta). The

correct accumulation of dbang should theoretically enable a monk to

become a new lineage guru. But such cases have not occurred i n Tibet

since Tsong-kha-pa, and the preoccupation that some Tibetan

exorcisms have with "monks gone wrong" suggests that new lineage gurus

might be undesirable (cf. Samuels 1978b) as are new founders of

Moroccan saintly lineages (Crapanzano 1973). If we transfer the

dichotomy of systeraatic/unsystematic into the sphere of succession to

charismatic office, the more predictable the succession, the less

valued (for the most part) is the charismatic office. Hereditary

lamas (with the exception of the Sa-skya hierarchs) would not be

ranked as high as reincarnates, who may turn up anywhere. Thus,

Tibetans have developed a religious system within which

unsystematically acquired office, the reincarnate lama, implicitly

legitimates systematically acquired office, the lineage guru. The

status of the reincarnate lama, however, is related directly to the

religious, economic, and p o l i t i c a l standing of his monastery.

Exile and the Continuity of Charismatic Office

The continuity of Tibetan charismatic offices i n exile has become

an issue of concern in exile Tibetan society. The Dalai Lama, who i s

the unquestioned temporal leader of the Tibetans in exile, fostered

considerable anxiety amongst Tibetans when, i n 1975, he declared in a

BBC-TV interview "that 'most probably' he is the last Dalai Lama, and

in due course his qualification - most probably - i s likely to be

forgotten" (Wangyal 1976:3). Among the significant questions raised

by the Dalai Lama's declaration, was whether or not the Dalai Lama had

the right to end the succession of Dalai Lamas (1976:3). The Panchen

Lama, who lives in Peking and regularly "invites" the Dalai Lama to

return to Tibet, has been accused by some Tibetans of not being a

"true reincarnation" of the Panchen Lama, while other Tibetans

consider him to be a prisoner of the Chinese.

The emergence of reincarnate lamas in exile has become less

"predictable" than i n Tibet. Some Tibetans note that the fate of many

of Tibet's reincarnate lamas who did not escape Tibet in 1959 is not

known. If the deaths of these lamas are not a certainty, the process

of discovering their reincarnations becomes problematic. Furthermore,

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the discovery of reincarnate lamas in exile has enhanced the concept

of the "unpredictable incarnation", since some of the new

reincarnations are not Tibetan (or Mongolian, as i n the case of the

Fourth Dalai Lama). An Indian boy and a Canadian boy, for example,

have been recognized by Tibetan lamas as being the reincarnations of

important sprul-skus who died in Tibet.

Reincarnated lamas, have in general, considerable latitude in

Tibetan society with respect to their actions. They may, for example,

break their vows of celibacy and marry. Tibetans rationalize such

conduct by saying "no one can t e l l what a sprul-sku w i l l do."

However, in the 1970's, Dharmsala Tibetans "lost" two of their high

Dge-lugs-pa reincarnate lamas, who married Western women. These

marriages created much concern among Dharmsala Tibetans, who expressed

fears that the marriages could become a trend, and that the Tibetans

would then be l e f t with few reincarnate lamas.

The legitimacy of oracles is another contemporary issue among

Tibetans in exile. Considerable controversy has arisen, for example,

with respect to Rdor-rje Shugs-ldan (see Chapter V), and to a number

of false oracles known in the Tibetan settlements. Prince Peter

reports that some controversy surrounded the advice of the Nechung

Oracle concerning the course of action to be taken by the Dalai Lama

when the Chinese invaded the Chumbi valley in 1910:

Twice the oracle said that he [the Dalai Lama] should stay
in Tibet despite attempts by the government to get him to
say the contrary. I t is said that i t was eventually
discovered that he had been bribed to deliver his message by
the pro-Chinese monks of Sera (1978:297).
 305

Many educated young Dharmsala males subscribe to Prince Peter's

skepticism. The occurrence of false oracles attests to the

illegitimate aspirations of certain people to the office of oracle.

The controversy surrounding the Nechung Oracle may serve a similar

purpose.

Despite the fact that the status of sku-drag or aristocrat is

both disavowed and one to which people aspire, the status, as a

charismatic office, is the most easily defined. In Tibet, sku-drags

were accorded respect by the commoners, and, in exile, they continue,

albeit to a lesser extent, to receive such. Certain young, educated

Tibetans may sometimes choose to disassociate themselves from this

aristocracy, since they find bad connotations in the t i t l e . When two

Tibetans who are conversing, for example, happen to notice a sku-drag

walking past, one may say to the other "Sku-drag peb-song!"

