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EAST-WEST CENTER
 THE KINGDOM OF TONGA:
History, Culture and Co mmunicntion

Ruth E. Runeborg
1980
Copyright 1980 by the East-West Center
 Table of
Contents
Page

............. 1
I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . .

II. Geography, History and External Communication . . . . . .

I I I . Eehno graphy .......... . . . . . 11

Traditiona1 Economy
Post-Contact Economy
Traditional Social Organization
Traditional Land Tenure
Changes in Land Tenure and Social Organization
Current Problems of Land Tenure and Social Organization
Tongan Kinship
Avoidance between Opposite Sex Siblings
The Heh! k! tanga
The Fahu
Adoption, Marriage and Residence
Events of the Life Cycle
Traditional and Modern Internal Private Communication
Traditional Internal Public Communication
Traditional Religion
Religion in Present-Day Tonga
Traditional and Modern Education
Urban Tonga

I7. S bolic Communication........................................38

The Kara Ceremony

Tongan Funerals
S bols of the West in Tonga

V. Modern Communication in Tonga.................................... 47

Newsp ap er s
Television
Cinema
Radio
Two-Way Communication
PEACESAT
External Communication in Modern Tonga
Transportation

Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. ....... . 56
.

Bibliogr aphy . . . 58
..............
 1
lntroduct

Policy decisions about communication system resources are an important

par t of con t rolled developnien t in any zoc I e I y. Such d ee i s i ons , to be mos t

effective, should be based on a thorough understanding of the society's ex-

isting patterns of communication and how they are interrelated with poli-

tica1, social and economic factors in historical context. As a first step

in providing the necessary information with respect to the Kingdom of

Tonga, this paper will present a concise historical overview of Tongan

culture. The purpose is to provlde the essential background, based on ex-

isting literature, for future field research projects that will exQlore

communication behavior.

The historical data presented in the following section examines

sources of information external to Tonga that had a major impact on the

socie ty¡ a genera1 his tor tea I overview 1s also offered co coeiplemen t the

section. The ethnograQhic section of the paper presents a holistic view

of Tongan life, traditional and modern; the limited amount of information

availab le on tr adi t i orial and mod em int erp er sonal and group f orms of com—

munication is presented here. The section on symbolic communication spe-

cifically deals with the public communication of non-verbal or implicit

messages. The final chapter ptesents a descrlption of the existing forms

of modern mass media in Tonga.

 2

I1. Geography, History and External Communication

The Kingdom of Tonga is located in the Pa tic Ocean, south of the

Equator, between 15° and 22° South latitude and 173° and 175° West longi-

tude (Wood 1943). Tonga consists of more than 150 islands, approximately

269 square miles of land, scattered over 20,000 miles; only 36 islands are

inhabited (Tupouniua 1977). According to the 1966 census, Tonga's popula-

tion is 77,429 persons, and 98.3% of the population are classified as na-

tive Polynesians (Rogers 1969:212). The 1976 census lists 90,128 as the

current populatioo, a 17.2% increase over the 1966 census.

Tonga is divided into three island groups for administrative purposes:

Vava'u in the north, Ba'apai in the center and Tongatapu in the south.

The Tongan islands are composed of three island types: (1) high or volca-

nic islands, (2) low or coral limestone islands, and (3) mixed islands of

both volcanic and limestone materials. The temperature and rainfall of the

semi-tropical climate increase from south to north; Nuku'a1ofa, Tonga's

capital in Tongatapu has a mean annual temperature of 74°F and a mean an-

nual saint all of 67 inches (Tupouniua 197 7 : 1) . The set season extend s

from December through April, while the dry season lasts from October to

December. Both the winds and the ocean currents are of southeast and east-

em denivacion. Hurd i canes inf equenc , buc earthquakes and gale-

arer

force winds are common (Wood 1943:86).

Tonga's history can be divided into four periods: (1) a prehistoric

Lap ita pez iod , from cir ca 1200 B . C. to 1 A . D . ; (2) the Dark Age , from 1 A. D .

to 1000 A.D.; (3) the Classical Tongan period, from circa 1000 A.D. to 1770

A.D.; and (4) the Post-Contact period, since 1770 A.D. (Poulsen 1977), In

these four periods, the quantity of external communication varies greatly.

The first, Lapita period is of importance to archaeologists and those

interested in tracing the origins and migrations of the Polynesians. The

inferences made ftom the archaeologica1 record and linguistic data are

limited and no conclusive statements can be made concerning the communica-

tion of "Tongans" with "foreigners" as neither of these peoples are clearly

defined in this time period.

The second period of Tongan history is known primarily through oral

tradition. It is in this period thaL the first Tu'i Tonga (ruler of 7onga)

is named; 'Aho'eitu's relgn, both Secular and sacred, has been dated at ap-

proximately 950 A.D. (Wood 1943). External communication with other Oce-

anic peoples in this period was widespread although we cannot know the

full details of its content. During this period, Toogan society was at the

height of its power; the Tongans explored, invaded and sometimes conquered

Samoa, Fiji, Niue, Wallis and Futuna, Tikopia, the Gilbert Islands, the

Tokelaus and Tuvalu. Other achievements of this period are the develop-

ment of large terraced stone tombs or UTC, for royal use and the erection

of the trilithon, Ha'amoga-'a-Maui, a Stonehenge-like structure of three

slabs, two vertical and one horizontal.

During the third period of Tongan history, the Classical period,

Tonga's external communication continued as Tonga developed as a nation,

decreasing only at the end of this period. After several assassinations

of Tu'i Tongas, the 24th Tu'i Tonga, Kau'ulufonua-Sekai in 1470, divided

the power o€ the Tu'i Tooga, retaining sacred powers but transferrlng secu-

lar powers to his brother, the first Tu'i Ha'atakalaua. Representatives

were sent to Ha'apai, Vava'u and several of the smaller islands. The sixth

Tu'i Ha'atakalaua, Mo'ugatoga, created the position of Tu'i Kanokupolu to

rule Western Tongatapu; the position was bestowed upon his son in 1610 A.D.

Similar to the previous division of powers, this line received the secular

powers. The Tu'i Kanokupolu position was not strictly hereditary, however,
the chiefs of the lineage Ha'a Ngata Motu'a generally elected the eldest

son of the previous Tu'i Kanokupolu. The ptimary function of the Tu'i

Ha'ataka1aua, collecting tribute for the Tu'i Tonga, was duplicated in the

office of Tu'i Kanokupolu. The Tu'l Kanokupolu position was strengthened

by intermarriage with the Tu'i Tonga line. In 1799, the position of Tu'i

Ha'ataka1aua was abolished, but the V’c of the Tu'i Ha'ataka1aua continues

today.

