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Memories of Burmese
Rohingya Refugees
Contested Identity and Belonging

KAZI FAHMIDA FARZANA

 Memories of Burmese Rohingya Refugees

“It is an excellent work which shows a lot of promise. I am impressed by Kazi

Fahmida Farzana’s theoretical contribution and primary research on Burmese
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. She contributes to the scholarship, which calls
for more attention to the social and political processes of forced migration and
identity politics that generates protracted displacement.”
—Bina D’Costa, PhD Fellow, College of Asia and the Pacific
Australian National University, Australia

“This is an extremely well written, multi-disciplinary, eclectic piece of work. The

book knits the varied strands together to enhance the understanding of a critical
issue in all its varied dimensions. It is well-argued, and the diagrams, pictures and
drawings render the study more interesting. As is well known illustrations are able
to tell more than words can. It makes original contribution to the existing know­
ledge on the subject.”
—Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, PhD Former Advisor, Bangladesh
Caretaker Government, and ex-Ambassador to the United Nations
Currently Principal Research Fellow, Institute of South Asian
Studies, National University of Singapore
 Kazi Fahmida Farzana

Memories of Burmese
Rohingya Refugees
Contested Identity and Belonging
Kazi Fahmida Farzana
Universiti Utara Malaysia
Kedah, Malaysia

ISBN 978-1-137-58619-3    ISBN 978-1-137-58360-4 (eBook)

DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-58360-4

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017946650

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
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lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the
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The registered company address is: 1 New York Plaza, New York, NY 10004, U.S.A.
To those Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh who shared their stories in hopes of
improving their lives and history
and
to my beloved parents
Quazi Qudrat & Sharifa Begum
 Acknowledgments

I am grateful to numerous people whose active and sincere cooperation

and invaluable support were fundamental to produce this book. Foremost,
I am gratefully indebted to those refugees who trusted me and shared
their stories in hopes of improving their lives, and participated in the inter-
views and dialogues. This book could not have been completed without
the generous cooperation of my informants. Without going into spelling
their names individually, I express my deepest thanks and gratitude to
them all collectively.
A number of institutions and people have helped me during my field-
work for this research. Among them, I thank Professor Dr. Imtiaz Ahmed
of Dhaka University and Dr. Chowdhury Abrar of Refugee and Migratory
Movements Research Unit for extending their support for this research and
sharing published materials from their personal archives. I owe my grati-
tude to Chris Lewa, executive director of the Arakan Project in Thailand,
who provided me with many valuable unpublished documents; Dr.
Khurshid Alam, executive director of Community Development Centre
based in Chittagong, who generously helped through his connections to
find a safe place during my stay in the field in that remote border area in
Teknaf, Bangladesh. Thanks also to the officials of Integrated Protected
Area Co-management Project in Teknaf, and Delwar Hossain, area man-
ager of Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), Cox’s Bazar,
who offered much encouragement and support. I am deeply indebted to
Lieutenant Arafat, the district head of the Directorate General of Forces
Intelligence Teknaf branch, for all his generous time and kind assistance.

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Necessary encouragement and a supportive environment in which to

thrive as a scholar and a teacher were provided at the National University
of Singapore (NUS) by successive heads of the department of South Asia
Studies Programme A/P Dr. Gyanesh Kudaisya and A/P Dr. Young Mun
Cheong. My two former supervisors, A/P Dr. Shapan Adnan and Professor
Dr. Ishtiaq Ahmed, at my home institution, have both made a positive
impact on my life and work. I was privileged to have enjoyed the interac-
tion of many renowned academicians from diverse fields at NUS. A/P Dr.
Vineeta Shinha of the sociology department has offered me sage advice
and invaluable assistance, ranging from generating ideas, reading of my
first draft of empirical chapters, and providing critical comments. Dr. Carl
Grundy-Warr of the geography department has remained a steadfast sup-
port from the moment I began to assemble my thoughts and research
findings until developing this manuscript.
I am grateful to the following, whose names I cannot go without
mentioning: Irene Nai and Chye Seng of the Multimedia Development
Laboratory, for their assistance on computer-related matters; Dr. Chie
Ikeya of Southeast Asian Studies Programme at NUS, for her help in
translating some Burmese documents; Professor Dr. Leszek Buszynski of the
Australian National University (ANU), for his faith in my work and abil-
ity; Professor Dr. Habibul Haque Khondker of Zayed University, UAE, and
Associate Professor Dr. Ishtiaq Hossain of International Islamic University
Malaysia for their advice and encouragement.
I have also had the pleasure of working with Dr. Serene Lim, an expe-
rienced, skilled, and reliable proof-editor. Her thorough reading with
necessary editing has greatly improved the quality of my presentation.
However, I take personal responsibility for the analysis and conclusions, as
well as any remaining errors and omissions that may have gone unnoticed
in the book.
I would like to thank Palgrave for allowing me to reuse some mate-
rials published in journals and edited books: Studies in Ethnicity and
Nationalism (2015), Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities
(2016), and book chapter in Children and Violence (2016), and Myanmar’s
Mountain and Maritime Borderscapes (2016). Feedbacks from anonymous
reviewers were also helpful in strengthening my argument and analysis,
adding information to my final manuscript.
Many wonderful friends and colleagues, from around the world, have
rendered me much support throughout the journey. My heartfelt thanks
to Petra Pojer, Timothy Murphy, Jeff Parkey, Rie Nakamura, Shayela
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
   ix

