TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

Today's Topics To Be Read (TTBR)

1
Indian Science Congress needs to survive and thrive (The Tribune)
2
‘Green roads’ are key for sustainability in the Himalayas (Indian
Express)
3
A change for the worse: On the rapid decline in India-Maldives ties
(The Hindu)
4
Outrage, outrage into the dying of the light (The Hindu)
5
Under a cloud: Boeing-Alaska Air episode shows loose regulation
needs fixing as urgently as loose bolts on a plane door (Financial
Express)
6
Skirmishes on Red Sea a major headache for India (Business Line)
7
Farmers – a political blind spot? (Business Line)
8
Telecommunications Bill 2023: It can be seen as good and bad,
depending on how it is interpreted and implemented (Economic
Times)
9
Employ our disabled, boost our workforce (Economic Times)
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

Indian Science Congress needs to survive and

thrive (The Tribune)

Scientists interested in sharing their knowledge with students and

interacting with peers across disciplines find the ISC useful.

THE first week of January is usually an important period in the calendar of the Indian
scientific community. This is when the annual mega event — the Indian Science
Congress (ISC) — is held. It is inaugurated by the Prime Minister and is attended by
thousands of scientists and students from all over the country. But January 2024 is
different. Lovely Professional University, which was to host the ISC this year at
Phagwara (near Jalandhar), withdrew at the last moment — citing ‘unforeseen
challenges’ — and the Central government, which provides financial support, also
backed out. This forced the organisers, the Indian Science Congress Association (ISCA),
to put off the event for now.
The ISC is a unique forum. Unlike scientific conferences dedicated to narrow
specialisations and attended by elite academics, Science Congress sessions are multi-
disciplinary and open to all regular science students and researchers in degree colleges
and universities. It has also been a place for science policymakers to brainstorm on
critical issues and make recommendations to the government. Such recommendations
have helped shape policies and even resulted in new government departments like
the Department of Environment (later upgraded to a ministry) and the Department of
Ocean Development (now known as the Ministry of Earth Sciences). Above all, the ISC
serves important functions of science communication and promotion of scientific
temper as well as the spirit of inquiry.
Since its founding in 1914, ISC annual sessions have been held without a break, except
for the disruption caused due to the Covid pandemic. The story of the Science Congress
is closely interwoven with the growth of modern science in India. The ISCA was the
brainchild of two British academics serving in India — Prof PS MacMahon of Canning
College, Lucknow, and Prof JL Simonsen of Presidency College, Madras. They
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

conceived it on the lines of the British Association for the Advancement of Science.
The objective was to provide a common forum for all those interested in pure and
applied sciences, and the interface of science with society. It was the first such
platform where scientific workers engaged in mathematics, astronomy, physics,
chemistry, geology and biology could meet and exchange new and emerging ideas.
Such meetings of minds, over the years, gave rise to new scientific societies and
professional bodies — resulting in a coherent Indian scientific community.
Critics of the ISC say that the forum has lost relevance and has remained rooted in its
century-old traditions and format. Such a perception is superficial and ignores the
evolution that the ISC has undergone during different phases, while keeping pace with
the growth of science in India.
The first phase from 1914 to 1947 represented the period in which there was greater
interaction between Indian and European scientists working in Indian universities and
laboratories. Indian science academies, too, were in their formative phase. So, the ISC
was the only forum where scientists could present their thoughts. All the papers
presented at ISC sessions were peer-reviewed, giving rise to the concept of peer
evaluation of scientific work and international recognition for it. The publication of
scientific journals in India was also a byproduct of the ISC. Science and Culture,
founded by Meghnad Saha, is a prime example.
In the late 1930s, when the freedom movement gained momentum and the national
leadership started planning for a future India, the ISC platformed new ideas about
deploying science for national development through rapid industrialisation and the
social obligation of science. It was at the 1937 session of the ISC that Jawaharlal Nehru
made his iconic statement: “Science is the spirit of the age and the dominating factor
of the modern world. The future belongs to science and to those who make friends
with science and seek its help for the advancement of society.” He was the General
President of the ISC in the year of Independence and addressed it every year till his
death in 1964. Subsequently, it became a tradition for PMs to address the scientific
community at the ISC and they often used the occasion to make important policy
pronouncements.
As the process of organising the scientific setup in the form of national laboratories
and research councils began after Independence, the ISC, too, entered a new phase.
While continuing to be a forum for scientific research, it became a platform to discuss
larger policy issues like planning, food crisis and health development. Along with
researchers from the university system, those from national laboratories and scientific
departments began to dominate the proceedings. As discipline-specific professional
societies developed and national science academies matured over the next few
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