Tonga's initial communication with Europeans began in she 17th cen-

tury with sporadic contact with explorers such as the Dutch: Schouten and

LeMaire in 1616, Tasman in 1643; and the English: Wallis in 1767 and Cook

in 1773, 1774 and 1775. The content of communication was primarily

technological; the Tongans and Europeans traded for the others' goods, the

Tongans receiving iron tools, cloth and beads and the explorers, fresh

water and food. Other English, French and Spanish explorers had little

effect on Tonga. Captain James Cook was by far the most we11-versed in

Tongan culture for his time; his carefu1 observations and records of his
contact with Tonga as well as other Pacific cultures are classics. Through

Cook, Tonga became known as the Friendly Islands; this name encouraged

missionary contact, with Tonga selected before the other Pacific island

countries. Ironically, the Tongans had plotted to kill Cook on his last

visit, but the plot was abandoned due to a lack of consensus on the details.

Between 1750 and 1799, Tongans had extensive contact with Fiji, origi-

nally for the purpose of purchasing large canoes. While in Fiji, young

males learned a new set of values encouraging bellicosity and aggression,

as well as learning the technology of warfare. Tongan males gained exQe-

rience in fighting wars and on returning to Tonga, brought with them new

techniQues of war, expressed in acts of rebellion and assassination, as

well as the custom of canniba1i sin. During this period the va1i di ey of
traditional religious belief and political cosmology began to be Questioned.

The Civil War which followed was halted by the spread of Christianity by

English missionaries and the rise of Tau€a'ahau as the leader oI a unified

Tonga.

English missionaries came to Tonga in three consecutive groups. In

1797, ten London Missionary Society (LMS) missionaries were deposited on

Tongatapu to convert the Tongans to Christianity. These ten males were all

skilled craftsmen, none were ordained ministers; they proposed to ”civi-

lize” as well as to convert. Cut off from thelr supply of Western goods,

hindered by renegade whites and not supported by local chiefs, one mission-

ary left several months after arrival, three were killed, and one went

"native,” (Vason, whose account has also been published); the other five

were removed by ship in 1800.

The second wave of missionaries were affiliated with the Wesleyan

Methodist Missionary Society (US). The content of the second group's

ideological message was identical to that of the first group of mission-

aries, but they utilized many varied channels to communicate it. They

conveyed not only the spiritual power of their religion, but the physical

power and material wealth of the society they represented through a vari-

ety of means: (1) hostages were sent to Australia, England and elsewhere

to ensure the protection of the missionaries; (2) the support of renegade

whites was enlisted; and, (3) Western goods were liberally used as gifts

and bribes. Later, the presence of British Men-o'-War in the harbor im-

plicitly supported and furthered the missionary cause.

The third group of missionaries (WMM5) in 1326, Thomas and Hutchinson,

and later, Turner and Cross, found their job easier; two Christian (LMS)

Tahitians had started a church and school and were preaching and convert-

ing Tongans with relative success, establishing an enduring channel of

communication. The conversion of politically prominent Tongans added yet

another dimension of communication for the missionaries.

£o11owing these events, three religious wars ensued, and one of their

effects was to broaden the missionaries' channels of communication, bring-

ing more influential leaders under their sway. In the 1837 war, Taufa'-

ahau's forces sided with those of his great-uncle, the Tu'i Kanokupolu, in

opposing the forces of the Tongatapu rebel chiefs. The 1840 war was a re-

petition of 1837 events.

Between these events and the third war of 1852, the first written law

in Tonga appeared as the Vava'u Code of 1839, revised as the 1850 Code;

both Codes promulgated Christian ideals and limited chiefly powers (Latu-

kefu 1974). A (French) Roman Catholic mission was started on Tongatapu in

1842 and succeeded in converting the Tu'i Tonga in 1848. Taufa'ahau (hence-

forth called King George Tupou I) succeeded to the position of Tu'i Kano-

kupolu upon the 1845 death of Jiosia Tupou. The 1852 war saw the King's

forces oppose heathen rebels and most of the Catholic Tongans, ending in

decisive victory for the King, now effective ruler of Ha'apai, Vava'u and

Tongatapu.

The first written legal code, as all subseQuent codes, conveyed the

values and norms that the King decided were important. The form of the

new code is as significant as the substance, introducing as it did a new

dimension of political communication. The impact of the King's policies

on social organization was enhanced, and influences directed at him per-

sonally could have greatly amplified effects. For example, in 1853, King

George visited Sydney, Australia. The poverty he saw t5ere convinced him

that Tonga must remain in the control of Tongans; this belief is reflected

in the land tenure system instituted in the 1875 Constitution, which for-

bid s European owner ship of land .

 7

In 1855, King George came to the aid of Thakombau, the King of Fiji.

This event almost reverses the pattern of external tommunicatlon that

Tonga engaged in hundreds of years before. Formerly the longans were stu-

dents of warfare, now they became a powerful intervening factor in the in-

ternal affairs of their neighbor, Fiji. With King George's forces allied

with Thakombau's and those of the Tongan settlement in Fiji (led by Ma'afu,

Aleamotu'a's son), the opposing forces were suppressed aod Thakombau's

position was strengthened. After King George's return to Tonga, however,

Ma'afu opposed Thakombau in an attempt to conquer Fiji; only intervention

by the British Consu1, Finally resulting in the colonization of riji,

forced ha'afu to abandon his claim.

During this period a remarkably influentia1 person emerged in Tongan

history: Mr. Shirley Waldemar Baker, a missionary turned King's advisor

and later, Premier of Tonga. Baker had great influence over the lnforma-

tion, values and norms that were communicated to the King and to the people

of Tonga, as well as to the other missionaries. This great influence can

be attributed to his consolidation of two powerful communication channels.

Politically, he was the personal advisor of the King, thus influencing

government policies and hence, the people of Tonga. Religiously, as head

of the Tongan district of missionaries, he dlrected the other missionaries'

activities and church policy, exercising yet another influence on the

Tongans, the majority of whom were Christian. Baker's character is aptly

summarized by Lâtukefu (1974:198): ”Baker starts with good intentions,

but in the end is corrupted by greed for power.” In 1860, Baker and family

arrived in Tonga. The Code of 1862 reflected Baker's advice to the King;

it contained the ”Emancipatlon Edict," freeing commoners from chiefly con-

trol, it levied an income tax, and it made schoo1 attendance mandatory

(Rutherford 1971). In 1869 Baker was elected Chairman of the Friendly

 8

Islands District (of the Migsion) and rivalry with and oQposition to Rev.

J. E. Moulton, the headmaster oI Tupou College began. Through various

means, Baker greatly increased monetary contributions to the Church while

encouraging copra production and German commercia1 interests. Baker urged

the establishment of Tonga as an independent state, with an independent

church; to this end he advised the King on the contents of the 1875 Consti-

tution and the 1885 secession of the Tongan Methodists from the Sydney Con-

ference. Opposition to Baker and his policies was demonstrated in the 1881

attempt to deport him from Tonga, in the Mu'a Parliament affair and in the

1887 attempt on his life.