Mian, Jan Oppie, Sherko Kirmanj, Ananya Samajdar, Shumaila, Nargis,

Ngawang, Ummu Atiya, Nazaria, Ratnaria, Deeba, and Mohita.
I am very fortunate in having tight-knit family members around me
that have given me total support, cooperation, and unconditional love.
My husband, Md Moniruzzaman, has been very supportive and under-
standing, allows me to pursue my passion relentlessly. My greatest respect
is to my beloved parents for their unending prayers and moral support
throughout my life. Most affectionate thanks to my mother, Syeda Sharifa
Begum, for giving her full support and particularly for taking care of my
precious baby daughter, Fariha Zaman, in the final stage of this project.
My deepest thanks to my dearest father, Quazi Qudrat-e-Khuda, for tak-
ing interest in my work, and from time to time, sending research materials
to me from across the miles. Both my younger brother Md Faisal and
sister Kazi Shahzabeen have always been dependable friends to me. My
parents-in-law Md Abdul Hai and Rokeya Begum have been a source of
encouragement for my work.
Last but not least, I believe that no achievement can be possible, and
no one could have been a better help for me than the mercy and blessings
of my God. Therefore, all praises are to that loving and caring Almighty.
 Contents

1 Introduction   1

2 The Historical and Politico-Military Context of the Border   41

3 The Refugee Problem from an Official Account  59

4 Reconstructions of Social Memory by Refugees  87

5 Everyday Life in Refugee Camps 145

6 Music and Art as Symbols of Identity and Everyday

Resistance 191

7 Conclusion 233

 ppendix 1 Chronological Genealogy of the Shah

A
of Arakan (1430 A.D.–1638 A.D.) 249

Appendix 2 Some Basic Facts About the Teknaf Area 251

Index253

xi
 About the Author

Kazi Fahmida Farzana is a senior lecturer in the Department of

International Affairs and a research fellow at the Centre for Asian Studies
at the Universiti Utara Malaysia. Her areas of specialization are South
and Southeast Asian politics, national identity, ethnic conflicts, stateless-
ness, and contemporary political theories. She teaches Nationalism and
Ethnic Conflicts in International System, Diplomacy, Politics of East Asia,
International Organizations, and Seminar on International Relations. She
has a PhD from the National University of Singapore (NUS), Singapore.
Her articles have appeared in Studies in Ethnicity & Nationalism, Asian
Journal of Social Science, Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies,
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, and Asian Geographic, and in edited
volume published by ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore, and
Cambridge University Press.

xiii
 List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Repatriation from Bangladesh (2000–2005). Last repatriation

date: July 28, 2005, family 01, person 02, total third country
resettlement up to 2009: 262 persons 73
Fig. 4.1 Types of abuses in Arakan (Rakhine) state 89
Fig. 4.2 Reasons for feeling unsafe in Bangladesh 118
Fig. 5.1 Occupation (by gender) of refugees in Nayapara camp 162

xv
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 The trade positions from 1992 to 1997 79

Table 5.1 Food distribution in Nayapara camp 150
Table 5.2 The birth and death rates in Nayapara camp from
2000 to 2005 157
Table 5.3 The displaced Rohingyas in many parts of the world 164

xvii
 List of Diagram

Diagram 4.1 The process underlying the displacement and forced

migration of the Rohingyas 116

xix
 List of Pictures

Picture 4.1 Notice of eviction (in Burmese language) 100

Picture 4.2 Notice of eviction (English translation) 101
Picture 4.3 An undocumented refugee home hidden from view at
the hill top near the town 132
Picture 4.4 The muddy slippery hilly slopes used as a staircase to reach
refugees’ hidden location 133
Picture 5.1 Refugee children playing in the camp 166

xxi
 List of Maps

Map 1.1 Northern Arakan on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border.

Source: Christie (1996) 3
Map 1.2 Research sites in Teknaf. Source: Banglapedia, National
Encyclopedia of Bangladesh. Retrieved from Banglapedia
website: http://www.banglapedia.org/HT/C_0364.htm23
Map 5.1 Nayapara camp. Source: The original administrative map of
Nayapara camp was collected from the camp office. It has
been simplified for the purpose of using in this chapter by
the author 148

xxiii
 List of Drawings

Drawing 5.1 We cannot play freely 167

Drawing 5.2 We want to go to that school, but they would not
let us go out 169
Drawing 5.3 Our teacher sleeps while teaching class 170
Drawing 5.4 A “thank you” note from Shabnam 171
Drawing 6.1 Eviction from villages and torture in the model village area 211
Drawing 6.2 Destruction of Rohingya property in Arakan 213
Drawing 6.3 Forced labor: Physical torture on women and children 214
Drawing 6.4 Life on both sides of the border: The River Naff 215
Drawing 6.5 Complicated and difficult realities on both sides of
the River Naff 218
Drawing 6.6 Life in Bangladesh: At the Nayapara refugee camp 219
Drawing 6.7 An uncertain dream for a better future 220

xxv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

In the context of modern territorially demarcated nation-states system,

an individual without a national identity is an anomaly. This is because
people cannot escape being connected to a state even when the state has
disowned them. Despite this understanding being very fundamental to
the system of nation-states, the question of identity formation remains.
What are the criteria or factors that identify an individual with a particular
nation? Who decides on the criteria? Is identity a natural entitlement or a
label conferred by the authorities? What is the relationship between iden-
tity and institutions? Such questions are at the heart of identity formation
debate, and demand an exploration of how the state practices its sover-
eignty and suppresses the voices of its citizens’ and non-citizens’ (those
who live on the borderland) experiences of conflict in order to produce
state’s unity. In this process, many states have failed to resolve violence,
generated forced migration, and created stateless populations.
Today in many state-centric conflicts, we find peoples (citizens and
non-citizens of a country) are forced to leave their country for neighbor-
ing countries that do not want them. They flee in order to avoid vio-
lence, persecution, and threats to their lives which are often produced
by the governments or the elites among whom they live. In 2017, the
UNHCR estimated the number of forcibly displaced people worldwide
to be about 65.3 million, about 21.3 million of whom are refugees liv-
ing in developing countries. Despite their untold sufferings—forced to
flee their home country and losing their familiar socio-economic, natural,