decades, the ISC lost some of its sheen as scientific developments were presented not
on the ISC platform but at meetings of professional bodies.
Given the diverse and highly specialised and competitive nature of science today, it
would be unrealistic for the ISC to remain the first choice of scientists to present their
work. So, in recent years, many in the scientific community feel that the ISC has been
reduced to a mere carnival. Taking advantage of poor gatekeeping by local organisers,
the ISC has seen anti-science elements infiltrating its sessions.
However, scientists interested in sharing their knowledge with young students and
budding scientists and interacting with peers across disciplines find the ISC useful.
Other than premier research and academic institutes, India has many universities and
colleges where science is taught. Their students and faculty are not members of elite
professional bodies and academies. They look to the ISC to present their work and
interact with top scientists and policymakers. Nobel laureates addressing ISC sessions
are the greatest attraction and a source of inspiration for students.
It is for all these reasons that the ISC needs to survive and be renewed. At a time when
we are witnessing the rise of pseudoscience though social media, we need more fora
like the ISC to promote scientific temperament and counter anti-science tendencies.
The Central government owes an explanation as to why its Department of Science and
Technology decided to discontinue financial aid to the ISC.
Dinesh C. Sharma
Science commentator
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

‘Green roads’ are key for sustainability in the

Himalayas (Indian Express)

Implementation of green road guidelines may be expensive upfront, but

they will prove to be cheaper in the long-run due to reduction in
maintenance costs — contributing to a resilient and environmentally-
conscious road infrastructure

Green growth is economic progress that fosters environmentally sustainable and

socially inclusive development. The focus of green growth is to ensure that natural
assets deliver their full economic potential, which includes the provisioning of clean
air and water, and a resilient biodiversity needed to support food security and
promote human well-being. In this context, the Indian Himalayan Region (IHR) that
spans 13 Indian states and union territories, namely Arunachal Pradesh, Assam,
Himachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura,
Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Ladakh, and Jammu and Kashmir, is of great ecological
significance considering the Nature’s Contribution to People (NCPs)/ecosystem
services it provisions for the nation. The Himalayas are characterised by steep terrain,
weak geology and heavy monsoon rains and are vulnerable to erosion, earthquakes
and landslides. Policymakers of IHR are pragmatically envisioning green policies for
biodiversity conservation, organic farming, green energy, water conservation, climate
change adaptation etc. This push for green growth is not just about lush forests, blue
skies, clean air and pure streams, but also about mainstreaming sustainability in all
spheres of development.
Opportunity in the roads sector
The roads sector plays a crucial role in promoting all-round development and is a
harbinger of growth. In the Himalayas, access to roads is fundamental for economic
growth and development of livelihood. To further the green growth agenda in
mountain areas, it is important to transform the roads sector which is presently seeing
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

a quantum leap through road upgradation, realignments and new construction.