("Look, a sku-drag is coming!"). However, his companion may well

answer, "Ka-re sku-drag? Kong sku-khrag!" ("How Is he a

superior being? He's a superior blood-sucker!"). This reference to a

"blood-sucker" invokes the role of a sku-drag as a money-lender, a

function which was also performed by some monasteries. However,

negative terms of reference applied to aristocrats may serve to

dissuade people from status ambitions as the use of names such as

khyi-skyag ("dog excrement") diverts the ambitions of demons.

Though some Tibetans might question the ethics of a sku-drag,

others aspire to the status. Young government officers posted i n high

positions may be consigned such status in the Tibetan settlements, but

their pleasure at the title may well make them the butts of jokes in
the settlements and upon their return visits to friends In Dharmsala.

The leader of a Dharmsala shopkeeper skyld-sdug (cf. Miller 1956),

which is essentially a benevolent society looking to certain social

needs of its members, often leads the singing of the Tibetan national
9

anthem at bsangs-gsol (incense-burning) ceremonies in Dharmsala.

Since this man is the master of ceremonies at this particular stage of

the r i t u a l , he has been known to "take advantage" of his situation and

deliver his p o l i t i c a l opinions to the assembly, which may include

government o f f i c i a l s , members of the Dalai Lama's Cabinet, as well as

monks and lamas. He has earned the nickname "Sku-dngon don-gcod",

which means "representative of the Tibetan Bureau". Thus, Tibetans

abjure envy of sku-drag status symbolically by applying a pun or

hyperbole of the word sku-drag as a term of reference.

The Moral Order and Dharmsala Tibetans

Tibetan refugee society has faced severe challenges to its

p o l i t i c a l , economic, and moral integrity. I t is not my purpose here

to chronicle these portentous issues in the history of Dharmsala

Tibetans, but rather to address obliquely the c r i t i c a l issue of their

future, whether this future entails a return to the native land,

political and social integration into the host country, or some other

possibility, Tibetans who cast an eye to their future are convinced of

the importance of preserving Tibetan tradition. If the Tibetan "moral

order" sustains the means to manipulate external and Internal threats

to i t s integrity, the exigencies of l i f e in exile cannot pose

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insurmountable ideological challenges to the refugees.

One of these challenges proceeds from the "Western Interface",

which includes the Western benefactors and tourists who have

underwritten the economic survival of exile Tibetans. Western

benefactors, especially sponsors of Tibetan schoolchildren (as I

discussed in Chapter II), may impose Western norms of g i f t exchange

upon the students by actively discouraging any transmission of the

gift "down the line". Though these Westerners occupy the prestigious

role of sbyin-bdag, a person who sponsors a monk, a monastery, or a

Buddhist ritual i n Tibetan society, they may work against the

fundamental tenets of Tibetan social hierarchy. Western expectations

of reciprocity may not f i t with those held by Tibetans. If a

sponsored child is discouraged from passing his or her g i f t "down the

line" to other children, then the child is discouraged from f u l f i l l i n g

his or her moral obligation to the Tibetan social hierarchy. In a

"showcase" institute like the Tibetan Children's Village, which is

currently deemed to be the best Tibetan school and the one which

receives the most lavish Western sponsorship, the "Interface" between

Tibetan child and Western sponsor, then, can be a c r i t i c a l juncture

for Tibetans.

This c r i t i c a l juncture casts a new light on the performance of

the rare and wrathful Dur-sri Exorcism at the Tibetan Children's

Village. The exorcism was a dbang contest between Dharmsala's most

powerful sngags-pa and several categories of evil spirits. The focus

of the exorcism was upon the capture of disembodied e v i l emanations

and their transformation into a humanoid form. This transformation

 308

emphasized the fact that the e v i l emanations were now submissive to

the legitimate hierarchy and subject to the fluctuations of rlung-rta.

The second and third parts of the exorcism dealt with lesser evils.

The message accompanying their exorcism suggested that although these

beings would not be annihilated, but only exiled, their assumptions

about status were entirely inappropriate. Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum and the

recalcitrant klu could, after a l l , be rather easily deceived.

The Tibetan Children's Village represents one of the refugee

Tibetans' brightest hopes for coming generations who are educated in

Western sciences, but who embrace the traditional Tibetan world view.

This ideal hinges upon a rather delicate balance of Western

sponsorship with the Tibetan prestige system. Thus, without drawing

too close a parallel between Western sponsors and the recalcitrant

beings exorcised in the Dur-sri ritual, I suggest that the exorcism,

with its attention to status in the legitimate hierarchy, points up

the importance of an idiom Western prestige systems disavow, the

importance of rlung-rta.