Meanwhile the following politica1 events occurred: (1) 1865--King

George Tupou I incorporated the title Tu'i Tonga (upon the death of Laufi-

litonga), thus holding title to all three royal lines (Urbanowicz 1975a);

(2) the following treaties were made: 1855--France, 1876--Germany, 1879--

Great Britain and 1888--USA; (3) the 1882 Tongan Parliament passed The Act

to Regulate hereditary Lands, which set up a new system of nobility and

land tenu ' and (4) in 1880, Baker was appointed Tongan Minister for
re;

Foreign Affairs, Comptroller of Revenue, Minister for External Affairs,

Minister oi Lands and Prime Minister. Finally, iu 1890, Baker was deported

from Tonga by British authorities. In 1898, Baker returned to Tonga, as a

minister o{ the Anglican Church. He encouraged New Zealand to annex Tonga

and install him as Governor. Both schemes failed and Baker died in 1903.

Basil Thomson, a British officer, was appointed temporary deputy-

Premier in 1890; he helped re-organize the government, straighten out fi-

nancial problems and comQile the Code of 1891. Upon King George's death

in 1893, his great-grandson, King Taufa'ahau Tupou II, succeeded at age 19

to rule until his death in 1918. Mismanagement, inefficiency and apathy

plagued King George II's reign, resulting ln the establishment of Tonga as

 9

a British protectorate under the 1900 Treaty of Friendship and Protection

(Fusitu'a and Rutherford 1977).

In 1918, Queen Sâlote Tupou III succeeded to the throne, at 18 years

of age. Her long reign witnessed many changes in Tonga: advances in

health, education and the economy were made, the balance of population

shifted so that Tongatapu had 60% oI the total population, and Tonga as a

whole became moreurbaQized (Wood and Ellem 1977). A Tongan monetary sys-

tem, bank and Land Court were established, radio and telephones were in-

stalled and the treaty with Great Britain was modified in the years 1928,

1952 and 1958. In 1924, Queen Sâlote attempted to merge the Free Wesleyan

Church of Tonga with the Wesleyan Church to bridge the deleterious gap ini-

tiated by Baker; the Free Church of Tonga emerged, only later to be further

divided, forming the Church of Tonga. Some of Queen Salote's other inter-

ests should be mentioned. She had a broad knowledge oi Tongan culture and

encouraged the continuation of the traditional Tongan way of life. She

founded a woman's organization, Icn9c 2onuc or National Promotion, which

aimed to improve living conditions in the villages and to promote handi-

craft ooanufacture.

The extent o€ Tongan participation in World War I1 is noteworthy:

donations enabled longa to present Great Britain with three Spitfires,

Tongan troops fought in various battles, Tongatapu temporarily accommo-

dated over 10,000 allied forces and Tongans made liberal contributions to

refugee relief funds. Major economic advances occurred after World War II:

the fishing industry developed, the shipping industry was expanded and a

desiccated coconut industry was started.

Queen Sâlote was the third Polynesian monarch to visit England; in

1983 she attended Queen Elizabeth II's coronation. Queen Elizabeth and

the Duke of Edinburgh visited Tonga later in 1953. Tonga's beloved Queen
 10

died in 1965 and was succeeded by her son, King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV.

King Tau[a'ahau Tupou IV has ruled Tonga from 1965 to the present.

His educational background and years of experience in government make him

well-suited to lead Tonga toward "development." Tonga is an active parti-

2 ip
cipant such supra-national organizations as the South Pacific Com-

mission (SPC), the South Pacific Forum (SPF) and is involved with agencies

of the United Nations. Tonga's ecooomy can look forward to further "im-

provements" facilitated through [ive-year development plans, the expected

increase in tourism and industry, and agricultural, educationa1 and health

reforms (Baker 1977). The cultural impact of these economic changes re-

mains to be seen, but Tonga certainly will not remain the tradition-oriented

Kingdom it was under the rule of Queen Sâlote.

 11

III. Ethnography

The following section on traditional Tongan culture will present in-

formation on the economy, the social organization including the kinship

system, the egents of the life cycle, forms of communication, the religious

and educational system, and urban Tonga. The primary sources for these

ethnographic data are Mariner (1810), Collocott (1923), Gifford (1929) and

Beaglehole (1941). Throughout the text, the ethnographic present will be

used, Qualified in specific cases in the Notes. DescriQCions of the insti-

tutions mentioned above will be updated, to the 1970's when possible, im-

mediately following the accounts of the traditional practices.

Traditiona1 Economy

The traditional economy of Tonga is based on agriculture, and, to a

lesser extent, fishing. The land is worked using slash-and-burn methods,

clearing the brush from the land and then burning the remaining cover.

The following crops are cultivated: sweet potato, manioc, taro, banana,

plantain, breadfruit, coconut, kQuQ (the pepper tree--Piper nets stioi)

&nd more than 21 varieties of yam. Fishing methods, which yield a wide

variety of sea life, include the ocean net, the hand-held net, spearlishing,

hook and line, basket trapping using poison or bait, large group fishing

with a uet, gathering sea life on the reef and shark-luring.

Four other tasks occupy the Tongan: copra processing, *°F" making,

sinnet making and mat weaving. Copra or dried coconut is processed by a

laborious method of opening each coconut, allowing the meat to run-dry and

then removing it from the husk. The copra is then sold overseas to be pro-
1
cessed into coconut oil for use in soaps and other products.

is a processed bark cloth of the paper mulberry The bark mu s n

 12

first be stripped from the tree, dried and soaked; then it is beaten to

the desired thickness in a building specifically used for making tApc.

Mterwards, it is decorated using local dyes, and stencils or (reeform de-

signs. Icpc is used for bedding, clothing, gifts, and on special occasions,

as a red carpet. Sinnet is made into rope and fishnets from the coconut.

Mats of pandanus leaf are plaited, the coarser ones used for bedding, the

very fine for clothing (uaZn) used on cermonial occasions. Those mats

used for clothing take much time and skill to make; consequently, they are

very valuable and usually become heirlooms.

The division of labor in Tongan soc iecy i s 11exible in regard t o agr i-

cultural and cooking chores, but rigid in relation to religious activities

and tasks, such as house and canoe building, that are surrounded by ritual.

The I ollowing I asks are generall y peat ormed by men : I arming , sea I ishing ,

copra processing, sinnet making, preparing and cooking in earth ovens, col-

lecting firewood, house and canoe building, undertaking (e.g., collecting

volcanic "gravestones"), and religious and medical activities. Women oc-

cupy themselves with caring for children, washing clothes, cooking food,

reef fishing, plaiting pandanus mats, processing tApQ, making kQuQ, making

medicines and oiling the volcanic "gravestones” and placing them on the

grave; they assist the men with cultivation and copra making only when

necessary.

Cooperative labor among the men is common and often preferred. The

men may work together on a special project, for example, building a house.

In this case, the houseowner would provide the workers with food and per-

haps gifts. In another form of male cooperative labor, tOn MgQne, parti-

cipants take turns working each other's land; such group effort is espe-

cially prevalent during theinitial stages of clearing land cultivation.