However, the traditional construction practice of using bulldozers to roll the excavated
spoils down the mountain slopes causing damage to mountain vegetation, farmlands,
and other property, is a major issue that needs to be fixed. This practice results in
unstable slopes that subsequently cause landslides both at the mountain and valley
sides. Not only this, the process results in repeated repair expenditure and monsoon
maintenance throughout the lifecycle of the road. Moreover, improperly designed
cross-drainage structures result in gully formations causing further damage to the
slopes. The existing rural roads and border roads infrastructure in this region is only
going to expand in the future. This presents an opportunity for the policymakers to
graduate from traditional to “green road” construction policy and practices.
These “green roads” would prioritise sustainability, minimise environmental impact
and promote biodiversity conservation. They would essentially prevent destabilising
the slopes as repair and maintenance is both difficult and expensive. And by
transforming these practices, the IHR has an opportunity to showcase itself as a leader
in mountain road construction practices.
How would the ‘green roads’ be different?
Environmental Friendly Road Construction (EFRC) techniques from the neighbouring
mountainous country of Bhutan provide useful lessons on how to construct green
roads. Hence, mainstreaming sustainability in the roads sector in IHR would entail that
the construction practices are in harmony with the fragile mountain ecosystem by
adhering to the following eight policy directions:
The traditional “cut and throw” method is replaced with “cut and carry”: The
traditional “cut and throw” method, which causes severe damage to the valley-side
vegetation cover and leaves the fragile slopes exposed to monsoon rains has to be
done away with. For this, bulldozers will need to be replaced by excavators. Excavators
load the excavated materials onto waiting tippers to be transported to pre-identified
spoil disposal sites. Transportation of cut material (instead of rolling it down the slope)
will prevent damage to the valley side slopes while keeping the existing vegetation
intact.
Excavated surplus materials: This will have to be segregated for re-use and the
remaining debris transported to suitable spoil disposal sites. Boulders would be
stacked during excavation to prevent useful materials from being thrown down the
slope. This would also limit the need for quarries, to some extent, for road construction
work.
The road design and drawings: would have to include locations of spoil deposits,
barriers, walls, drainage points and other structures like crib walls, gabion walls and
bio-engineering measures to be implemented.
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

Cuts into mountain slopes are minimised: especially where the slopes are fragile and
prone to landslides, and part of the road width is made in fill — by constructing
retaining walls.
Tree felling: This should be kept to a minimum and only those standing on the
carriageway are to be felled.
Cross-drainage structures are located along natural drainage lines with provision for
animal passage.
Controlled blasting: should be adopted to minimise damage to the hill environment
and to prevent the slopes from being destabilised. This will also help in keeping the
remaining slope intact and stable by preventing materials from damaging the valley
side slopes. Maintaining geological and geomorphological integrity will be an integral
part of greening the road construction processes.
Trenches and barriers constructed from logs or boulders: These should be at about 10-
15 meters on the valley slopes and are to be used to arrest falling materials that
invariably impede the water flows in the streams below and adversely impact the
aquatic biodiversity.
Cost-benefit analysis
Studies carried out in Bhutan indicate that their green road construction practices are
a resounding success from both an environmental and a financial viewpoint. These
green roads have the following advantages:
They are not only better for the environment but are also cheaper in the long run. The
initial investments during the first two years of construction are undoubtedly higher
than in the case of a road constructed using traditional methods. But the higher level
of investment is reflected in higher road standards and quality.
Maintenance and monsoon restoration costs are substantially lower over the total
lifetime of the road. The improved quality of the road also leads to lower vehicle
operation costs, which has a significant positive impact on the economic benefits
derived from the roads. Stable slopes reduce construction-induced landslides, boulder
falls and the need for expensive protective works, and reduced monsoon
maintenance.
Other economic benefits are fewer road blockages, less stocking of essential supplies
by communities, less damage to flora and fauna and less damage to private properties
and cultural heritage sites.
While the implementation of these green road guidelines may appear to be expensive
upfront, over the total lifetime of the road, they will prove to be cheaper especially
due to the reduction of maintenance costs. Implementation of the green roads policy
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

in the IHR will contribute to a resilient, environmentally-conscious and better quality

road infrastructure, benefiting both the community and the natural ecosystem.
Transforming the road sector in the IHR to promote the green growth agenda would
require political will and stronger coordination, particularly between the planning,
finance, forest, environment and roads departments. Multinational banks and other
donors can also incorporate these green guidelines to further strengthen the
environmental safeguards in their lending processes for linear infrastructure
development.
Sandeep Tambe is Additional Principal Chief Conservator of Forests and Vinod B
Mathur is the former Chairperson of the National Biodiversity Authority of India

