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early-transcendental-functions-6th-edition-by-larson-and-
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Multiple Choice
Identify the choice that best completes the statement or answers the question.
a. d.
b. e.
c.
2 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 2
a. of d.
b. e.
c.
3 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 3
a. d.
b. e.
c.
4 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 4
a. d.
b. e.
c.
5 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 5
a. x-intercepts: (–5, 0), (–2, 0), (2, 0); y-intercepts: (0, 0), (0, 10)
b. x-intercepts: (–5, 0), (2, 0); y-intercept: (0, 10)
c. x-intercepts: (–5, 0), (2, 0); y-intercept: (0, –10)
d. x-intercepts: (–5, 0), (–2, 0), (2, 0); y-intercept: (0, 10)
e. x-intercepts: (–5, 0), (–2, 0), (2, 0); y-intercept: (0, –10)
8. Test for symmetry with respect to each axis and to the origin.
a. d.
a. d.
b. e.
c.
8 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 8
a. d.
c.
9 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 9
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
14. The table given below shows the Consumer Price Index (CPI) for selected years. Use the
regression capabilities of a graphing utility to find a mathematical model of the form for the
data. In the model, y represents the CPI and t represents the year, with corresponding to 1975. Round all
numerical values in your answer to three decimal places.
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
10 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 10
15. The table given below shows the Consumer Price Index (CPI) for selected years. Use a
graphing utility to plot the data and graph the model .
a. d.
b. e.
11 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 11
c.
16. The table given below shows the Consumer Price Index (CPI) for selected years. The
mathematical model for the data given below is where y represents the CPI
and t represents the year, with corresponding to 1975. Use the model to predict the CPI for the year
2010. Round your answer to the nearest integer.
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
17. Find the sales necessary to break even if the cost C of producing x units is
and the revenue R for selling x units is . Round your answer to the nearest
integer.
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
12 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 12
18. The resistance y in ohms of 1000 feet of solid metal wire at can be approximated by the
model where x is the diameter of the wire in mils (0.001 in). Use a graphing
a. d.
b. e.
c.
13 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 13
19. The resistance y in ohms of 1000 feet of solid metal wire at can be approximated by the
model where x is the diameter of the wire in mils (0.001 in). If the diameter
of the wire is doubled, the resistance is changed by approximately what factor? In determining your
answer, you can ignore the constant –0.37.
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
14 Chapter 1: Preparation of Calculus 1.1 Graphs and Models 14
FOOTNOTES
[1143] ‘Eran esclavos del señor de Tenuxtitan,’ is Cortés’ definition of their
vassalage to Mexico. Cartas, 220.
[1144] A service which employed 20,000 carriers, 1000 canoes, and 32,000
convoy warriors, all at the expense of Tezcuco, says Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 314.
[1145] His biographer admits to a certain extent the truth of the invectives, but
eager to please his Spanish masters he seeks rather to extol the self-sacrifice and
loyalty of his kinsman. He claims that with this reënforcement the Tezcucan
auxiliaries reached the improbable number of 250,000 men, of whom 5000
wounded were now sent home. ‘Next to God, Cortés owed to Tezcucan aid the
conquest and the planting of the faith.’ He further assumes that Ixtlilxochitl was
already king, and had been with Cortés since the fleet set sail, while his brother
Ahuaxpictzoctzin remained at Tezcuco to provide supplies. Hor. Crueldades, 21-
33. He contradicts himself on several points in his Relaciones, 314 et seq. Duran
also, as may be expected from a compiler of native records, extols the hero, ‘à
quien dió una espada dorada que Don Hernando Cortes traia y una rodela.’ Hist.
Ind., MS., ii. 493. With Ixtlilxochitl came half a dozen out of his hundred brothers.
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 198; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 55. Torquemada, i. 548,
sends Cohuanacoch as general of the forces, while Clavigero allows King
Fernando Ixtlilxochitl to send his brother Cárlos Ixtlilxochitl. Storia Mess., iii. 202.
He is evidently confused with respect to the surname.
[1146] Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 177-8. Torquemada places the incident
earlier, i. 547. Cortés admits no losses of Spaniards this day.
[1147] Cartas, 222-3. ‘Los combidauan a çena, mostrando les piernas y braços.’
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 199.
[1148] Bernal Diaz speaks of a bridge attack which cost the lives of four
Spaniards, besides numerous wounded. Hist. Verdad., 145.