The economic base of most McLeod Ganj Tibetans is "business",

and, with the exception of a dozen or so shops, "business" in McLeod

Ganj refers to sweater-selling. These Tibetans pin the success of

their business ventures on rlung-rta. Accordingly, business people

habitually go to lamas for dice divinations in order to determine the

best places to s e l l their sweaters, and to learn whether or not their

business ventures w i l l prove profitable. Though purchasing the

sweaters wholesale in the Punjab, transporting them to Indian

hill-stations and other likely spots, protecting one's investments,

and conducting the actual business of selling are considered by

Tibetans to demand considerable s k i l l , a successful sweater-selling

season is determined by individual rlung-rta. Once these McLeod

Ganj Tibetans return from their business sojourns, however, they

occupy themselves with gossip about Dharmsala politics. During their

off-season, then, McLeod Ganj Tibetans concern themselves with

Dharmsala politics, and with which politicians have attracted greater

followings. Thus, the interest of the sweater-sellers turns from the

state of their individual rlung-rta to the state of the politicians'

and government o f f i c i a l s ' dbang.

While rlung-rta Is an unequivocal good for Tibetans of McLeod

Ganj, dbang is viewed ambivalently. McLeod Ganj Tibetans immerse

themselves in the vagaries of Tibetan politics and, on occasion, take

exception to the behavior of high o f f i c i a l s . Western benefactors

often appear to share a particular image of Tibetans (see DeVoe 1983),

an image which many refugee Tibetans take pains to polish. The

concern for "appropriate" presentation of the public self has led to

several notorious, albeit anonymous, wall-posters mimeographed and

tacked up in McLeod Ganj. These wall-posters denigrate certain

persons in high positions, who, i n the opinion of the writer(s), have

not conducted themselves in a manner appropriate to their roles. Some

Tibetans suggest that the indiscretions of an important o f f i c i a l were,

perhaps, tolerable in pre-1959 Tibet, but that now, in exile, the

conduct of a Tibetan o f f i c i a l contributes significantly to the social

image of the entire refugee community.

In exile, Tibetans also encounter foreign magical practitioners

 310

in the persons of Indian saddhus. Although Tibetans are well aware of

the ambiguous power of their own tantric specialist, the sngags-pa,

they treat a saddhu with greater caution. Saddhus, according to the

interpretation offered by some Tibetans, learned of the Tibetans'

generosity in giving to beggars who often line the roads to Tibetan

temples on the days of major Buddhist ritual celebrations. Thus, the

saddhus too began to flock to major Tibetan communities such as

Dharmsala.

The Tibetans, however, soon discovered that saddhus had the power

to curse, and would be best avoided. Tibetans attribute a saddhu's

curse to his irritation when he is refused money. Though Tibetans

concede that saddhus have a legitimate right to seek alms during days

particularly sacred to saddhus, they tire of saddhus who are

constantly present. Hence, the saddhus symbolize a negative

reinforcement for the Tibetan who f a i l s to uphold his moral social

obligation by "giving down", as well as provide a further example of

the dangers of self-acquired power. Though avoidance is the preferred

tactic adopted by lay Tibetans when dealing with saddhus, the saddhus

pose a different problem for Tibetan monks and lamas, who must

actively respond to the challenge of "unethical" power.

A further example of the manipulation of threats to the integrity

of Tibetan refugee society may be found in the new election procedures

established for the Tibetan Deputies (as I noted at the end of Chapter

V). The TIPA opera exorcism addressed the problem of deputies who had

obtained power and were applying i t inappoprlately. Though the

resolution of this situation appeared at f i r s t to be found in the

 311

Tibetan people's failure to return these deputies to office, i t may

now be found i n the "restructuring" of the Tibetan electoral process.

If the candidates for the office of People's Deputy are to be only

nominated, but not chosen by the people, then candidates have lost the

potential to obtain a substantial p o l i t i c a l following. In his effort

to circumvent the political factions threatening the continuity of the

formerly democratic Institution of the Tibetan People's Deputies

(Wangyal 1982:3), the Dalai Lama agreed to select the deputies from

the people's nominations. Thus, in the interest of a united Tibetan

refugee society, Tibetans have expressed a preference for what from

the human perspective is unsystematic achievement - selection by the

Dalai Lama - over the systematic achievement promised by political

campaigns.