Cooperative labor among the women, âo« lcZcgc, is utilized in the process
of tops maklng and mat weaving; in this case lt can be seen to parallel

the men's cooperative labor group for building in that the woman for whom

the tnpQ or mat is being made will provide the food for her workers

(Nayacakalou 1959).

Post-Contact Economy

Although Tonga's economic base is still primarily agricultural, many

changes have occurred since Western contact. Livestock, e.g., pigs, chick-

ens, horses and other animals have been introduced; cash-cropping of copra,

watermelon, pineapple, banana and other crops has increased. General

stores are found in almost every village.

Recognition of the prestige value of wage labor jobs, even though such

jobs are relatively scarce, has led to expanding urban areas, especially

Nuku'a1ofa. CorresQondingly, educational objectives and traditional atti-

tudes have changed. Tupouniua states that

no single factor has contributed more to economic

change . . . than the advent oi the money economy.
It has brought about changes in the traditional
economic activity and permeated almost all areas
of village social life (1977:34).

Tupouniua relates increased social change to the impact of the money economy:

Money has accelerated the breakup of the extended

family . . . changed the relative status of people,
and afforded a new diversity of economic opportu-
nity. It has led to changes in the methods, or-
ganization and objectives of production, and given
rise to new attitudes and values. traditional
forms have been found to be in many ways incom-
patible with the money economy with resultant
social stress and confusion (1977:34).

The emphasis on a money-oriented economy has decreased the number of

 l4

relatives to whom the wage-earner is able to fulfill obligations. The tra-

ditional culture's values of sharing and cooperation are diminished due to

the rise of individualism, altering the dimensions of traditional communi-

cation patterns.

The relative scarcity of wage-labor jobs in Tonga has resulted in emi-

gration, both short-term and more permanent, to New Zealand and elsewhere.

Remittances, money sent back to Tonga from these wage-earners abroad, are

a significant source of revenue, and are used for such things as airfare

tha C oeher s might emigrate for nor k, provid ing chi 1dr en with higher educa—

tion, and raising the standard of living of relatives, e.g., by providing

Western-style houses. "Very little of the money remitted is used for busi-

ness developmene” (Haas 1977 : 88) .

As of 1975, Tonga's Gross Domestic Product (at factor cost) was T$

(M) 25.2 and there was a trade deficit of T$(M) -8.6 (Haas 1977:89). An

important factor in Tonga's economy is foreign aid and investment. Tonga's

Third Five-Year Development Plan, 1975-1980, "envisages half the resources

coming from foreign private investment and international aid" (Haas 1977:

86). Despite this, Tonga has the lowest amount of per capita foreign aid

(658) among the Pac if ie i s land nat ions (Kavaliku 197 9) .

Traditional Social Organization

Tongan society is divided into four social classes: Zu'C--King, ’fili

--chiefs, people of the royal household and people of high birth, Yutap ie

--chiefs' ceremonial attendants, and W’c--commoners. Membership in these

social classes is ascribed. Based on economia, sociopolitical and ceremo-

nia1 criteria, Sahlins (1958) has classified Tongan society as highly

stratified.
 All Tongan chiefs trace their relationship to the Tu'i Tonga, thus

validating thelr authority. Chiefs are distinguished from commoners by

the following rights: to distribute land, to control production, to direct

communal work, to inflict punishment, to collect and redistribute goods,

2
and to be divorced from production activities. Chiefs are also distin-

8"ished by wearing apparel and ornaments, and the use of a chiefly language

and deferential behavior toward them. They are ceremonially distinguished

by arranged marriages, elaborate life crisls rituals and posltlon in the

MUQ ceremony.

The mctapule are attendants to the chiefs. Originally, mQtapnZe were

from Fiji, Samoa and elsewhere; as foreigners, they are ”exempt from the

tapu which separate a Tongan chief and his purely Tongan relatives” (Gifford

1929:141). The word, mQtap«Ze, extends to all those o€ cQâapule rank by

virtue of inheritance, birth or blood ties. Contrary to the literature,

Kavaliku (1979) reports that more than one person may hold a mctap Ze title

at one time. 7or example, a chief may appolnt one person in Ha'apai and

one in Vava'u to serve as his mc?dpule when he 1s there. However, if these

two rnaL0pu I e are 0oge t her , the eld er matñ pu /e is the chief ' s matñ pn /e and

the younger mAtâpule is treated as if he did not have a title. An impor-

tant duty of the mQtâpule is ceremonial: they direct the maklng and serv-

ing of MuQ in the kcuc ceremony. They also are employed as navigators,

canoe builders, cutters of whale teeth and funeral leaders. The duties of

the mofapuze of the Tu'i Tonga

. . . were to superintend the work in his garden and

els ethere , to at t end to him in g eneral , to serve him ,
and to s it or th him in the shade of the to a tree on
hi s gr een (Gi I £ord 1929 : 63) .

The Tu'l Tonga as well as the Tu'i Ha'atakalaua and the Tu'i Kanokupolu
 16

have been discussed in the section on Geography, History and External Com-

munication in Tonga. However, there are three other individuals of impor-

tance, related in various ways to the Tu'i Tonga: (1) the principal wife

(moheo/o) of the Tu'i Tonga is usually the eldest daughter o[ the Tu'i

Ha'atakalaua and later, o[ the Tu'i KanokuQolu. Thus, the eldest son, the

next Tu'i Tonga, is in a relationship of /chM (unlimited authority) to the

Tu'i Ha'atakalaua or Tu'i Kanokupolu. This served to reinforce their sup-

port for the position of Tu'i Tonga (Lât6kefu 1974); (2) The Tu'i Tonga

Fefine, the eldest sister of the Tu'i Tonga, has a higher rank than the Tu'i

Tonga and can only marry a foreigner or into the fi0’Q Fale Fisi, which

traces its heritage to Fiji (Gifford 1929); and (3) the Thafim, the chil-

dren of the Tu'i Tonga Fefine and a man of the fim’c Fale Fisi, especially

the eld es t daughter , have a la ig her rank than ei ches che Tu ’ i Tonga or the

Tu'i Tonga Fefine.

In Tongan society, titles of chiefs are ranked. The titleholder, his

descendants , des c endand s of former t i tleho ld ers , and matapu Le and tu 'a as-

sociated with the titleholder form a group called V’c (Kaeppler 1971c).

2c’Q are ranked societal divisions made up of individuals associated with

ranked titles; they have ceremonial and politlcal significance (Kaeppler

1971c). Aoyagi (1966) and others found the concept of V’c lacking in the

various villages studied. This can be explained by two facts: (1) in

Tonga, village structure is not a microcosm of societal structure, and ele-

ments such as a chief may be missing; and (2) V'c are part of the wider

societa1 structure and cannot be conceptualized in terms of a single vil-

lage (Kaeppler 1971c).

j£n'n] are known mainly by chiefs who stand to

benefit by power play or tradition. Most Tongans
today (and probably traditionally) do not know
the relative ranking or origin o€ the various
 A ’ct, because rhes e are af datas o€ t he chie:E s
and do no t cone er n Lhera (Kaepp1en 19 71C . 188) .