[1149] He enumerates also the cities of Mexicalcinco and Vitzilopuchtli. Hist. Mex.,
202. Herrera adds Mizquic. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xix.
[1151] This was the lieutenant of Velazquez at Habana, who joined Cortés during
the Tepeaca campaign. Portillo was a soldier from the Italian wars. Bernal Diaz
adds that one brig was captured, but this is doubtful. Hist. Verdad., 143; Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 214; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 46.
[1153] Cortés exultantly claims that three fourths of the city is now captured.
Cartas, 227; Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 181; Torquemada, i. 550.
[1155] ‘Soliti sunt hostes in prælio cadentes intra suos ventres sepelire,’ explains
Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. viii., and with some truth.
[1156] Forty soldiers watched till midnight, when a similar number relieved them,
and they again were relieved two hours before dawn; all three divisions camping
on the spot. Often every man was kept awake by alarms. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 142-3. The old soldier waxes eloquent over the hardships, for he served
at this camp.
[1157] The Spaniards tried in vain to despatch him. Sahagun states that during
these attacks fifteen soldiers were captured, and shortly after eighteen more, who
were sacrificed in a temple of Tlacuchcalco ward, ‘donde agora es la iglesia de
Santa Ana.’ Hist. Conq., 183, ed. 1840, 188-9. One repulse took place in
Coyonacazco ward. Torquemada, i. 550-2. Spanish versions indicate no such
losses, and they may probably belong to the later great defeat.
[1158] Such is in main the version of Bernal Diaz; the other accounts differ greatly.
This author states that five Spaniards were captured, nearly all the men wounded,
and two rowers killed, for the brigantines in seeking to aid had become fast on
stakes and exposed to attack. Had the Mexicans not been so frightened by the
horsemen the loss would have been very great. Hist. Verdad., 143-4. Cortés
allows three or four captured. Cartas, 228; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 196. Duran
places the scene where rose afterward the San Hipólito hermitage. Hist. Ind., MS.,
ii. 500. But for Quauhtlizcatzin, the prince who led the Tezcucan auxiliaries, all the
Spaniards would have been lost, exclaims Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 36.
Herrera assumes that the fault lay with Alvarado for neglecting to fill the channel.
dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx.
[1159] ‘No solo no le culpo, mas loole.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 203.
[1160] The most serious attacks took place on June 24th and 25th, as if oracles
had impelled the Mexicans to seek the destruction of the Spaniards on the
anniversary of their reëntry into the city after the Alvarado massacre. The
Tlacopan camp lost ten soldiers and had a dozen severely wounded, including
Alvarado. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 142, 145.
[1161] Bernal Diaz seeks to convey the idea that he or his camp were opposed to
the attempt, Id., 146, but had it succeeded, he would probably have declared the
truth, that Cortés was urged on all sides to make the effort, as stated in Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 203, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx., and Cortés, Cartas, 228-9.
Perhaps the general made objections chiefly to cover his responsibility in case of
failure.
[1164] He crossed the channel with fifteen soldiers to sustain the fugitives, says
Torquemada, i. 554; but this seems incorrect.
[1165] The claims to the honor of rescuing the general are conflicting. Gomara,
followed by Herrera and Torquemada, names ‘Francisco’ de Olea. Bernal Diaz,
who states that this soldier slew four of the captains holding Cortés, lets Lerma
dispose of the remainder. After this came other soldiers and Quiñones. Cristóbal
de Olea was quite young, 26 years of age, a native of Medina del Campo,
muscular, and skilled in arms, and a general favorite. Bernal Diaz adds other
particulars. Hist. Verdad., 146, 246. Ixtlilxochitl, on the other hand, claims for his
namesake the credit of having done what Spaniards claim for Olea, aided by his
Tezcucans, who kept the enemy at bay. This, he adds, is proved by a painting on
the gate of the monastery of Santiago Tlatelulco. Hor. Crueldades, 38-9. Herrera
briefly alludes to Ixtlilxochitl as coming up after Olea, and then relates with some
detail that at the same time came the Tlascaltec, Tamaxautzin he calls him, a
native of Hueyotlipan. He was afterward baptized as Antonio or Bautista, and
became a good Christian, the first native to receive extreme unction. dec. iii. lib. i.
cap. xx. Torquemada, i. 555, copies, but calls the man Teamacatzin. Both
evidently prefer Tlascaltec to Tezcucan records. In fact, Ixtlilxochitl adds certain
incredible particulars about the prowess of his wounded hero in pursuing the
Mexican general into a temple, although such pursuit could not have taken place
under the circumstances. See also Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 503, and Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., 130. Cortés writes that he would have been lost but for Quiñones, and
one of his men who lost his life to save him. Cartas, 233. A small chapel was
erected in the convent de la Concepcion to commemorate the escape. See
Saavedra, Indio Peregrino, canto 20.