Conclusion

As I suggested above, i f the Tibetan "moral order" sustains the

means to withstand or manipulate threats to i t s integrity, then the

exigencies of l i f e In exile cannot pose insurmountable ideological

challenges. I submit that the idioms of rlung-rta and dbang, as two

alternative symbols of charisma, provide Tibetans with just such

means, serving as a "discourse which tells how one should act in

response to the manifestation of power" (Ricoeur 1976:62). Of the two

symbols, however, rlung-rta appears to have gained ascendency. The

pattern of legitimation of rule in Tibet, which has worked to create a

hierarchy of charismatic offices, evolved into a particular variant of

 312

a s c r i b e d s t a t u s , the u n p r e d i c t a b l e h e r e d i t y of a D a l a i Lama. The most

w r a t h f u l form of T i b e t a n exorcism s u b j e c t s the power of an e v i l spirit

once more t o the v a g a r i e s of r l u n g - r t a . Furthermore, Dharmsala

T i b e t a n s appear t o r a t i o n a l i z e c e r t a i n c h a l l e n g e s emerging i n the

course of l i f e i n e x i l e by e x p r e s s i n g a p r e f e r e n c e f o r a s c r i b e d over

a c h i e v e d power, f o r r l u n g - r t a over dbang, and f o r the u n p r e d i c t a b l e

over the s y s t e m a t i c . T h i s p r e f e r e n c e i s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the d e s i r e of

T i b e t a n r e f u g e e s t o n u r t u r e t h e i r v i s i o n of T i b e t amidst the reality

of exile life.

Some T i b e t a n s a r e c o n v i n c e d , however, t h a t i f the T i b e t a n s a r e t o

r e a l i z e t h e i r i d e a l i z e d f u t u r e of " l i v i n g i n a s o v e r e i g n T i b e t " , the

emphasis i n t h i s T i b e t a n " d i s c o u r s e of power" must s h i f t . One young

T i b e t a n , who was not too s u c c e s s f u l i n h i s attempt i n the e a r l y 1970's

to r e c r u i t o t h e r young T i b e t a n s t o f i g h t i n the g u e r r i l l a war in

Mustang, s a i d , " I w i l l support T i b e t a n s who a r e extreme l e f t i s t s , or

extreme r e a c t i o n a r i e s , so l o n g as they a r e doing something." As an

a f t e r t h o u g h t , he remarked, "We have s a i n t s , but we have no heroes."

 313

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 320

APPENDIX
GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN TERMS

Note
Entries are alphabetized as i n English, including Tibetan prefix
letters. Approximate English pronunciations follow the Tibetan terms.

a-cug (a-chug) "the knucklebone of a sheep"

ama-lags (ama-lags) "respected mother"

Amdo (Amdo) northeastern province of Tibet

ani (ani) "Buddhist nun"

'Abri-gung-pa (Drigungpa) "Bk'a-rgyud-pa sub-sect"

'abrog-pa (drog-pa) "nomad"

'Abrog-mi (Drogmi) "founder of Sa-skya sect"

'Abrom-ston (Dromston) "founder of Rwa-sgrengs monastery"

'Abrug-pa (Drugpa) "Bk'a-rgyud-pa sub-sect"

'Adus-srong (Dusong) "36th king of Tibet"

'agrong-ba (drong-ba) "slain and transformed powerful evils"

'Agyur-med Rnam-rgyal (Gyurme Namgyal) "son of Pho-la Mi-dbang"

'Ajam-dpal-dbyangs (Jambeyang) "Manjusri"

'Ajam-dpal Rgya-mtsho (Jamba Gyatso) "8th Dalai Lama"

'Ajig-med (Jigme) "Tibetan name meaning 'fearless'"

'Akhon (Khon) "family generating the Sa-skya lineage"

'Aod-dpag-med (O-pa-me) "Amitabha Buddha"

'Aphags-pa (Phag-pa) "a Sa-skya hierarch"

'Aphrin-las Rgya-mtsho (Tinley Gyatso) "12th Dalai Lama"

ba-mo (bamo) "a type of witch"

bar-chad (bar-che) "obstruction"

 321

bar-do (bardo) "limbo period between births"

bde-legs (de-lek) "prosperity, good fortune"

bdud (du) "a male demon"

bdud-mo (dumo) "a female demon"

bgegs (geeg) "a class of demons"

Bk'a-gdams-pa (Kadampa) "Tibetan Buddhist sect"

Bk'a-rgyud-pa (Kargyupa) "Tibetan Buddhist sect"

Bk'a-shag (Kashag) "Ministers of the Dalai Lama"

bla (la) "the secondary soul which does not transmigrate"

bu (pu) "boy"

bu-mo (pu-mo) " g i r l "

bla-khug tshe-khug (la-gug tse-gug) "ritual for return of soul and

return of l i f e "

bla-ma (lama) "religious teacher"

Blo-bzang Chos-kyi Rgyal-btsan (Lobsang Choky1 Gyaltsen) "1st Panchen

Lama"

Blo-bzang Dpal-ldan Ye-shes (Lobsang Panden Yeshe) "3rd Panchen Lama"