© The Author(s) 2017 1

K.F. Farzana, Memories of Burmese Rohingya Refugees,
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-58360-4_1
2 1 INTRODUCTION

and political environments—and having to face and negotiated v­arious

enormous humanitarian challenges in their host countries, refugees and
displaced people worldwide are largely marginalized. The Palestinian
refugees in Jordan and Syria, the Kurdish refugees from Iraq to Turkey
and Iran, the Roma from France to Bulgaria and Romania, the flight of
Afghans to Pakistan, the flight of Tibetans from China to India, the exo-
dus of Burmese Indians after Myanmar’s independence in 1948, the exo-
dus of Sri Lankan Indians and Sri Lankan Tamils, the stranded Pakistanis
(Biharis) in Bangladesh, the flights of Chakmas from Bangladesh to India,
and the Vietnamese refugees in the Philippines are all examples of the
consequences of actions taken by repressive governments or dominant
ethnic groups among whom they live. And all these cases demonstrate
that peoples (citizens and non-citizens), who are dissatisfied within the
boundary of the nation-state, can actually challenge the state (country of
origin as well as the host state) at any time through various means that
range from conventional resistance movement to even non-conventional
confrontation. This book tells such a story.
There are about two million Rohingyas in Myanmar/Burma, approxi-
mately 800,000 of whom live in northern Rakhine (previously Arakan)
state. About half a million have migrated to other parts of the world. An
estimated 328,500 now live in Bangladesh (Map 1.1), as documented
and undocumented refugees.1 The documented refugees, estimated at
28,500, live in two official registered refugee camps, and the vast major-
ity of undocumented refugees, estimated to be between 200,000 and
300,000, live in scattered settlements among the host population in the
whole of Teknaf, Ukhia, and Cox’s Bazar. Such figures are merely indica-
tive of some much deeper issues. The central problem of the Rohingyas is
the question of the group’s political identity and hence its belonging. The
Rohingyas claim Burmese citizenship as their natural right and claim that
they are entitled to enjoy all citizenship rights, including state protection,
just like any other Burmese citizen. In contrast, the Burmese state politi-
cal authority considers them “Bengali,” “illegal immigrants,” and “never”
having been a part of Myanmar’s history. Hence, they ought to be excluded
from Myanmar’s national identity. Meanwhile, the Bangladeshi govern-
ment maintains that the Rohingyas were not originally from Bangladesh.
They were not officially known until 1977, when they first crossed the
border from Myanmar in huge numbers because of political upheaval in
their land of origin. Hence, the Bangladeshi government notes, they are
rightfully labeled “refugees” and ought to return. Such political denials on
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Map 1.1 Northern Arakan on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. Source: Christie

(1996)

both sides increase the complexity of the situation, and prolong the crisis
by pushing the Rohingyas back and forth across state boundaries.
This book takes an in-depth look into the root and precipitating causes
and consequences of the Burmese Rohingya2 refugees’ displacement,
and calls for more attention to the social and political processes of forced
migration and identity politics that generate protracted displacement. The
importance of this book lies in its ability to present an alternative and
endogenous interpretation of the problem in contrast to the exogenous
one presented by actors such as state institutions, non-governmental orga-
nizations, and media. The main theoretical contribution of this book lies
4 1 INTRODUCTION

in conceptualizing everyday resistance and negotiations through socio-­

cultural memories of the refugees. The study is based on original research,
largely drawn from fieldwork data. It explores the voices and artistic
expressions of those dispossessed, displaced, and marginalized by the poli-
cies and decisions of the nation-state. It also creates some space within the
discourse to take into account the untold stories of the people concerned
and capture their voices that usually remain unheard. The comprehensive-
ness of this book would help to explain and understand the current politics
of identity and belonging at the Myanmar-Bangladesh border.

Identity: Citizenship and Multiculturalism

Many theoretical approaches have addressed the questions of individual
identity within a given socio-political context. Powerful ideologies such as
nationalism and socialism have turned the identity question highly politi-
cal (Gellner 1983[1992], 1994), generating various approaches such as
liberalism, totalitarianism, and neoliberalism. Each of these approaches
has offered analytical frameworks to crystallize the process of social and
political identity formation of individuals. This section outlines the major
theoretical approaches to identity, and places the question of Rohingya
identity within those folds. The major argument here is that, even though
liberalism is regarded as the champion in solving the identity question
through various mechanisms, the theories and the state institutions prac-
ticing the theories have apparently failed to address the identity of the
displaced Rohingya refugees.
The most powerful ideology that has directly addressed the question of
identity is nationalism (Anderson 1991; Hobsbawm 1994) which claims a
sovereign state over a particular territory on behalf of a community of peo-
ple. The ideology is constituted of a mixture of unifying symbols such as
emotion, language, ethnic origin, historical experience, culture, and reli-
gion. However, no human community is exclusively different from others
in these respects, which makes the territorial identity formation difficult.
Due to such practical realities, two grand approaches to national identity
formation have emerged: the civic-political model and the cultural-ethnic
model (Ahmed 2008).
The civic model has its origin in the French Revolution’s liberty, equal-
ity, and fraternity, which conferred an identity of egalitarian citizenship
and political rights to all irrespective of differences. In contrast, the ethnic
model of national identity originated in the German Romantic Movement,
which rejected the French universalism and emphasized homogenous
 CITIZENSHIP: A THEORETICAL DEBATE 5