[1166] Bernal Diaz assumes that Guzman rode up after Cortés was mounted, and
fell captive into Aztec hands. Hist. Verdad., 147.
[1168] Herrera relates how two captains, Flores and Mota, advanced with their
vessels up a narrow channel. Flores was severely pressed at one time, and the
latter had to sally on the street to relieve him and enable the brigantines to gain
more open water. Flores died within a week of his wounds. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx.
Torquemada says that Briones’ vessel was lifted through a breach in the
causeway. i. 555. Bernal Diaz speaks of several such narrow escapes. loc. cit.
[1169] The artillerists being all disabled or dead, Pedro Moreno de Medrano,
afterward a settler at Puebla, took their place. Id.
[1170] Bernal Diaz writes as if Sandoval gained the camp at an early hour, rode
over to Fort Xoloc, and came back in time to aid in Alvarado’s retreat. But he
would never have ventured to leave his command and his comrade in their
danger; nor does it seem likely that he could have ridden the long distance to
Xoloc and back in time to join in Alvarado’s conflict, even if Cortés’ defeat took
place before ‘misa mayor,’ as he assumes. Hist. Verdad., 146-8. This author is
here very confused, assuming, for instance, that Sandoval was fighting from his
own camp instead of coöperating near Alvarado.
[1171] So deeply affected was Bernal Diaz, among others, by the sight, and by the
fear of himself falling captive—twice had he narrowly escaped—that he ever after
had an oppressive feeling before battle. He then had recourse to prayer, and this
invariably fortified him for the fight, so that he always maintained his reputation as
a good soldier. He enumerates several incidents to prove that he was esteemed a
brave man. Hist. Verdad., 157. Oviedo, referring to human sacrifices among the
Romans, observes that they could not have been half so fearful. iii. 515.
[1173] A count revealed the loss of 62 men and 6 horses, says Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 146, 152, 241, though he in one place leaves the impression that the
men were all captured alive. This could hardly be the case, for a ‘count’ would
reveal only the missing; none could tell how many fell captive. Yet Prescott boldly
assumes this number to have been taken, besides those who fell. Vetancurt
divides the figures into 40 captives and 20 dead, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 162, and
Clavigero also includes dead and captive in that number, while raising the dead
horses to 7. Storia Mess., iii. 212. Solis writes that over 40 Spaniards were carried
off alive, and that Alvarado and Sandoval lost 20. Hist. Mex., ii. 410. Bernal Diaz
acknowledges only a third of such loss between these two captains. Gomara gives
40 captives, several killed, 3 or 4 horses lost, and over 30 wounded. Hist. Mex.,
205-6. Ixtlilxochitl raises the allied loss to over 2000. Hor. Crueldades, 37-9. Fifty-
three Spaniards, says Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 192. In the cédula of March 7, 1525,
granting a coat-of-arms to Cortés, 50 are mentioned, but in his letter to the
sovereign the general acknowledges only 35 to 40 and over 1000 allies. Herrera
and Torquemada adopt these figures. Oviedo, iii. 516, lowers the number to 30.
Duran, who confounds the late repulse of Alvarado with the Sorrowful Night and
this defeat, allows 4 banners to be captured. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 501-4, 508.
[1174] Bernal Diaz gives this conversation with some detail, and names Treasurer
Alderete as the guilty officer who neglected to fill the channel, intimating that
Cortés had been heedlessly allured onward by the Mexicans, leaving Alderete to
attend to the filling. He even allows the treasurer to retort to the charge, in
Sandoval’s presence, that Cortés’ eagerness had been the cause of the neglect.
This is probably an invented account, based on Gomara’s statement that the
‘treasurer,’ no name being given, neglected to fill a channel on his route. Informed
of this, Cortés hastened thither to remedy the fault, only to meet the fleeing.