Blo-bzang Ye-shes (Lobsang Yeshe) "2nd Panchen Lama"

Bon (Bon) "pre-Buddhist Tibetan religion"

bram-ze (dram-ze) "priestly caste"

bsangs (sang) "incense, preferably juniper branches"

bsangs-gsol (sang-so) "incense (juniper) offering"

Bshad-sgra (Shatra) "a regent of Tibet"

Bskal-bzang Rgya-mtsho (Kelsang Gyatso) "7th Dalai Lama"

bsod-nams (so-nam) "merit"

Bsod-nams Rgya-mtsho (Sonam Gyatso) "3rd Dalai Lama"

 322

Bstan-'adzin Rgya-mtsho (Tenzin Gyatso) "14th Dalai Lama"

Bston-pai Nyi-ma (Tempa Nyima) "4th Panchen Lama"

btsan (tsen) "a class of deities, the ghost of a warrior killed in

battle, the progeny of a marriage between a human and a klu"

bum-pa (bum-pa) "a ritual water vessel"

cham (cham) "monastic dance"

cham-cha (Hindi) "a spoon, apple-polisher"

chang (chang) "barley, rice, or millet beer"

chos ched-ba (cho chewa) "to perform a religious ritual"

chos-rgyal (cho-gyal) "religious king, or oracle"

Chos-kyl Nyi-ma (Chokyi Nyima) "6th Panchen Lama"

Chos-kyi Sgrags-pa (Chokyi Trakpa) "5th Panchen Lama"

chos-skyong (cho-kyong) "protectors of Buddhism, usually manifest as

oracles"

Chu-bshi-gangs-drug (Chushlgangdrug) "Four Rivers, Six Ranges" -

Tibetan resistance group

damaru (Sanskrit) "double-headed pellet drum made from human skulls or

wood"

dar-chog (dar-chog) "prayer flag"

dbang (wang) "spiritual power, power"

dbang-bo (wang-bo) "a powerful mode of exorcism"

dbang tang (wang-tang) "one's accumulation of dbang"

Dbus (U) central province of Tibet

Dg'a-ldan (Ganden) "a Dge-lugs-pa monastery"

Dg'a-ldan Khri-pa (Ganden Tripa) "a regent of Tibet"

Dge-'Adun Grub-pa (Gendun Drubpa) "1st Dalai Lama"

 323

Dge-'Adun Rgyat-mtsho (Gendun Gyatso) "2nd Dalai Lama"

dge-ba gtong-ba (ge-wa tong-ba) "to give down to lesser beings"

dge-bshes (geshe) "monastic degree in Dge-lugs-pa schools"

Dge-lugs-pa (Gelugpa) "a Tibetan Buddhist sect"

dge-slong (ge-long) "fully ordained Buddhist monk"

dge-tshul (ge-tshul) "Buddhist novice (male)"

dgra-lha (dra-lha) "enemy god"

dharmapala (Sanskrit) "defender of Buddhism"

dik-pa (dik-pa) "sin"

Dkon-mchog Rgyal-po (Kunchok Gyalpo) "founder of Sa-skya monastery"

dmangs-rigs (mon-rig) "commoners"

dngos-grub (ngu-dub) "a blessing bestowing power and the ability to

influence others"

dom-ra (tombra) "bear fence, a fringe worn to protect the eyes and
brows"

dor-pa (dor-pa) "a criminal caste"

Dpal-ldan Don-grub (Panden Dondup) "a regent of Tibet"

Dpal-ldan Lha-mo (Panden Lhamo) "protectoress of the Dalai Lama"

drag-po (trak-po) "the most wrathful mode of exorcism"

dud-chung (du-jung) "commoners subject to corvee labor"

dur (dur) "embodied but invisible spirits who precipitate death"

dur-sri (dur-si) "a wrathful exorcism addressed to dur and s r i

spirits"

Pus-bsum Mkhyen-pa (Dusum Khyen-pa) " f i r s t Karma-pa"

Gangs-skyid (Gang-kyi) "pleasing view of the snow mountains,

name of the Tibetan Government complex in Dharmsala"
g ' a u (gau) "charm box"

gcod (cho) " c u t t i n g through the process o f thought through an

o f f e r i n g of o n e ' s body and l i f e "

gdug-chag (duk cha) "bad"

Glang Parma (Lang Darma) "42nd k i n g o f T i b e t , l a s t Yarlung king"

glang-ma (langma) alpine willow

gling-khor ( l i n g kor) "circumambulation path"

glud (lu) "dough e f f i g y used as a ransom s u b s t i t u t e "