ethnic and cultural factors instead (Ahmed 2008; Smith 1986). This
form of identity was to be based on exclusive common characteristics,
which later degenerated into extreme forms such as totalitarianism, chau-
vinism, racism, and fascism based on hatred and superiority complex
(Arendt 1966[1958]). The experience of such identity-building process
in Germany and Italy proved to be highly disastrous.
However, it is the French model that received universal acceptance,
especially in the post-war period, which gradually took the shape of liber-
alism (Galston 1991). As such, liberal nationalism prescribed multiplicity
of identity under one grand national identity. People in the private sphere
can maintain their peculiar ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious diver-
sities in which the state does not interfere. However, within the public
sphere, the individuals are subjected to the government’s standard rules
and regulations and regarded as equal in terms of enjoying public utilities
and rights, such as the right to vote, political association, right to educa-
tion and health services, and protection by the law.
Therefore, the theory of liberal nationalism plays an instrumental
role in offering each individual a common identity with equality, irre-
spective of any perceived differences in public spheres (Rusciano 2003).
However, heterogeneity among the people creates practical problems that
place state and people’s identity at loggerheads (Ahmed 1998, Chap. 2).
Heterogeneity implies differences of taste, preferences, attitude, lifestyle,
and internal system. Due to specific peculiarities, people tend to maintain
centripetal tendency toward their own internal specific heritage and cus-
toms. This obviously brings liberalism into conflict with diversities. Several
fundamental questions arise out of the practical reality, such as: what does
the equality mean for ethnic and racial groups? How should the theory be
put into practice, so as to achieve equality? How can state institutions and
distributive mechanisms be arranged to ensure equal rights?
Over the past few decades, a number of theories under liberalism have
offered various mechanisms to accommodate heterogeneity at the private
level while maintaining a common identity at the public level. The most
prominent of these theories are citizenship and multiculturalism.

Citizenship: A Theoretical Debate

The idea of citizenship is as old as the idea of politics itself. In ancient
Greece, Plato and Aristotle conceptualized citizenship as a privileged
status to be claimed and enjoyed by the male gender of certain classes,
namely, the property-owning freemen, soldiers, guardians, and the judges
6 1 INTRODUCTION

(Russell 2010[1946]). The rest of people in society such as the labor class,
merchants, women, and slaves were not entitled to be citizens (Ahmed
2005). Such an understanding of citizenship as a domain of privileged
classes did not change much until the eighteenth century (Marshall 1965)
and before the emergence of modern nationalism. In the post-war multi-­
ethnic and multiracial state, a universal citizenship was considered the
most useful mechanism to achieve and maintain social unity (Vesselinov
2010). Gradually, through state practice and international treaties, the idea
became universal as well, within the fold of liberal democracy (Spinner
1994). The theory of citizenship attracted renewed academic interest after
1960, due to the upsurge of ethnonationalism in many parts of the world
(Ong 2005). Secessionist movements based on ethnic identity such as
those in the Iberian Peninsula, in the Balkans, and the Kashmiris in the
subcontinent are some of the examples of enthonationalist movements
that renewed the debate on citizenship and nationality.
Citizenship is understood in two different ways. One, it is related to the
idea of individual entitlement, and second, it refers to attachment to a politi-
cally sovereign state. A theory of citizenship includes the question of indi-
vidual identity and socio-political conducts and responsibilities, roles, and
loyalties (Turner 1992), which is also known as the “theory of nationality”
(Hibbert 2008). The dimensions of citizenship include horizontal relation-
ships among individuals and vertical relationship between individuals and the
state (Staeheli 2010). Kymlicka and Norman (1994) call these overlapping
aspects of citizenship “citizenship-as-legal-status,” in which an individual’s
political membership is a component part of a given political community, and
“citizenship-as-desirable-activity,” which refers to the degree and nature of
an individual’s participation and contribution to that community. From the
perspective of liberalism, citizenship has both Leftist and Rightist spectrums.

The Leftist Theory of Citizenship

T. H. Marshall’s (1949) “Citizenship and Social Class” is considered the
most influential modern exposition of the conception of citizenship-as-­
rights. To Marshall, citizenship is primarily a matter of every individual’s
right, as a member, to full and equal treatment in a society. This percep-
tion and sense of membership to a society can be assured through giving
people increasing citizenship rights (Cohen 2010).
Marshall divides citizenship rights into three categories. Firstly, civil
rights such as individual freedom, liberty of the person, freedom of
 CITIZENSHIP: A THEORETICAL DEBATE 7

thought, speech and faith, the right to own property and to conclude valid
contracts, and the right to justice, all of which appeared in the eighteenth
century. Secondly, political rights in the form of universal suffrage that
emerged in the nineteenth century. And finally, social rights such as the
right to public education, health care, and unemployment benefits that
have become established in the twentieth century with the development of
a welfare state (Marshall 1965). Marshall also argues that with the expan-
sion of the rights of citizenship, the class of citizens has also expanded. For
instance, civil and political rights were earlier restricted only to property-­
owning white Protestant men. But over time, these have been extended to
other classes of people such as Catholics and Jews, blacks, women, and the
working-class groups (Levy and Miller 1998; Ling and Monteith 2004;
Boyd and Burroughs 2010).
Obviously, Marshall’s concept of citizenship can be practiced within a
state that is liberal, democratic, and pro-welfare in nature. By giving the
three types of rights, the liberal democratic welfare state can ensure that
every individual is made to feel that he/she is a full member, and can par-
ticipate in, and enjoy, all the benefits of society. This means that a violation
or withdrawal of civil, political, and social rights will create social alien-
ation for the people. Social alienation may then develop into “passive” or
“private” citizenship, where people confine their rights in passive entitle-
ments and abstain from participation in public life. This view is known as
the Left view on citizenship, which argues that citizenship involves both
rights and responsibilities where the right to participate must precede the
responsibilities. That means that it is only appropriate to demand fulfill-
ment of the responsibilities after the rights to participate have been secured
(Fitzpatrick 2001; Martin et al. 2006; Steenbergen 1994; Pierson 2004).
Marshall or the Leftists believed that the state creates a participatory
“common culture” by “empowering” citizens to democratize the welfare
state which socializes them with political participation, responsibilities and
duties (Oldfield 1990), and socio-economic and political virtues (Galston
1991).
Yet, the Left is often blamed for the imbalance between rights and
responsibilities, because of its claim that these are to be ensured even in
the absence of the citizens fulfilling their social and political responsibilities
(Andrews 1991; Held 1991; Mead 1986; Oldfield 1990; Pierson 1991).
The critics argue that citizenship responsibilities should be incorporated
more explicitly into left-wing theory (Hoover and Plant 1988; Mouffe
1992; Vogel and Moran 1991), because it seems clear that the Left still
8 1 INTRODUCTION

lacks a “language of responsibility” commensurate with its notion of citi-

zenship, or a set of concrete policies to promote these responsibilities.
However, some argue that Marshall’s conception is still strong because,
evidently, “social citizenship did not abolish political citizenship in lib-
eral democracies. Political citizenship did not extinguish civil citizenship”
(Cohen 2010, p. 83).