Show of fairness: On the formula for selection of

Republic Day tableaux (The Hindu)

Tableau rotational plan for States and Union Territories is an equitable

one

The Defence Ministry has finalised a rotational plan which will ensure that all States
and Union Territories get a chance to display their tableaux at the Republic Day parade
within a three-year cycle. This is a welcome step that will potentially avoid controversy
over the selection of tableaux that has become an unfortunate and frequent
accompaniment of the parade. This year, tableaux of 16 States/Union Territories (UT)
were selected for the January 26 parade following an established process but the
Opposition-ruled Delhi, Punjab, Karnataka and West Bengal that were not qualified
cried foul. Karnataka’s Congress Chief Minister Siddaramaiah has said that seven
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

proposals sent by the State were rejected by the Centre. A political motive behind
selection and exclusion has often been suggested, under the current BJP regime and
the previous UPA regime. Only around 15 or 16 tableaux from States/UTs are selected
each year, and, obviously, all cannot be accommodated. Those States that have not
been selected for the parade this year were invited to showcase their tableaux at the
Bharat Parv from January 23 to 31 at the Red Fort. The new plan, that has been agreed
to by 28 States, is aimed at giving everyone an equitable chance at participation.
The Defence Ministry already has an elaborate screening mechanism for participants
in the parade. A committee of distinguished persons drawn from various fields
including Padma awardees was set up this year too that screened proposals from
States and organisations. The Ministry of Culture had empanelled 30 agencies for
design and fabrication of tableaux through an open selection process and States/UTs
were advised to engage these agencies following appropriate procedure. The
allegations by States of discrimination with respect to their proposals may or may not
be unfounded, but the selection process has to be apolitical and conducted in a
transparent manner while maintaining standards to avoid questions in the first place.
While the marching contingents and military platforms at the parade showcase the
nation’s military might, the tableaux and the performances hold a lens to the country’s
cultural splendour and diversity. In the backdrop of controversies year after year, the
new proposal of a rotational opportunity for each State/UT offers a fairer, more
transparent mechanism. The assertion by officials that the Government, Minister or
Secretary do not have any role in the selection process, is reassuring. It will go a long
way in keeping the festivities free from bickering.

Outrage, outrage into the dying of the light (The

Hindu)

Journalists are often shown the power that social media has on policy
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

Journalism and diplomacy in the “Dark Ages”, i.e., pre-Internet, was a different world.
Officers of the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and Ambassadors were not available
on mobile or on messaging services such as WhatsApp and Telegram, but only on a
landline, and calls would be routed through a personal secretary. When news broke,
we didn’t receive mass social media messages with the government’s statement. We
had to go to Shastri Bhawan, to the MEA’s External Publicity (XP) Division, to gather
information, navigating past the secretarial team. Major statements on foreign policy,
notifications, and postings were printed and distributed right there on cyclostyled
sheets and the spokesperson would meet print journalists nearly every day and explain
the government’s position on a subject. Diplomatic relations were equally discreet. If
an Ambassador was summoned or a major spat broke out, journalists had to rely on
their sources to confirm that, which sometimes took days, if not weeks, by which time
the issue may have cooled off. Much has changed since. Today, diplomatic spats are
not only created in an instant; the whole story plays out in real time, worldwide.
This week’s India-Maldives tussle is a great example of a diplomatic crisis created and
dealt with on social media. The trigger: egregious social media posts by Maldivian
Ministers about Prime Minister Narendra Modi in particular and Indians in general.
The Ministers, who have since been suspended by their government, appeared to be
responding to a social media campaign in India that promoted Mr. Modi’s visit to
Lakshadweep not just as a pitch for Indian tourism, but as a “masterstroke” to
“checkmate” the Maldives, whose newly elected government has taken a number of
decisions that have upset New Delhi. Eventually, the outrage by Indians on social
media forced the MEA to act. It issued a tough statement and summoned the Maldives
Ambassador to South Block. An online #BoycottMaldives campaign, promoted by
Indian travel companies and celebrities, even targetted journalists who travelled to
Male to cover the story. The outcome overshadowed the diplomatic narrative
however, and probably did more damage to the bilateral relationship than the MEA
may have bargained for.
The Maldives incident was unusual as the offensive tweets were put out by Ministers
themselves. But nowadays, the MEA reacts to statements by non-officials as well.
Most recently, a video by an Indian student in Europe showed posters outside a United
Nations building criticising Mr. Modi and the government. The Indian student was
upset and video went viral as activists on social media demanded that the MEA take
up the “insult” firmly. Within hours, the Ambassador of the European country was
“summoned” to the Foreign Office, and a press note was issued on social media. It is
puzzling to imagine what the MEA thought the European country could actually do
about posters outside the UN office, where protests against dozens of countries are
recorded every day. Diplomats were even more perplexed when the MEA decided to
respond directly to social media posts by a famous popstar and by a teenage
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