Glud-'abrong Rgyal-po (Lu-drong Gyalpo) "the Ransom Ox-demon K i n g "

Gnas-chung (Nechung) "monastery o f the T i b e t a n s t a t e o r a c l e "

G n y ' a - k h r i B t s a n - p o ( N y a t r i Tsenpo) "first Yarlung king"

gnyen (nyen) " t r e e and r o c k spirits"

grwa-pa ( t r a b a ) monk

Gshin-rje (Shin-je) " S a n s k r i t Yama, L o r d o f Death"

gto (toe) " w r a t h f u l exorcism"

gtor-ma (torma) " o f f e r i n g cake of b a r l e y dough"

Gtor-nag-mgo-gsum (Tornak-go-sum) " b l a c k gtor-ma w i t h three h e a d s ,

a p a r t i c u l a r demon"

gtor-rgya (tor-gya) "great effigy containing e v i l to be e x o r c i s e d

b e f o r e the New Year"

Gtsang (Tsang) central Tibetan province

gtsang l h a g ( t s a n g lag) " c l e a n remains from tshogs eaten by deitie

Gtsang-pa (Tsangpa) "a f a m i l y hegemony"

gyang (yang) " p r o s p e r i t y , satisfaction, enjoyment"

gyug-khyi (gyug-khyi) " r u n n i n g dog"

g z ' a (sa) "planetary evil spirits"

 325

G z u g s - k y l Nyi-ma ( S u k y l Nyima) a T i b e t a n opera

k a - r e ( k a - r e ) "what i s ? , how i s ? "

Karma-pa (Karmapa) "a T i b e t a n B u d d h i s t s e c t , a l s o the

r e i n c a r n a t i n g head of the s e c t "

kha-btags ( k a - t a g ) " c e r e m o n i a l scarf"

Khams (Kham) e a s t e r n T i b e t a n p r o v i n c e

khos pon (khopon) "governors"

khral-pa ( t r e - b a ) "tax-payer"

k h r i - c h e n ( t r i c h e n ) "throne h o l d e r "

K h r l - s r o n g Lde-btsan ( T r i s o n g Detsen) "38th k i n g o f T i b e t "

k h y i - s k y a g ( k y i - k y a k ) "dog excrement"

k l u ( l u ) "male s e r p e n t b e i n g "

klu-mo (lu-mo) "female s e r p e n t , u s u a l l y d e s i g n a t i n g a queen"

k l u - y u l ( l u - y u l ) "realm o f the s e r p e n t - b e i n g s "

lam-'adun (lam-dun) " r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n s g i v e n to a s o u l i n

bar-do"

l a s ( l e ) "karma"

L a s - k y i Mkh'a-'agro-ma ( L e k y i Khandroma) "goddess g u a r d i n g the n o r t h "

lcang-ma (changma) w i l l o w

lha (lha) "god"

l h a - g s o l ( l h a - s o l ) " o f f e r i n g to i n c r e a s e the s t r e n g t h o f the gods"

lha-mo (lha-mo) "goddess"

Lha-mo Gyu-sgron (Lhamo Yudon) a female o r a c l e

l h a - m a - y i n - y u l " r e a l m o f the titans"

l h a n c i g skyes-ba l h a ( l e n c h i k kyeba l h a ) "god who i s a s s o c i a t e d

w i t h one from b i r t h , and t a l l i e s one's s i n s "
 326

lha-yul (lha-yul) "heaven"

ling-ga (linga) "humanoid dough effigy representing a unification of

e v i l spirits"

Lo-gsar (Losar) "Tibetan New Year"

lu (lu) "body"

lung (lung) "Buddhist teaching"

Lung-rtogs Rgya-mtsho (Lungtog Gyatso) " 9 t h Dalai Lama"

Marpa (Marpa) "founder of Bk'a-rgyud-pa sect"

mchod-pa pul-ba (chod pa pulwa) "to offer up"

mchod-rten (chor-ten) "Buddhist monument, may contain a deceased

lama"

mchog dngos-grub (chok ngu dub) "material success and the ability to
influence others"

md'a-dar (datar) "ceremonial arrow"

mdos (do) "ritual performed by an exorcist that involves the

concept of ransom"

mdzo (dzo) "a male cow-yak hybrid"

me-ba (mewa) "astrological sign"

Mgar Khri-'abring (Gar Tridring) "Tibetan minister"

Mgar Stong-btsan (Gar Tongtsen) "minister to Srong-btsan Sgam-po"

mgon-po (gombo) "defender of Buddhism"

mi (mi)"man"

mi-kha (mi-ka) "gossip"