The New Right on Citizenship

Marshall’s and the Leftist’s conceptions of citizenship have increasingly
come under attack in the past decades. The most politically powerful cri-
tique of his theory came from the New Right, which maintains an extreme
view of liberalism, seeking to reverse the leftist position of widening the
scope of citizenship rights and ending inequality (King 1987). The New
Right believes that “inequality is a pre-requisite for societal develop-
ment and progress advocating to seek not only to revive the role of mar-
ket mechanism and to end collectivist state policy but also to dismantle
citizenship rights” (King 1987, p. 3). The New Right has consistently
resisted these rights on the grounds that they were: (a) inconsistent with
the demands of (negative) freedom or justice; (b) economically inefficient;
and (c) similar to maintaining a serfdom.
The New Right argues that the welfare state system has contributed
negatively to the individuality of citizens by creating passivity and inaction
among the poor, degrading their living standards, and creating a culture
and mentality of dependency. According to Norman Barry (1990), there
is no evidence that welfare programs have in fact promoted more active
citizenship.
So, to ensure the social and cultural integration, one must go “beyond
entitlement,” and focus instead on their responsibility to earn a living.
Since the welfare state discourages people from becoming self-reliant, the
safety net should be cut back, and any remaining welfare benefits should
have obligations tied to them. This was the idea behind the principal
reform of the welfare state in the 1980s, introducing “workfare” pro-
grams, which required welfare recipients to work for their benefits, to
reinforce the idea that citizens should be self-supporting.
On the question of how the citizens can become active participants in
the “workfare” culture, the New Right relies heavily on the market as a
school of virtue. It believes that people’s voluntary association with civil
society will create this citizenship virtue. As Walzer put it: “the civility that
 THE THEORY OF MULTICULTURALISM 9

makes democratic politics possible can only be learned in the associational

networks” of civil society (1992, p. 104). It is here that “human character,
competence, and capacity for citizenship are formed,” for it is here that
one internalizes the idea of personal responsibility and mutual obligation
and learns the voluntary self-restraint, which is essential to truly respon-
sible citizenship (Glendon 1991). It follows, therefore, that one of the
first obligations of citizenship is to participate in civil society.
However, the New Right is not beyond criticism as well. The critics
charge that it is difficult to find any evidence that the New Right reforms
of the 1980s have promoted responsible citizenship. The critics point out
that reforms aimed to give people more benefit through market deregula-
tion in order to teach them the virtues of initiative, self-reliance, and self-­
sufficiency did not produce any positive result (Mulgan 1991).
Also, cutting welfare benefits, far from getting the disadvantaged back
on their feet, has expanded the underclass and exacerbated class inequali-
ties (Fierlbeck 1991; Hoover and Plant 1988). For many, therefore, the
New Right program is most probably viewed as de-construction and an
attack on the underlying principle of citizenship, and not as an alterna-
tive explanation and re-conceptualization of citizenship. Instead of accept-
ing citizenship as a political and social status, modern conservatives have
sought to reassert the role of the market and have rejected the idea that
citizenship confers a status independent of economic standing (Heater
1990; King 1987; Plant 1991).
The main issue in citizenship discourse here is whether the citizens of
the state are politically active or passive vis-à-vis their entitlement or enjoy-
ment of state welfare. However, a different dimension of citizenship debate
focuses not on entitlement and responsibility, but on belongingness to the
political community in the first place. This debate is more on the exclusion
or inclusion of membership to a particular political c­ ommunity or state.
Although this dimension of the debate exists in the Western societies, it is
more prevalent in the non-Western societies. Below are citizenship theo-
ries discussed from this exclusion-inclusion perspectives.

The Theory of Multiculturalism

The universal citizenship theory puts the focus on the macro image of
the society to maintain social unity. But the theory came under serious
stress over the past few decades because of the strengthening of cultural,
minority, and ethnic prominence in politics (Gellner 1987). Reflecting
10 1 INTRODUCTION

on the trend in Western democracies over the past decades, Kymlicka

observed that there are “shifts away from historic policies of assimilation
or exclusion towards a more ‘multicultural’ approach that recognizes and
accommodates diversity” (2005, p. 28). Kymlicka explains how Western
democracies have solved the problem of rights, citizenship, and nation-
hood in the following terms:

Western democracies have moved away from older models of unitary, cen-
tralized nation-state, and repudiated older ideologies of “one state, one
nation, one language.” Today virtually all Western states that contain indig-
enous peoples and substate national groups have become “multination”
states, recognizing the existence of “peoples” and “nations” within the
boundaries of the state. This recognition is manifested in a range of minor-
ity rights that include regional autonomy and official language status for
national minorities, and customary law, land claims, and self-government for
indigenous peoples. (p. 28)