environmental activist who criticised the government for action against farmers
protesting three farm bills on the outskirts of Delhi. The MEA termed the interest of
international celebrities in the protests as “vested” and “agenda-driven”. It was
unclear why the Ministry was responding to them at all.
As journalists, we are often shown the power that social media has on policy.
Questions we ask at briefings receive less response than a viral post does. We find
ourselves covering made-on-the-Internet stories rather than real developments. The
answer may not be, paraphrasing the poet Dylan Thomas, to “Outrage, outrage against
the dying of the light”, but instead to separate the issues that affect India’s foreign
policy from the non-issues that don’t, and to address them without allowing an
Internet storm-in-a-teacup to overtake normal diplomatic discourse.
Writer : SUHASINI HAIDAR

Under a cloud: Boeing-Alaska Air episode shows

loose regulation needs fixing as urgently as loose
bolts on a plane door (Financial Express)

In August, Spirit again received flak for incorrectly drilling holes in the
fuselages. And in December, Boeing asked inspectors to look for loose
bolts in the rudder control system.

Boeing chief executive officer (CEO) Dave Calhoun got emotional on Wednesday while
talking about the hole blown into the side of one of his company’s planes. Though
many would say that Calhoun should instead spend his time in fixing the planes, the
misty eyes of the CEO made sense from Boeing’s perspective. Failing to look genuinely
sorry could have been a disaster when faith in its products is deservedly low. Few
should, however, actually sympathise with him as Boeing has only itself to blame for
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

the mess it finds itself in. Calhoun had tried to assure the world last October about
“adding rigour around our quality processes.” But the Alaska Air blowout 16,000 ft
above the ground last week has shown how ill-founded the CEO’s confidence was.
Many industry experts had pointed at Boeing’s preoccupation with financials and
returns at the cost of engineering superiority and quality when the 2018 (Lion Air) and
2019 (Air Ethiopia) Max disasters happened. Calhoun, who took charge in 2020, has
clearly not been able to provide much of a remedy.
Not only have Alaska Air and United Airlines reported loose bolts in Max 9 jets after
the US Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) ordered grounding of 171 such planes,
India’s Directorate General of Civil Aviation has too, in a Max series jet. Last April,
Boeing had disclosed that its key fuselage-supplier—and former subsidiary—Spirit
AeroSystems had installed two fittings in certain 737 Max models improperly, which
delayed deliveries.
In August, Spirit again received flak for incorrectly drilling holes in the fuselages. And
in December, Boeing asked inspectors to look for loose bolts in the rudder control
system. At the same time, the company had requested the FAA to exempt its latest
737 iteration from specific safety norms on anti-icing systems until May 2026 so that
it could begin delivery even as it worked on fixing the issue. The series of events
certainly doesn’t inspire confidence in Boeing’s manufacturing and quality assurances.
The bottom line is clear: The Max series planes are facing intense scrutiny across
jurisdictions, and the company must amply demonstrate its planes are safe.
Boeing’s failures create a further imbalance in the Boeing-Airbus duopoly. To be sure,
Airbus too has its own share of troubles, with the issues detected in Pratt & Whitney
manufactured engines forcing the grounding of its A320 Neo in many jurisdictions.
Even so, the delays and the buyer uncertainty that are likely to hobble Boeing in the
Alaska-Air aftermath can still be to Airbus’s benefit. Here, too, Boeing would have lost
because of the shortcomings of its vision.
While the company must shoulder the bulk of the blame, the fault also lies with the
inability of jurisdictions to hold multinational corporations accountable. Boeing was
made to fire its then-CEO after the 2018 and 2019 crashes—but only a good year and
a half after the first incident. While the Trump administration levied a $2.5 billion fine
on the company, bear in mind that the company spent around $44 billion on share
repurchases between 2013 and 2019. Also, there was no criminal liability for failing to
inform the FAA of the software changes that contributed to the crashes. The short
point is loose regulation needs to be fixed as rigorously as loose bolts on a plane door
plug. The delivery delays that will inevitably result from the incident will cause a fair
bit of pain to airlines across the world, but safety must be made the paramount
concern.
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