Traditional Land Tenure

Tonga's traditiona1 system of land tenure is based on the belief that

all land belongs to the Iu'i Tonga. This recognition is evidenced in the

Cmmsi, first-fruits offering to the Tu'i Tonga. The land is divided among

the principal chiefs, into to/i’c or hereditary estates (LâtGkefu 197*).

The chiefs then allot this land to lesser kinsmen and commoners (V’Q mem-

bers) and their supporters for their use (Nayacakalou 1959). Beaglehole

characterizes the relationship between commoner and chief in feudal terms:

the aboriginal commoner was a tenant farmer, work-

ing land granted him by a feudal chief, paying
'rent' in produce, liable in theory to be dispos-
sessed of his 'rented' land at the will of his
chief (1941:19).

Upon the death of the chief, his property is inherited by his eldest son,

with a portion being provided for the other children. If the eldest son

is too young to make proper use of his inheritance, it may be held in trust

by the father's younger brother or inherited by him.

Changes in Land tenure and Social Organization

Changes in the land tenure system occur in 1839, 1852, 1862, and 1872.

The Vava'u Code of 1839 entitles commoners to an allotment of land, as does

the 1862 Code, stating that ". . . as long as the people pay their tribute

and their rent to the chief, it shall not be lawful for any chief to dis-

possess them" (Maude 1965:97). In 1852 lt was deemed illegal for any chief

Or people to sell land to foreigners. This provision has the effect of

 18

maintaining Tongan political independence and avoidlng ethnic conflict such

as that encountered in Fiji (Lat6kefu 1974). An 1872 statement prohibits

the sale of land to Tongans, as well as non-Tongans, although leases up to

99 years were allowed, and corruption was not unheard of.

Between 1870 and 1880, King GeorgeTupou I instituted a hereditary of-

fice, Speke (noble), which, in effect, completely reorganized Tonga's tra-

ditioQa1 system of social organization. Twenty-four chiefs and six mQtap Zo

were appointed to the position, nopele. In previous legal codes and acts,

the power of the chiefs, particularly over commoners, had been steadily de-

creased. However, this new development reduced chiefs with 5o/i 'c to small

landholders and those without Ao/C'c, to mere ceremonial significance (Mar-

cus 1975a , 197 9) . ’the nope I e r ec eived to f? 'o and the power to altocate

these lands. Thus, five types of estates exist: royal estates, held by

the king; royal family estates, held by members of the royal family; noble

est at es , held by menb er s of the nob illty ; matñ pu /e es tae es , held by zafipu /e ,

and the r ema ind ez a s g ov ernment es t at es .

In addition, the 1082 Act to Regulate Hereditary Lands instituted an

individualistic system of land tenure. Every Tongan male over 16 years of

age is eligible to apply to the government for two allotments o€ land: an

81 acre tax allotment of bush land, ’cpi tulnVu, and a smaller town allot-

ment, 'Api GOZO, on which to build a house. The use of both o[ these ’Qpi

is inherited by the eldest son of the deceased landholder. An annual rent/

tax of eight shillings is assessed for each 'Api tuluñcu. The 1891 Code

consolidated these provisions with only minor changes enacted in 1927 and

1934. The 1927 Land Act granted 12-3/8 acres of bush land if the applicant

cedes rights to his town allotment, and a 1934 amendment increases this

12-3/8 acres to 15 acres (Maude 1965). Thus, the new land tenure system

provided equal and adequate land for every man, increased the power of the
 19

goveznmeut to protect the land, and reduced the land rights of lesser chieCs

and c orr espond ing ly , incaeased I he lrand ig ht s of I he hous eho ld head

(Croconbe £9 7 5) .

Current Problems of Land Tenure and Social Organization

Since the original appointment of the thirty nopele, King George Tupou

I I has appo int ed two none rope ie , and Queen Salot e , one addi t iona1 rope Le

(Maude 1971). The inheritance of these titles and the corresponding to/i'c

has been a source of much controversy. From 1920 to the present, sixteen

of these titles have been involved in disputes concerning the legality of

succession; these disputes were adjudicated by the Land Court and the Privy

Council (Marcus 1979). Six other noble titles have been the subject of ru-

mored claims but these cases were not heard in the courts. Almost all of

the noble titles have been the subject of informa1 claims but these claims

have not been supported by legal argument. Border disputes are also frequent.

Several problems involving land tenure have recently developed. As

primogeniture is the rule for inheritance of ’Api use ri8hts, the younger

sons are left without any land allotment. Due to increased population,

there are not more eligible allotment holders than there are available al-

lotments (Maude 1973). The previously straightforward process of acquiring

a vacant allotment has become convoluted, especially for those persons from

other locations (Nayacakalou 1959).

On hereditary estates the titleholder has a statutory

right to be consulted before an allotment is registered
by the Minister, and in practice the applicant must
have a signed approval from the estate-holder before
applying to the Minister. Although by law the objec-
tions of an estate-holder can be overruled by the Mini-
ster, few villagers would dare complain against a noble
 20

and, even if they did, the Minister apparently

does not force registration if the estate-holder
still does not approve. Land thetefore cannot be
acquired simply by applying to the Lands Department.
In practice on hereditary estates an applicant ap-
proaches the estate-holder or his representative
for permission to use and register a tax allotment,
having prepared the way with gifts of food. If
there is land to spare the applicant will probably
be allowed to garden it, but will be told to apply
for registration in a year or so. One reason for
the delay in approving registration is to ensure
that the applicant works the land and meets his
responsibilities to the village. All too often,
however, estate-holders have delayed registration
for reasons of power and personal advantage
(Maude 1971:114).

Persons who have migrated elsewhere may continue to hold 'api, their land

perhaps being temporarily or partially used by other family members. Also,

people with other sources of income, e.g., wage labor jobs, may continue

to hoId 'and r igh t s .

Tongan Kinship

Kinship in Tonga has been variously described in the

literature. According to G. P. Murdock the Tongans
are classified as an extended family type with poly-
gamous household; patrilocal residence, but Patri-
local tesidence as a patterned alternative; limited
polygamy [sick; absence of any unilinear kin groups;
bilatera1 kindred; cross cousin marriage is disap-
proved symmetrically but not speclfically forbidden
(Aoyagi 1966:141) 3

This description summarizes Tongan kinship; the following topics will be

dlgcussed in detail: (1) the concept of T‹ain Q (bilatera1 l‹lndred), the

various interpretations of lai c, and the concepts of /omiZC, family es-

tate and household; (2) ranked kinship categories within the lainpQ and ap-

propriate behavior; (3) three specific types of behavior (avoidance, res-

pec t and Kahn) and threir eta tionship to spec if ie kin ship cat egor ies ; and
 21

(4) the interrelated topics of marriage, residence and adoption.