The changing political trend zooms in on the micro features and

diversities in the society, giving rise to the theory of multiculturalism
(Kymlicka 1995). Following the trend, an increasing number of citizen-
ship theories are being heavily grounded on cultural pluralism (Ahmed
2005). The multicultural theorists argue that the conventional percep-
tion of citizenship rights was originally developed and defined by white
men and for white men (Marshall 1965). So, such a concept is unable to
accommodate the particular feeling, perceptions, and needs of non-white
or minority groups. On the practical side, the surge in demographic com-
position has made the universal citizenship identity much more complex,
giving rise to right-consciousness in the minority groups. In such a context
it is “identity … rather than interest … is the hallmark of new politics”
(Ahmed 2005, p. 19).
The theory of multiculturalism envisions the same social equality within
a larger common identity, through differentiated recognition, rather than
merging differences. Kymlicka (1995) argued that “a comprehensive the-
ory of justice in a multicultural state will include both universal rights,
assigned to individuals regardless of group membership. And certain
group differentiated rights or ‘special status’ for minority cultures” (p. 6).
This is because, as Young (1989, 1990) argued, group differences are
fundamental and natural; therefore, any attempt to develop a universal
conception of citizenship overlooking the group differences would be
unjust to the groups. Young advanced two reasons why recognizing,
 THE THEORY OF MULTICULTURALISM 11

instead of ignoring, group differences is more important in creating a

genuine equality. Firstly, groups that are culturally excluded are already
politically disadvantaged. Thus, “the solution lies at least in part in provid-
ing institutionalized means for the explicit recognition and representation
of oppressed groups” (Young 1989, p. 259). These procedural measures
would include “public funds for advocacy groups, guaranteed representa-
tion in political bodies, and veto rights over specific policies that affect
a group directly” (Young 1989, pp. 261–262). Secondly, there are cer-
tain distinctive needs of a culturally disadvantaged group that can only
be fulfilled through policies of group differentiation. Such needs include
language rights, rights to land for Aboriginals, and women’s reproduc-
tive rights (Young 1990, pp. 175–183). Young defends these rights as a
response to five types of “oppression,” which are exploitation, marginal-
ization, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, and “random violence and
harassment motivated by group hatred or fear” (Young 1989, p. 261).

Mechanisms of Multiculturalism
Theories, as well as practices, suggest a number of possible responses to
identity diversity, ranging from the extreme left, seen as representing the
least tolerant view, to the extreme right, representing the most tolerant
view, on the spectrum. The extreme leftist view includes policies such as
genocide occurred in Nazi Germany during World War II and in Rwanda
in 1994, and ethnic cleansing occurred to Albanians in the Serbian terri-
tory of Kosovo. On the extreme right is a concept known as recognition
of separation and independence claims, which is more ideal than practi-
cal. Evidently, the existing states would be unlikely to compromise their
boundaries by meeting secessionist claims unless pressured by exceptional
circumstances such as foreign intervention (East Timor in 1999 and South
Sudan in 2011).
Between these two extreme positions are mechanisms that are con-
sidered tolerant and that fall under the boundary of multiculturalism.
Kymlicka (1995) has identified four such mechanisms known as assimi-
lation, integration, accommodation, and ethno-federalism. Assimilation
refers to the government policy to compel the minority groups to aban-
don their cultural peculiarities and adopt those of the majority group.
This policy strikes on the identity of the group, rather than forcing the
group out of the territory. If the group’s cultural characteristics were
eliminated, then their identity would be assimilated into the dominant
12 1 INTRODUCTION

group. The Canadian policy, in the early twentieth century, to forcefully

segregate aboriginal children from their parents, forcing them to live in
boarding schools, was implemented to forcefully resocialize them out
of the aboriginal cultural influences. The second mechanism is integra-
tion, which involves a greater amount of willingness on both majority
and minority groups to recognize each other’s privileges and existence
in exchange for certain compromises. Here, the minority recognizes and
accepts that the majority will be culturally privileged, and will have larger
control on resources and decision-making; in exchange, the majority will
recognize and accept the minority’s right to practice and maintain aspects
of its culture. The Malaysian experience in letting the Chinese and Indian
communities continue to use their respective languages in schools and in
maintaining their vernacular and culture-specific schools are examples of
the integration mechanism.
The third multicultural mechanism is called accommodation, which
prescribes a higher degree of cultural freedom for the minority. Known
also as cultural autonomy or affirmative action policies or “special repre-
sentation rights” (Kymlicka 1995, p. 7), the accommodation mechanism
ensures extensive rights and privileges reserved for members of minority
ethnic groups. The policy may offer a range of greater rights such as the
right to attend schools where the curriculum is designed in the minority
language, special treatment in hiring, quotas for certain government posi-
tions, and preference to minority members. The affirmative action policies
of the United States exemplify the mechanism of accommodation. A much
improved and institutional version of accommodation is known as “conso-
ciational democracy” (Ahmed 2005, p. 27) practiced in the Netherlands.
And finally, the ethno-federalism policy, which confers, upon the m ­ inority
groups, territorial autonomy with a high degree of, but not complete
control over, resources and decision-making. Only specific powers are del-
egated to the groups to manage regional governance specific to the region
and the groups; an entire country could be a federation of ethnic autono-
mous territories. In this case, the ethnic minorities must be geographically
concentrated in particular regions in ways that the regions can be clearly
distinguishable from each other. Known also as “self-government rights”
(Kymlicka 1995, p. 7), such as the reservation system of the American
Indians, the demand for group rights is not seen as a temporary mea-
sure; rather, such rights are natural. Aboriginal peoples and other national
minorities such as the Quebecois or Scots claim permanent and inherent
rights, grounded in a principle of self-determination. These groups occupy
 THE THEORY OF MULTICULTURALISM 13