Skirmishes on Red Sea a major headache for

India (Business Line)

Back-of-the-envelope calculations are quite disconcerting. About half of

India’s crude oil imports in FY2023, worth $105 billion, is likely to have
passed through the Suez Canal

India is staring at another round of supply disruptions, after the Covid-induced chaos
in container movement in 2020 and 2021, if the Iran-backed Houthi militia in Yemen
continues targeting cargo ships that ply the Red Sea and Suez Canal — to and from
North Africa, Europe, West Asia (including Israel) and beyond. At least two commercial
vessels bearing Indian cargo, including oil, have been attacked. Clearly, India has been
scarred by this spillover of the Israel-Hamas conflict into the Israel’s southern
neighbourhood.
The Centre should take stock of the situation and consider steps for exporters and
import-dependent industries and sectors. These could be fiscal concessions or
incentives to exporters to defray a part of their higher shipping and insurance costs.
To assess the impact in value or volume terms alone could be misleading. Sectors such
as machinery, electronics and auto, which rely on crucial equipment that could seem
insignificant in value or volume terms, can be badly hit. GVC-driven production,
depending on diversified global supplies, such as auto and phones, are part of this
category. Production and inventory management can take a beating, as during the
height of the semi-conductor crisis; for instance, it would be quite useless to stock
inputs from suppliers in East Asia, if inputs from Europe have been held up at sea.
Back-of-the-envelope calculations are quite disconcerting. About half of India’s crude
oil imports in FY2023, worth $105 billion, from countries like Russia, Congo, Nigeria
and the Americas is likely to have passed through the Suez Canal. In 2023 (January-
October), India sourced about a third of its oil from Russia, or about 1.7 million barrels
per day. Its other key suppliers, Iraq (20 per cent of all supplies), Saudi Arabia (17 per
cent) and UAE (6 per cent) are not reliant on the Red Sea, but Nigeria (2 per cent)
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

certainly is. It remains to be seen whether India sources more of its oil through the
Persian Gulf. India’s petroleum product exports to Europe could lose out, while the bill
for exports and imports will rise on account of higher freight and insurance cost, even
as crude prices are likely to rule firm for sometime. As for exports, high volume and
low margin items such as bulk chemicals could be rendered uncompetitive with the
re-routing of vessels around Africa.
Broadly speaking, according to the Global Trade Research Initiative, 25 per of India’s
merchandise trade is routed through the Red Sea, which amounts to roughly $25
billion every month. This could be regarded as the value of the consignment that will
see an escalation in freight and insurance costs for as long as the crisis persists. The
conflict, according to estimates, could lead to a 40-60 per cent increase in shipping
costs as well as 15-20 per cent higher insurance premiums, as vessels traverse an extra
3,000-4,000 nautical miles to Europe. The Export Credit Guarantee Corporation should
cover for this insurance spike, to begin with. In the medium-term, ways to reduce
vulnerability of shipping lines to global shocks should be considered.