Mi-la-ras-pa (Milarepa) "disciple of Marpa"

ming gyur lu gyur (ming gyur lu gyur) "name change, body change"

mi-ser (mi-ser) "commoners"

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mi-yul (miyul) "earth, the realm of humans"

Mken-rab Dbang-phyugs (Khenrap Wangchuk) "a regent of Tibet"

Mkhas-'Agrub Rgya-mtsho (Khedup Gyatso) "11th Dalai Lama"

mkh'a-'agro-ma (khandroma) "sky-going goddess"

Mng'a-ri (Ngari) a western Tibetan province

mo (mo) "dice divination"

mo-lags (mo-la) "respected woman"

Mtshal-pa (Tshalpa) "Bk'a-rgyud-pa sub-sect"

mudra (mudra) "tantric hand gesture"

myal-ba (nyewa) "Buddhist hell"

Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang Rgya-mtsho (Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso)

"5th Dalai Lama"

norbu (norbu) "wishfulfilllng gem"

Nor-bzang (Norsang) a Tibetan opera

Padma Mkh'a-'agro-ma (Pema Khandroma) "lotus goddess of the west"

pa-lags (pa-la) "respected father"

par-kha (parkha) "astrological sign"

peb-song (pebsong) "has come"

Phag-mo-gru (Phamodru) "Bk'a-rgyud-pa sub-sect"

pho-lags (po-la) "respected man"

Pho-la Mi-dbang (Pho-la Miwang) "a ruler of Tibet"

phren-ga (tenga) "Buddhist rosary"

phur-bu (purbu) "tantric dagger"

phyag-dbang (chak-wang) "hand blessing"

phye-mar (chemar) "barley and wheat flour offering"

phyu-pa (chupa) "Tibetan garment for men and women"

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Ral-pa-can (Ralpachen) "41st king of Tibet"

rdo-rje (dorje) "thunderbolt"

Rdo-rje Mkh'a-'agro-ma (Dorje Khandroma) "thunderbolt goddess of the

east"

Rdo-rje Phag-mo (Dorje Pamo) "Thunderbolt Sow"

rdzas (ze) "ritual substances including food and minerals"

Rgyal-btsan (Gyaltsen) "7th Panchen Lama"

rgya-gling (gya-ling) "thigh-bone trumpet"

rgyal-po (gyalpo) "king, or the ghost of a lama gone wrong"

rgyas-ba (gye-ba) "to Increase wealth of, merit of person or

spirit to whom the ritual is directed"

Rin-chen Mkh'a-'agro-ma (Rinchen Khandroma) "precious goddess of the

south"

Rinpoche (Rinpoche) "precious one, t i t l e applied to reincarnate

lama"

Rin-spung (Rinpung) "a family hegemony"

rlung-rta (lung-ta) "luck", refer to Chapter VII

Rnam-rgyal (Nam-gyal) "sky-king, the name of of a Tibetan

monastery"

rnam-mkh'a (nam-ka) "a thread cross"

rnam-shes (namshe) "eternal soul, transmigrating consciousness"

Rnying-ma-pa (Nyingmapa) "oldest Tibetan Buddhist sect"

ro-langs (rolang) "walking corpse"

Rta-mgrin (Tamdin) "protective deity (Sanskrit Hayagriva)"

rten-bzhugs (ten-shug) " l i f e strengthening r i t u a l "

Rwa-sgrengs (Reting) " Bk'a-gdams-pa monastery"

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sa-bdag (sa-dag) "earth guardian"

Sa-chen Kun-dg'a Snying-po (Sachen Kunga Nyingpo) " f i r s t Sa-skya

incarnation"

Sans-rgyas Rgya-mtsho (Sangye Gyatso) "a regent of Tibet"

Sa-skya (Sakya) "Tibetan Buddhist sect"

sbyin-bdag ( j i n dag) "the owner of the gift, sponsor"

sbyin-sreg ( j i n seeg) "fire offering ritual"

sde-srid (desi) "regent"

Sgam-po-pa (Gampopa) "disciple of Mi-la-ras-pa"

Sgom-pa (Gompa) "founder of Mtshal-pa lineage"

sgom-pa (gompa) "monastery"

sgom-zhwa (gom sha) "tantric meditation hat"

shes (she) "wisdom"

shi slog (shi log) "death turned away"

shi-tsi (shi tsi) "death horoscope"

sho "a Tibetan game played with dice, shells, and coins"

shug-pa (shugpa) cypress

skag (kak) "unlucky year, every twelfth year of one's l i f e "

skyes-lha (ke-lha) "the god who becomes one's protector at birth"

skyid-sdug (ki-du) "happy-sad, a Tibetan mutual aid society"