The term, Mill or bilateral kindred, refers to all relatives to

whom a relationship can be traced, through both the mother's and father's

side of the family (Kaeppler 1971c). Historically, the term laCMgc was

equated to a minimal segmentary lineage. This fact has caused some social

scien-

tists to define the terA, V’Q as a kinship group. In present-day Tonga,

this is clearly incorrect if one contrasts the kinship-based definition oI

the laingc with the societal-based definition of V’a.

The iugc is based on a shared genealogical link; it is that "field

of individuals that one recognizes as kinsmen" (Marcus 1975a:41). Related

to this is the ideology of mutual aid and reciprocity among kinsmen. Thus,

in order to be a part of ego's dingQ, one must demonstrate some sort of

genea1ogica1 relationship, cnd one must offer active support in time of

ego's need. This has lead to the use of the term, laCñ9a to also mean a

type of "fictive laingo," based on mutual support, irrelevant of the exist-

ence of a genealogical tie (Rogers 1975).

Some social scientists have used different interpretations and words

for the same concept. According to Rogers, the term, /umiZi is inter-

changeable and synon ozs with the term, Sign, when used in the same con-

te2t. However, the use of the term fAmiZi, ls becoming linked with a smal-

ler, exclusive group of kinsmen, as the modern, money-oriented economy in-

cr ea s ingly af I ect s v illage 1i Ie. The /&i li could per haps be cal 1 ed an

"inner cir cie" of the ?S9a .

Two other concepts found in the literature have not yet gained univer-

sal acceptance among social scientists studying Tonga. The family estate

and the hous ehold , pro po sed by Star cus (1975a ) and Derc kbo Korn (197 4 , 197 5) ,

respectively, will be briefly examined.

The family estate is an etic concept, not recognized by most Tongans.

 22

It is a ranked kinship group with primarily economic interactions between

its members; geographically, it is dispersed outside of a single village.

An example of a family estate is a group of siblings, most of whom have

moved from their home village, yet continue to be governed by traditional

(economic) obligations and rights. The move from the home village is a

r esult of popula t ion growth, scar ci ty of land and th e ind iv idua11s t ie sy s—

tem of land tenure (Marcus 1975a). Even though some individuals attempt Lo

manipulate their position in the family estate by maximizing their support

and minimizing their obligations, there are limits to such a strategy. In

genera1, the family estate members show a

growing sense of responsibility . . . for each other's

material welfare and individual development as they
assist one another in dispersing from native households
and 'getting started' in life (Marcus 1975a:49).

A group clearly related to the UC gc and the /AmiZi is the household,

some 1- imes cailed ’a9 . The hous eho ld i s def in ed as the uni I oI c orrmon co n-

sumption and residence. Most households are based on the nuclear family of

two parents and their children; this group is usually expanded to include

other relatives, as well as non-relatives. The household is flexible and

often changes in size. Decktor Korn (1975) has portrayed Tongan household

com csition as the result of decisions or choices concerning residential

options and alternatives, especially for the newly married couple.

As in a 11 soc ie L ie s , memb er s oI Tongan kin group s , sue h as I he kâ i a,

can be placed in categories; these categories are defined by the following

characteristics: the person's age or generation, the person's sex and to

which side of the family (mother's OT father's) the person belongs. Each

of these characteristics is stated in relation to the generation, sex and

laterality of a reference person, ego.

 23

Kaeppler has named the following fourteen kinship categories, listing

thelr dist inguishing charac t er is t ie s:

(1) a 11 maI e and I ena1e kinsmen two

or more generations above ego.
( 2) ?1eAi‹itc a: all female klnsmen one generation
above ego related through the
father, e.g., FaSi, £aFaSiDa.
(3) father and all male kinsmen one
generation above ego related through
the father.
mother and all fegale kinsmen one
generation above ego related through
the mother.
(5) ft«’QsiimJ: all male kinsmen one
generation above ego related through
the mother.
(6) Iuo/e/Cne (man speaking): all female kinsmen of the
same generation.
(7) Zuoxan’Cne (woman speaking): all male kinsmen of the
same generation.
(8) kinsmen of the same sex and the same
generation.
( 9) '/ZwmW (can speakiog): children of Wo/e/ine.
(10) 2Q2Q/oâ (woman speaking): children of MougQ’Qne.
(11) 'O/e/Cna (man speaking): female offspring of self
and fo1o«u.
(12) Not (man sQeaking): male offspring of self and
iOIOM.
( 13) TAmQ (woman speaking): male and female offspring of
self and ¢okoun.
all male and female kinsmen two or
more generations beloa ego
(1971c:175-176)

The following distinctions should be emphasized: (1) the mother and

mother's sister (#4) are classed together and distinguished from the

Catlier's sister (¥12); (2) the father and father's brother (#3) are classed

together and distinguished from the mother's brother (/5); and (3) paral-

lel cousins are classed with siblings (#ll, 12, and 13) and distinguished

from cross-cousins (J9 and 10) (box 1967).

As in Tongan politica1 organization, these kinship categories are

also ranked. Three principles explain the system of ranking: (1) kins-

men related through the father have a higher status than those related
 24

through the mother, in relation to ego; (2) females have a higher status

than males, in the same generation; and (3) the elder has a higher status

than the younger, among siblings of the same sex (Kaeppler 197lc).

The relationship between members of different kinship categories is

communicated in the behavior that occurs between the two people involved.

Kaeppler delineates seven types of behavior:

(1) Auoidhxe--demanded of siblings and paral1e1

cousins o{ opposite sex (i.e., between
#uo/e/ine and buo Q’nne) and all
cross-cousins related through the
father (i.e., those whom your father
calls 'iZormta).
(2) New equQZity--among siblings and parallel
cousins oI the same sex (l.e., toko«o).
(3) Restrniu# Qnd obedCenoe--demanded of males and
females to weAikiAQnyQ.

(6) DemnVing . . . --appropriate of males and females

to /Q’e âongntQ and cross-cousins re-
lated through the mother (i.e., whom
ego's mother calls /C1c/ot) and of
f ema les to ehe children of tuonga 'one
LTaka fo tu) .
(7) to restraints——beeoeen \ui and zokopnm.
(1971c:177).

Next, three specific examples of kinship behavior will be examined:

avoidance behavior between opposite sex siblings, respect of the child for

his I ash er ’ s sts ter , and jade behr avio between the chi ld and his moeher ' s

bro ther .

Avoidance between Opposite Sex Siblings

The brother-sister relationship is characterized by respect and honor,

evident ed in avo id anc e behavior . The s i s t er , espee tally the elder sist er ,

ha9 a higher kinship rank, and the brother must always remember this and
 25

act accordingly. A sister's requests are almost always granted and a

brother offers his sister gifts of food; the sister in turn gives the

brother tgpc and mats. A brother may not take part in a /aC lcuc if his

sister is preparing the lcuc;' he is responsible for his sister's honor and

hearing sexual joking about her would both anger and embarrass him. Also,

he does not approach his sister while she is talking with others for fear

of overhear Ing a similar conv er sa Lion .