Farmers – a political blind spot? (Business Line)

A remunerative and guaranteed pricing system with a viable

procurement and distribution network are vital

Amidst bountiful harvests and a secure food supply, a perplexing contradiction has
gripped India for quite a long period. On one hand, there is widespread hunger and
malnutrition, while on the other, farmers grapple with continuing distress.
As the another general election approaches, it is bewildering that the plight of the
impoverished and struggling farmers, two crucial social groups, has not gained the
prominence they deserve.
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

Even in the face of adverse conditions, such as the Covidlockdown, Indian farmers have
successfully produced plentiful foodgrains, as well as nutrient rich fruits, vegetables,
and milk. The production of both food crops and horticultural items has consistently
surpassed the record 300-million-tonne mark in recent years. A close look at the per
capita daily availability of food items, including fruits, vegetables, and milk far exceeds
the recommended dietary requirements for leading a healthy adult life. Despite this
abundance, the persistence of hunger and malnutrition among vulnerable sections
remains a grave concern.
India is home to approximately 25 per cent of the global hungry population. According
to the latest (2022) UN report on the Global Hunger Index, India ranks poorly at 107
out of 121 nations. The National Family Health Survey (2019-20) indicates that acute
anaemia is prevalent in 57 per cent of women and 52 per cent of adolescent girls.
Similarly, 44 per cent of children under five experience acute stunted growth. Most
notably, there is a disconcerting policy failure in safeguarding the interests of farmers.
Produce or perish
Farming in India has become an increasingly precarious and uncertain endeavour,
characterised by unpredictable climate, high production costs, and unremunerative
price discovery. Despite the Centre’s claims of a ‘profit margin’ when declaring the
Minimum Support Price (MSP) for principal crops, the actual implementation is
notably poor at the ground level. Only a mere 6 per cent of the farmers enjoy the
benefits of the Minimum Support Price (MSP), and most of themcultivate paddy and
wheat Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh.
The stark outcome of unremunerative agriculture is the cruel ‘debt trap’ that has hit
the farming community hard. Per the report of National Sample Survey Organization
(NSSO), over half of the agricultural households in India are burdened with debt.
Consequently, millions of farmers have migrated to cities in search of livelihoods — a
common phenomenon across the country.
The distressing reality continues as Indian farmers, tragically resort to ending their
lives. According to the National Crime Record Bureau, an average of 14,000 farmers
each year, translating to around 40 farmers per day, have sadly committed suicide
since 1995. Despite this alarming situation, what remains perplexing is the political
silence surrounding food and farmers.
Establishing a remunerative and guaranteed pricing mechanism for farm commodities,
coupled with a comprehensive procurement and distribution network, are imperative
elements in India’s political economy. The political dispensation at the Centre has been
actively engaged in the politics of distraction. Despite enacting the Food Security Act
and establishing the National Commission on Farmers, the Congress struggles to
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

integrate these crucial concerns into its political narratives, contributing to overall
puzzlement.
The writer PRAKASH KAMMARDI is former chairman, Karnataka Agricultural Prices
Commission, Govt. of Karnataka

Telecommunications Bill 2023: It can be seen as

good and bad, depending on how it is
interpreted and implemented (Economic Times)

The Telecommunications Bill 2023, which was passed in December, has had mixed
reactions. Many have called it a future-proof framework, which will boost the digital
economy. Provisions related to spectrum allocation, right of way and infrastructure
deployment are seen as enablers.

However, the Act has also been critiqued for its lack of detail and for increasing
government powers at the cost of user rights, especially the new provisions on
interception and internet shutdowns. The act is a manifestation of Schrodinger's Cat
thought experiment: it can be seen as good and bad, depending on how it is
interpreted and implemented.
A pivotal aspect of the Act is the concept of authorisation for the provision of telecom
services. Authorisation is like deciding entry to a party. It can manifest in various forms,
from the velvet rope of licensing to the complete freedom of open entry, with other
forms such as general authorisation and registration also available.

However, the Act lacks specificity regarding the type of authorisation that may be
mandated or even the factors that would determine the licensing scope. This is unlike
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

other countries, which spell out the specifics.