Sku-'abum (Kumbum) Dge-lugs-pa monastery in Amdo

sku-drag (ku-drag) "aristocrat"

sku-drag peb-dang (ku-tag peb-tang) "the step of an aristocrat"

sku-khrag (ku-trag) "body-blood, meaning blood-sucker"

sku-dngo (kungo) "high o f f i c i a l "

sngags-pa (ngag-pa) "a master of tantra, weather-maker, exorcist"

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son-'adre (son-dre) "a type of witch"

Spyan-ras-gzigs (Chenrezig) "Avalokitesvara, who incarnates as

the Dalai Lama"

Srong-btsan Sgam-po (Songsten Gampo) "33rd king of Tibet"

sprul-sku (tulku) "an emanation body, a reincarnate lama"

s r i (si) "disembodied evil spirits", see Chapter VI

srog (sok) "bodily v i t a l i t y "

srung-khor-bkyed-ba (sung kor kye ba) "tied by the weapon of the

five elements"

srung-ma (sungma) "a protective deity"

srung-mdud (sungdu) "a blessing thread"

Stag-lung-pa (Taglungpa) "Phag-mo-gru sub-lineage"

Stag-gzig (Tagzik) "Iran (tiger-leopard)"

Stag-sgra (Taktra) "a regent of Tibet"

stupa (Sanskrit) "a Buddhist monument"

tang-ma (tangma) "rhododendron"

thabs (tap) "method"

thang-ka (tangka) "a Buddhist scroll painting"

thar-pa (tarpa) "liberation, assistance from a high deity"

Thon-mi Sam-bhota (Tumi Sambhota) "developer of the Tibetan

script"

Tho-tho-ri Gnyan-btsan (Totori Nyentsen) "28th Yarlung king"

Thub-bstan Rgya-mtsho (Thubten Gyatso) "13th Dalai Lama"

thun-mong ma yin dngos-grub (tumo men ngu dup) "happiness in the

next l i f e "

tsam-ba (tsampa) "roasted barley flour"

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tshe-bya (tse-ja) "a bird whose l i f e Is spared as an offering"

tshe-gyag (tse-yak) "a yak whose l i f e is spared as an offering"

tshe-lugs (tse-lug) "a sheep whose l i f e is spared as an offering"

Tshe-mchog-gllng (Tse-chokling) "a Tibetan monastery"

tshe-ring (tsering) "long l i f e "

tshe-thar (tse-tar) "an animal whose l i f e is spared as an offering"

tshogs (tsog) "a ritual communion food"

tshogs-lhag (tsog lag) "remains from tshogs eaten by humans"

Tshul-khrlms Rgya-mtsho (Tsultrim Gyatso) "10th Dalai Lama"

yawa (yawa) "outcastes"

Yld-'akhro Lha-mo (Yintok Lhamo) "heroine of the opera Nor-bzang"

yid-shes-me (yi-she-me) wish-fulfilling fire

yi-dwags (yi-tag) "hungry ghost"

yon-mchod (yon-choe) "patron-priest relationship between Mongol

Khans and Tibetan lamas"

Yon-tan Rgya-mtsho (Yontan Gyatso) "4th Dalai Lama"

zhal-'adon (shab-ten) "generic Tibetan term for religious ritual"

zhl-ba (shi-wa) "peaceful"

zor (zor) "triangular iron box used in exorcisms"

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tshe-bya (tse-ja) "a bird whose l i f e is spared as an offering"

tshe-gyag (tse-yak) "a yak whose l i f e is spared as an offering"

tshe-lugs (tse-lug) "a sheep whose l i f e is spared as an offering"

Tshe-mchog-gling (Tse-chokling) "a Tibetan monastery"

tshe-ring (tsering) "long l i f e "

tshe-thar (tse-tar) "an animal whose l i f e is spared as an offering"

tshogs (tsog) "a ritual communion food"

tshogs-lhag (tsog lag) "remains from tshogs eaten by humans"

Tshul-khrims Rgya-mtsho (Tsultrim Gyatso) "10th Dalai Lama"

yawa (yawa) "outcastes"

Yid-'akhro Lha-mo (Yintok Lhamo) "heroine of the opera Nor-bzang"

yid-shes-me (yi-she-me) wish-fulfilling fire

yi-dwags (yi-tag) "hungry ghost"

yon-mchod (yon-choe) "patron-priest relationship between Mongol

Khans and Tibetan lamas"

Yon-tan Rgya-mtsho (Yontan Gyatso) "4th Dalai Lama"

zhal-'adon (shab-ten) "generic Tibetan term for religious ritual"

zhi-ba (shi-wa) "peaceful"

zor (zor) "triangular iron box used in exorcisms"