a particular homeland or territory, and share a distinct language, culture,

heritage, and history. Such cultural nations are usually located within the
territories of a larger and different political community, but claim due to
their distinctiveness the right to self-autonomy, in order to maintain their
distinct culture and otherness. What these national minorities want is not
primarily better representation in the central government, but rather, the
transfer of power and legislative jurisdictions from the central government
to their own communities. The Belgian, Canadian, and the autonomous
regions of China are examples of ethno-federalism.
The above review of the liberal theories of citizenship implies that cit-
izenship is a contested political identity with specific qualifications and
effects. In light of the preceding discussion, citizenship can largely be
divided into formal (simply referring to membership to a nation), sub-
stantive (having rights and obligations), and differentiated (based on dif-
ferences) categories (Shipper 2010). The theory of multiculturalism and
the various mechanisms are based on recognizing differences, and hence
are known also as “differentiated citizenship” and “multicultural citizen-
ship” in contrast to the universal citizenship discussed earlier. Like uni-
versal citizenship, the differentiated citizenship model also faces criticism
and limitations. Vernon (1988) argued that if differentiated citizenship is
to be maintained in a larger common citizenship context, it would lead
to creation of dual citizenship within a single territory. Furthermore, eth-
nic groups are fragmented, and apparently, the process and demand for
increasing self-government may simply encourage the ambitious groups
to demand for greater, or even complete, independence leading to greater
security risk for the state.
A further shortcoming of the theory is that it is West-centric; like
the development of universal citizenship on the background of Western
experience, multiculturalism theory also suffers from such background
orientation. Certain Asian values such as communal precedence over indi-
vidualism and tendency to centralized economic development rather than
granting devolution and decentralization are considered major obstacles
for the multiculturalism model to fit into the Asian societies. Indeed, the
great variance in historical, cultural, and political situations in multina-
tional states suggests that any generalized answer to the question of citi-
zenship and nationality will likely be overstated (Taylor 1992).
However, counterarguments stand strong as well. Firstly, among the
Asian states, China and Malaysia are successful examples of various forms
of multiculturalism. Secondly, it can be argued that the basic norms of
Another random document with
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 Eliza Ripley

We sat, to rest, on benches in the old Place d’Armes. I looked at

those Pontalba buildings, that faded, dilapidated, ramshackle row,
and remembered how fine and imposing it was, in my day, and how I
had wished that father would take one of those elegant houses,
where we would be so near the French market, and the shop of
beads and shells, and monkeys and parrots.
We strolled up Royal Street, and the little girl saw the house in
which the Boufords lived, sixty years ago. The saucy child ventured
to remark she always had thought I visited nice people, but they
must have lived in shabby houses. I did not notice her comment, but
proceeded to point to the balcony where I stood to see a Mardi Gras
procession, a frolicsome lot of the festive beaux of the period, and to
catch the bonbons and confetti they threw at us from the landeaus
and gaily decked wagons. It was long after the Mardi Gras of the
thirties, and long, long before the Mardi Gras of to-day, a kind of
interregnum, that the young fashionable men were turning into a
festival. I recall Mrs. Slocomb’s disgust when Cuthbert fell ill of
pneumonia, after his exposure that day. Cuthbert Slocomb was
chubby and blond, and with bare neck and short sleeves, tied up
with baby blue ribbon, a baby cap similarly decorated, he made a
very good counterfeit baby, seated, too, in a high chair, with a rattle
to play with. The “mamma” had long black ringlets and wore a
fashionable bonnet. I have forgotten, if in fact I ever knew, what
youth represented the mamma. There were no masks, but the
disguises with paint, powder and wigs were sufficient to make them
unrecognizable. If Cuthbert Slocomb had not been ill, I probably
would not have known the “baby.”
 A New Orleans Cemetery.

During that visit I went to the cemetery Decoration Day. Mind you,
I have seen about forty Decoration days, North—but this one in my
own Southland, among my own beloved dead, has been the only
Decoration Day I have ever seen in a cemetery. (I wish my feelings
were not quite so strong.) Phine and I stood beside the tomb that
contains the dust of Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, a man I had
known well, a contemporary and valued friend of my father’s, a man
whose children and grandchildren were dear to me. We saw the
solemn procession file in, and halt a little beyond us. The band
played “Nearer, My God, to Thee,” and hundreds of voices joined in
the musical prayer. I could not sing, I never could, but I could weep,
and my eyes were not the only moist ones in the assembly. Such a
throng of sober, sad people there was, such a lot of veterans, many
in shabby, weather-stained gray, that bore evidence of hard
service....
Phine had kept track of the people from whom I had been so long
separated that age had obliterated means by which I could recognize
them. As a veteran, in the shabby old gray (I felt like taking everyone
such by the hand), approached, Phine caught my arm and
whispered “Douglas West,” and at the same moment his eye met
mine with a flash of recognition. I had not seen Douglas for over
thirty years. And weren’t we glad to meet? on that ground, too, so
sacred to both of us. And didn’t we meet and meet and talk and talk,
many times thereafter, in Phine’s dear little parlor on Carondelet
Street? Indeed, we did.
Later on, Phine whispered, “You knew that man, I’ll tell you who he
is after he passes us.” A quite tottering, wrinkled, old man passed. I
gave him a good stare, shook my head. I did not know, nor think I
ever had known him. It was A. B. Cammack—who would have
believed it? He was a bachelor in 1850, the time when I thought a
man of thirty was an old man. We happened to be fellow passengers
on that fashionable A No. 1 steamboat, Belle Key. I was a frisky
young miss, and Mr. Cammack was, as I say, an old bachelor. He did
not know, nor want to know anybody on the boat, but it happened he
was introduced to our small party, at the moment of sailing, so we
had a reluctant sort of bowing acquaintance for the first day or so.
Broderie Anglaise was all the rage. Any woman who had time for
frivolité, as the Creoles called tatting, was busy working eyelets on
linen. Of course I had Broderie, too. Mr. Cammack gradually thawed,
and brought a book to read to me while my fingers flew over the
fascinating eyelets. The book, I distinctly remember, was “Aunt
Patsy’s Scrap Bag,” a medley of silly nonsensical stuff, written by a
woman so long dead and so stupid while she lived that nobody even
hears of her now, but Mr. Cammack was immensely entertaining and
witty, and we roared over that volume, and his comments thereon. I
have often dwelt on that steamboat episode, but I doubt if it ever
gave him a moment’s thought. I really think if it had been like my
meeting with Douglas West we might have had quite a bit of fun,
living again that week on the Belle Key. A hearty laugh, such as we
had together, so many years before, might have smoothed some of
the wrinkles from his careworn face, and a few crow’s feet out of
mine. But he never knew, possibly would not have cared if he had
known, that we almost touched hands in the crowd on that
Decoration Day.
 On and on we strolled, past a grand monument to the memory of
Dr. Choppin, whom I knew so well, and loved too, girl fashion, when
he was twenty, and who sailed away, boy fashion, to complete his
medical education in Paris. Maybe if we had met, in the flesh, on that
Decoration Day, it might have been a la Cammack. We never did
meet, after that memorable sailing away, but he has a tender niche
in my heart even yet, and I was pleased to see some loving hand
had decorated that sacred spot....
Phine and I strolled about after the ceremonies were completed.
She had a toy broom and a toy watering pot in the keeper’s cottage,
and was reluctant to leave before she had straightened and
freshened the bouquets we had placed on the tombs of the dead she
loved, and swept away the dust, and watered the little grass border
again.
A year ago she herself fell asleep and was laid to rest in the lovely
cemetery, and with her death the last close tie was broken that
bound me to New Orleans.
 Eliza Moore, tenth of the twelve children of Richard Henry and
Betsey Holmes Chinn, was born in Lexington, Kentucky, on the first
day of February, 1832.
Three years later Judge Chinn moved his family to New Orleans,
where he continued the practice of law until his death in ’47.
On August 24, 1852, Eliza Chinn and James Alexander McHatton
were married in Lexington, and for ten years thereafter they lived at
Arlington plantation on the Mississippi, a few miles below Baton
Rouge, leaving hastily in ’62, upon the appearance of Federal
gunboats at their levee.
During the remainder of the war they lived almost continuously in
army ambulances, convoying cotton from Louisiana across Texas to
Mexico.
In February, 1865, they went to Cuba, and lived there until the
death of Mr. McHatton, owning and operating, with mixed negro and
coolie labor, a large sugar plantation—“Desengaño.”
After her return to the United States Mrs. McHatton was married to
Dwight Ripley, July 9, 1873, and the remainder of her life was
passed in the North. In 1887 Mrs. Ripley published “From Flag to
Flag”—a narrative of her war-time and Cuban experiences, now out
of print.
The reminiscences which make up the present volume have been
written at intervals during the last three or four years. The final
arrangements for their publication were sanctioned by her the day
before she passed away—on July 13, 1912, in the eighty-first year of
her age.
E. R. N.