Historically, total avoidance was practiced between a brother and a

8
sister. Now, many specific, ideal tape remain. From about age ten on, a

brother and sister may not sleep in the same house, or eat together. They

may not touch each other's persona1 effects or dance or play together, and

they may not talk with each other on topics such as love or Quarrels (Aoyagi

1966). A brother must sit down when t&1king to his sister in a room. Now,

they may cook food, wash clothes and nurse the other if necessary, but still

a degree of constraint remains.

The brother might not enter the house where the sister
was . . . today they attend the same church. Formerly,
the brother might not take a seat near his sister when
travelling was either on foot or by canoe; today they
trave1 to Nuku'alofa in the same bus (Tupouniua 1977:24-25).

A brother's children (and a brother's wife) show great respect for

their father's (husband's) sister, especially the elder sister. They are

more respectful toward her than they are toward their own father. "The

maximum of tapu is still found in their relation" (Aoyagi 1966:162).

”The nature of . . . (ttie father's sister's) control is partly econo-

mic, partly attributable to mystical powers" (Rogers 1977:165). These eco-

nomic and mystical powers are more clearly defined in relation to the life
 26

crises oi the brother's children. The ne3ilitenpc is believed to be able

to influence conception and birth, as well as the health of the newborn.

They most often name the children and play a large part in arranging the

children's marriages. The meACkitQngQ are honored guests at their brother's

funeral. 0n all of these occasions they are recipients of gifts of food

and tnpn.

The Kahn

"the /Qhu is the one who is ceremonially or ritually superior in a

particular social context" (Rogers 1977:167). The relationship between the

sister's children and the mother's brother is marked by /QNu behavior.

Historically, the sister's child was free to demand land, goods, or food

and to take these things without first asking. Now, the goods taken or

asked for depend on their monetary value; a saleable or valuable object is

asked for and might possibly be denied.

Adoption, Marriage and Residence

Hris to i ca1 data (pr e-187 5) is available on adop tion and can be con-

toasted with current adoption practices. The purposes of adoption differ

over time, as do the terms and type6 of adoption. In pre-1875 Tonga, adop-

tion was a way of increasing one's political following (Urbanowicz 1973),

but it also occurred among close kin and friends. In modern Tonga, adoption

is a system manipulated to obtain social status, economic security and psy-

chological well-being (Morton 1976). Adoption frequently occurs among

consanguines.

The historical tem, oAi, can be eQuated to the current definition of

adoption, involving a permanent change in rank and residence of the adopted

 27

ind iv idual . In pr es en t-day Tonga , adop t ion oI non-consangulnes 1s ca11ed

ofii, while that of blood relatives is named ousicli. This latter term

pre- viously meant fosterage involving different residence for the adopted

in- dividual although the adopted person kept the same rank as his

biological parents. Historically, ngooAi and Dkdñingoc are defined as name

giving, involving no change in residence for the child; the latter tem

involves the child's rank becoming higher. Today's concept of /p?qNi oc

involves naming, Qlus assistance of the child perhaps by counseling or

economic aid. The term, tcuhi is traditionally defined as looking after

someone, while currently it means to protect as a guardian. The concept,

âokQM D ’C, to care for or babysit, has developed in current Tonga and

has no historical counterpart.

Marriage in Tonga will be dealt with briefly in the Ethnography section

on Events of the Life Cycle. However, some remarks can be made at this

point. In traditional Tonga, Rogers (1977) reports that commoners had no

formal marriage ceremony. Cross-cousin marriage is rare among commoners

but occurs more frequently among chiefly families. Polygamy also is more

f requen t among the c href 1y f amllles .

With the advent of Christianity, a civil/church ceremony is required.

According to Collocott (1923), the traditional marriage ceremony includes

an exchange of food and other gifts between the relatives of the bride and

those of the groom. There is also a ceremonial changing of clothes, twice

by both the bride and groom; the bride's clothes go to her groom's family

and her fam i ly , Chi le t he g room ' s c lo t hes go t o t he br ide ’ s mo t her ' s a nd

bride's father's families. The Vuc ceremony and feasting conclude the

festivities. A second celebration may occut in celebration of the bride's

virginity.

Previously the father's sister, the mefiilitQngQ, arranged the marriages

 28

of their brother's children, in consultation with the children's parents.

There is a trend away from this to an equal control and manipulation by the

parents. Many contemporary (especially urban) marriages are initiated by

elopement. This method has several advantages: it enables the couple to

avoid obtaining parental permission and it enables them to avoid costly

feasts and gift-giving.

Residence after marriage is traditionally virilocal; however, uxori-

local residence is also common. If the groom ls the eldest son, he and his

bride usually live with his parents, as he will eventually inherit his

father's lands. This residential pattern brings the bride under close

scrutiny of her parents-in-law; to avoid this, she may return home several

months before childbirth, remaining until several months thereafter. If

the groom is a younger son, he and his bride uay live with her parents,

es- pecially if he has a better chance there, economically; the groom may

on occasion also resort to visits to his parents' home.

9
Events of the Life Cycle

The first event of the life cycle, birth, is a more important occasion

for the first-born child. A special feast, prepared by the father, marks

this event. Both the mother's mother and the father's mother, as well as

a midwife participate in birthing the child. A few hours after birth, the

child is given a name by the meAikiAnuqr. For ten days after birth, the

mother is confined to the house; after this period, for three months (for

the first child, less thereafter), the mother stays confined to the house

except for brief periods. Baptism of the child marks the end of the mother's

confinement. The mother's male and female relatives visit the mother and

child the first few days after birth, to present gifts, drink and
 29

talk. Later, the father's relatives are informed of the birth.

The next event in the life cycle for a female is the onset of men-

struation. No ceremony or feasting occurs, however this time marks the be-

ginning of a number oI #cpuc for the girl: she cannot work, cook or wash

clothes during her menstrual period and henceforth must demonstrate an at-

titude o€ respect toward her brother, marked by avoidance. Between ages

10 and 12, the male undergoes supetcision. Currently this occurs in a hos-

pital and it is no longer marked by feasting or gift exchange.

Courtship and marriage are the next events. The ideal wife should be

industrious, beautiful according to Tongan standards and a virgin. Accord-

ing to Beaglehole (1941), the idea1 husband should be sexually experienced;

Kavaliku (1979) reports that a good family background, high social rank and

economic standing, as well as handsomeness are ideal qualities for a husband.

The civil ceremony and church marriage may be combined with the traditional

Tongan celebration marked by feasting and ku&c. Elopements are becoming

more common (Marcus n.d. a). Marriages with the previously married (either

divorced or widowed) are permitted and divorce was rare, due to the detailed

procedures involved. Now, divorce is becoming more frequent.

The final event of the life cycle, death, has been dealt with in the

Symbolic Communication section.