In Europe, electronic communication services are subject to a general authorisation

regime, with individual licensing being considered on factors such as using scarce
resources and threat to public health.
The Nigerian Communications Act details the principles and considerations to be
considered while formulating licensing procedures.

Not only is such detailing desirable but it's also a legal necessity. In the 2001 Kishan
Prakash case, the Supreme Court explicitly said that the legislature should not delegate
its core lawmaking functions, and it must set limits on the power that is being
delegated by declaring the policy behind the law and laying down standards for
guidance.

Recently, telecom minister Ashwini Vaishnaw clarified that the government does not
intend the Act to cover OTT communication services like WhatsApp and Telegram,
which are regulated under the IT Act. This is much appreciated.

However, the broad definitions of terms such as 'message' and 'telecommunication'

still leave room for the Act's provisions to be extended to internet-based
communication services via the rules. The minister's clarification may hold no legal
value in court if a future government were to interpret it so.

Here, we could have picked on best practices from other countries, such as the
Telecommunications Act 2001 of New Zealand. It uses a broad definition of
'telecommunication' but clarifies that only those telecommunication services that are
explicitly listed under Schedule 1 of the Act are to be regulated. A detailed procedure
has also been given to add services to the schedule, which involves a New Zealand's
Commerce Commission recommendation. This ensures that the scope of the
legislation cannot be expanded easily; it also provides for more certainty.

A lack of detailing is also seen in other crucial aspects of the Telecom Act. For example,
concerning the measures related to interception or blocking, while the term
'safeguards' is mentioned, there is no detailing on what these could be, or the
framework to be followed to ensure that the power is not misused.

Vaishnaw mentioned in Parliament that interception measures under the new law will
adhere to the guidelines laid down by the Supreme Court in the telephone-tapping
People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) case of 1996. However, in the PUCL case, the
court had explicitly commented on the lack of procedural safeguards in the legislation.
The Telecom Act 2023 was an opportunity to remedy this and provide a more secure
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

framework for interception within the law.

When it comes to regulating rapidly evolving technology, the need to retain flexibility
in implementation is understandable, and perhaps even beneficial. However, the lack
of guiding principles in the parent legislation also means that rules issued under this
Act can be changed later, and easily. This can risk user rights and create uncertainty
for businesses, leading to unnecessary litigation.

The Telecom Act can be both a shiny new phone with the same old software or a
revolutionary rocket that can turbocharge India's digital economy. Like Schrodinger's
Cat, there is no way to know just yet.
Writer : Sumeysh Srivastava

Employ our disabled, boost our workforce

(Economic Times)

A country should be judged by how they treat their disabled, aged and non-human
citizens. For persons with disabilities (PwD), life in India is like running on an unending
obstacle course. What is more unfortunate is that even if a few among them manage
to cross those hurdles - discrimination, lack of accessible infrastructure and facilities,
and educational and skilling support, to name a few - most falter on yet another track:
employment. But things are changing. Several private companies like IndiGo, Lemon
Tree and KFC are hiring PwDs - not for out-of-sight backend jobs but demanding
customer-facing roles. These firms are identifying newer roles for PwDs, investing in
accessible facilities and sensitising employees to the needs of their differently-abled
colleagues.
TTBR (Topics To Be Read) 12 January 2024

There are 30 million disabled Indians. According to UnearthInsight's 2021 study, 13

million of them are employable. But only 34 lakh have jobs across the organised and
unorganised sectors, via government-led schemes and self-employment. Tech and
retail are leading the way in skilling and creating job opportunities for PwDs. This
means much more than just getting employed. More social and economic visibility also
means the state being pushed to invest much more in disabled-friendly infrastructure
and PwD-focused educational and skilling opportunities.

More PwDs in public spaces will sensitise the 'general' public towards legitimate needs
of their fellow citizens. India passed its landmark disability Act in 1995. In 2007, it
ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In 2015, it signed the
SDGs charter. A common thread - ensuring financial independence of PwDs - runs
through them. India Inc and India must join hands to fulfil that promise.