Herrera adopts this version, as do most writers, including Prescott; but it is
evidently wrong, for Cortés writes clearly that the misfortune occurred on his own
route, some distance above its junction with the Tlacopan road, to which they soon
retreated. On reaching this road he sent to recall the ‘treasurer and comptroller,’
who were leading their division victoriously at the farther end of it. Owing to their
care in filling channels ‘they received no injury in retreating.’ Cartas, 233-4. There
can be little doubt about this statement, since Cortés would have been only too
glad to cast the blame on any other division than his own. He does not even claim
to have been at the front, but in the rear, and near the spot where the neglect
occurred. The only question then is, who was the guilty officer? The ‘treasurer’
commanded the centre division, and although there were several treasurers, the
royal, late and new, and he who acted for the army, yet the new royal treasurer is
undoubtedly meant, and this appears to have been Alderete, according to the
statement of several authorities. Hence the accusation against Alderete must be
wrong; anything besides this must be conjecture.
[1175] ‘Bolviò à la grita, Andrés de Tapia [the captain of his party] matò mas de
sesenta Mexicanos,’ adds Torquemada, i. 558-9.
[1176] ‘Esto no fue sino cinco dias.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 149.
[1177] Similar women of courage were María de Estrada, the heroine of Otumba,
Beatriz de Escobar, Juana Martin, and Beatriz de Palacios. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii.
cap. i.
[1178] Oil was the chief remedy. Torquemada, i. 558-60. Bernal Diaz speaks of a
soldier named Juan Catalan who performed cures with the sign of the cross and
psalm-singing. The Tlascaltecs also besieged the man for his attentions. ‘Y
verdaderamente digo, que hallauamos que Nuestro Señor Iesu Christo era
servido de darnos esfuerço, ... y de presto sanauan.’ Not twenty of Alvarado’s
men were free from wounds at this time. Hist. Verdad., 142. Solis allows this
wonderful healing power to be attributed to no woman. Hist. Mex., ii. 412. But then
he was a strict priest, who saw woman chiefly as a feeble and adoring supplicant.
[1180] Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 415, states, and Prescott hastily affirms, that nearly all
the allies deserted, and Bernal Diaz enumerates the mere handful that remained;
but this must be erroneous, as shown by the course of the narratives in general.
Two expeditions were sent forth about this time, and the large number of allies
which joined therein may account in part for the gaps which gave rise to the above
exaggeration. Cortés, indeed, alludes very indirectly to any defection.
[1181] Forty thousand, says Ixtlilxochitl, obtained chiefly from Quauhnahuac and
other towns subject to Tezcuco. Hor. Crueldades, 40. Herrera and others mention
no auxiliaries from the camp. Bernal Diaz is confused.
[1183] ‘Y ellos le siruieron muy biẽ en el cerco.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 207.
Ixtlilxochitl claims of course that his Tezcucans formed the chief auxiliaries of
Sandoval. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives Tápia this expedition, which Cortés intimates
to have been sent about three days after the return of the Quauhnahuac party.
Cartas, 237.
[1184] Farfan and Villareal came, says Bernal Diaz, and Tecapaneca, cacique of
Topeyanco, led the returning Tlascaltecs. Hist. Verdad., 151.
[1185] Cortés leaves the impression that this incident took place during the days
when the Spaniards were making desultory entries into the city; but since he does
not speak of the oracle or the defection the affair is undecided. Torquemada, i.
557, intimates that Chichimecatl served under Sandoval, but this is wrong.
[1186] Ojeda magnifies the train of men to 4000 and the canoes to 3000. Herrera,
dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xxii.
[1187] Fifteen hundred loads maize, 1000 loads fowl, 300 sides venison, besides
other effects, including Xicotencatl’s confiscated property and women. Id.
[1188] Herrera intimates that the material may have been a consignment to Leon,
for which the disappointed owner sought a market. A vessel of Aillon’s fleet, says
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 153.
[1189] Some time before he had expressed the same intention, and the fear that
little or no treasure would be recovered. Cartas, 222, 241. Ixtlilxochitl claims that
his namesake provided 100,000 men for the task, Hor. Crueldades, 42, and Bernal
Diaz states that this prince proposed purely a strict blockade as a safe and sure
plan. Hist. Verdad., 150. The result proves that this would have been the best and
as speedy as the one adopted, while the city would have been saved from
destruction. That the plan was ever seriously suggested among this impatient
crew is affirmed by no other authority.