UNLIKE ANY OTHER BOOK.

A Virginia Girl in the Civil War.

 Being the Authentic Experiences of a Confederate Major’s Wife
who followed her Husband into Camp at the Outbreak of the War.
Dined and Supped with General J. E. B. Stuart, ran the Blockade to
Baltimore, and was in Richmond when it was Evacuated. Collected
and edited by Myrta Lockett Avary. 12mo. Cloth, $1.25 net;
postage additional.
“The people described are gentlefolk to the back-bone, and the reader must be
a hard-hearted cynic if he does not fall in love with the ingenuous and delightful girl
who tells the story.”—New York Sun.
“The narrative is one that both interests and charms. The beginning of the end of
the long and desperate struggle is unusually well told, and how the survivors lived
during the last days of the fading Confederacy forms a vivid picture of those
distressful times.”—Baltimore Herald.
“The style of the narrative is attractively informal and chatty. Its pathos is that of
simplicity. It throws upon a cruel period of our national career a side-light, bringing
out tender and softening interests too little visible in the pages of formal history.”—
New York World.
“This is a tale that will appeal to every Southern man and woman, and can not
fail to be of interest to every reader. It is as fresh and vivacious, even in dealing
with dark days, as the young soul that underwent the hardships of a most cruel
war.”—Louisville Courier-Journal.
“The narrative is not formal, is often fragmentary, and is always warmly
human.... There are scenes among the dead and wounded, but as one winks back
a tear the next page presents a negro commanded to mount a strange mule in
midstream, at the injustice of which he strongly protests.”—New York Telegram.
“Taken at this time, when the years have buried all resentment, dulled all
sorrows, and brought new generations to the scenes, a work of this kind can not
fail of value just as it can not fail in interest. Official history moves with too great
strides to permit of the smaller, more intimate events; fiction lacks the realistic,
powerful appeal of actuality; such works as this must be depended upon to fill in
the unoccupied interstices, to show us just what were the lives of those who were
in this conflict or who lived in the midst of it without being able actively to
participate in it. And of this type ‘A Virginia Girl in the Civil War’ is a truly admirable
example.”—Philadelphia Record.

D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK.

THE GREATEST LIVING ACTRESS.

Memories of My Life.
By Sarah Bernhardt. Profusely illustrated. 8vo. Ornamental
cloth, $4.00 net; postage 30 cents additional.
The most famous of living actresses, Sarah Bernhardt has lived
life to the full as a builder and manager of theatres, author, painter
and sculptor. She turned her theatre into a hospital during the Siege
of Paris. She played French classics in a tent in Texas. She wrote
“Memories of My Life” with her own hand, and with her own
inimitable verve.
“Great is Bernhardt, and great is any true description of her life, for nothing more
fascinatingly brilliant could have come from the mind of the most daring of
fictionists. The autobiography is as interesting to those who care nothing for the
theatre as to those devoted to it.”—Baltimore Sun.
“It is the work of a genius which feels and sees with instinctive insight and
understanding, and puts into words such a bright and varied panorama of life as it
has been given to few authors to portray.”—Cleveland Plain Dealer.
“Out of an overflowing reservoir of reminiscence the author pours out a flood of
anecdote and of dramatic story, and she always gives the idea that she is only
skimming the surface and that other treasures lie always below.”—San Francisco
Argonaut.
“The book is interesting and entertaining from cover to cover, and is related with
a vivacity that is engaging.”—Toledo Blade.
“The eventful life lived by Madame Bernhardt both on and off the stage is told
with great charm. Not only has the greatest actress of her generation more to tell
than the majority of persons who write memoirs, but she has the gift of recounting
the things that have befallen her with a real literary skill.”—Publishers’ Weekly.

D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK.

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