Traditional and Modern Interpersonal Communication

Within the Tongan village severa1 other cycles are found, besides the

1if ce cy ie . The daily cycle of ev en t s dif fer s f or men and Dorien . The men

generally spend their morning and part of their afternoons working the land,

while evenings are spent drinking lcsc and sleeping. The women's daily

cycle varies due to their many different chores of food preparation, mat
 30

making, and sometimes fishing and agricultural work, most of which are done

throughout the day; evenings are spent sleeping, vlslting and making knud.

"This routine is kept up from day to day, broken only by an occasiona1 visit

to another village, (or) by a feast” (Beaglehole 1941:25).

Economic activities occupy moet of the daylight hours. Interpersonal

communication centers around these activities. Work groups may form for

the various tasks, but otherwise the work is done in small groups or alone.
'0
Interpersonal communication is primarlly limited by economlc activity.

Two o ther cons tra Int s are kms hip hope , e . g . , a man avo id ing his sis ter ,

and ind ividual pers onali ty, e. g . , a man ’ s relay lonship with his f ellou

villagers.

The daily work cycle is broken by Sunday, a day of rest, church acti-

vities and AuO drinking. During the entire year the daily cycle is broken

only by occasional holidays such as Christmas and the New Year. "The daily

rout ine is , by and large, the yearly you tlne” (Beaglehole 1941 : 26) .

In a modern Tongan village, there has been little impact of moderni-

zation on interpersonal communication. The daily routine is very similar

if not the same as in traditional Tonga; the village economic system as

well as the village social system have remained virtually unaltered. The

Church and school have served to broaden the channels of interpersonal com-

munication, while external influences such as radio, newspapers and visitors,

have increased and diversified the content of interpersonal communication.

Otherwise, few changes in village interpersonal communication have occurred.

In urban Tonga, on the other hand, one would speculate that interper-

sonal communication would have been greatly altered by modernization. How-

ever, although Nuku'a1ofa is the primary example of an urban area in Tonga,

it does not meet all the criteria of the South Pacific Commission's defini-

tion of urban. ’2 Walsh states that "nearly half the men in Nuku'a1ofa are
 31

farmers, and many more rely partly on agriculture for a living” (1972:27).

Those people employed in non-agricu1tura1 pursuits may have more channels

of interpersonal communication, e.g., with employers, fellow emQloyees and

non-relatives, yet fewer channels of communication with relatives. Their

economic system has been changed, as has their social system. However,

those employed in traditional (village) economic pursuits have an increased

number of channels of communication, due primarily to the fact that the ur-

ban area has a greater populatlon; otherwise, their interpersonal communi-

cation remains virtually the same as in a village.

Traditional Public Communication

Several types of public communication exist in traditional ''

Tonga.
Li r te i s known about the sys Mem em 1 I led fononqonc ngo toko“no , (making pro —

clamation while reclining). Gifford explains that there once was a time

”when it was possible to communicate from one end of Tongatabu to the

other

by ca 11ing one farm to another" (1929:4). Research on traditional

settlement patterns combined with knowledge of the above custom suggest

that Tongatapu's population might have been denser and living in a dispersed,

now-village settlement pattern (Tupouniua 1977:3).

Another type oT public communication is the mono, similar to a town

meeting. The attendance of every male and female over 21 years of age is

required at the job. The people gather to Year the commands of their chief,

especially those of a political or economic nature. At the mono, the com-

moners are reminded of their duty toward their chief, their moral and poli-

tical duties in general and proper behavior at ceremonies. No discussion

or conversation is allowed between the commoners and the chiefs or mutapnZes,

in contrast to the /Ouos of other Polynesian societies (Williamson 1924);

 32

directly thereafter the people leave the area and return home. Mariner

(1818) reports that these mono are held every two to three weeks.

In present day Tonga, the mono is convened at least once a month if

not more frequently. The town officer, and visiting government officials

are required to hold mono s , the f ormer , once a month , the lab t er , when pas s —

ing through an area . Chief s are also permi t t ed to call a fono . 0 ther I ohms

of modern public communication are also used. For example, a church minis-

ter has an influential role in public communication, through the medium of

ehe Sunday sermon . Rad to , newsp aper and o ther ma s s med ia w111 be dea lt

with in the section on Modern Communication in Tonga.

Traditional Religion

Tonga has an elaborate mythology too extensive to be dealt with here.

Subjects covered include the birth of great gods of the Sky, Earth, Sea

and Underworld, as well as the creation of Tonga. The divineness of the

Tu'i Tonga and his successive descendants is the result of the mating of

the Lord of Heaven, Eitumatubua, and a human mother. A number of the gods

are worshipped nationwide, while others are more localized. Each lineage

has a deity affiliated with it, usually a deceased chief, and priests or

priestesses who act as mouthpieces of the gods (Collocott 1921). In trance,

these priests or priestesses tell of the will of the god. the gods are con-

sulted on important occasions, particularly before war or long voyages. Mis-

fortune, natura1 disasters and illnesses are attributed to the anger of the

gods. A Qerson's zcuc, here a type of personal power, is due to the favor

of the gods (Gifford 1929).

The cone ep t of Gaps (taboo or f orb idd en) can at so be deal t with under

religion. Some items, such as sanctuaries and chiefs, are inherently tApn;
other items, such as fOods for a feast, can be made temporarily #cpu by the

power of a chief or priest. IApu involving people can be removed by per-

forming the ritual of noemoe, touching one's forehead to the soles of the

feet of the higher ranked person.

Religious ceremonies, besides those for consulting the gods through the

priests are numbered. The iucsC, (first fruits), an offering of agricul-

tural products to the Tu'i Tonga, the offering of ldud to the gods in the

kcun ceremony and ceremonies such as the ñilitcngc, related to funerals are

the few found in the literature (Urbanowicz 1972).

Religion in Present-Day Tonga

Today, the majority, iI not all of Tonga is Christian. Three of the

churches have a Wesleyan heritage: the Free Wesleyan Church of Tonga, the

Free Church of Tonga and the Church of Tonga. The Roman Catholic Church

also has a substantla1 congregation; however, the many other churches and

s ec t s (Chur ch oI Eng land , Normon——Churc h oI Je su s Chr i s t of La t t er -Day

Saints, Seventh Day Adventists, Bsha'i and Jehovah's Witnesses, to name a

few) involve only a small percentage of the population, although this num-

ber i s inca easing .

Christianity has become an important part of everyday life. Aoyagi

writes that

we can not understand fully the village life without

Christianity. There.are a number o€ religious ob-
servances, for example, attendance at church service
several times a week, strict keeping of the Sabbath,
prayers before each meal and before going to bed,
which are integral parts of daily life for the
vlllagers (1966:135).

The vlllager supports his church by attending worship services,

meetings and choir practices, by sending his children to Sunday School, and

by paying quarterly dues, repairing the church building and supporting the

church ' s pas tor oleh gif ts and f ood (Beag leho1e 1941) .

The church also serves as a source of prestige as well as a public

forum. Changing one's membership to another church is a way of voicing dis-

pleasure with the church's pastor, policies or members. Parents gain pres-

tige through children who are good students in Sunday Schoo1. The position

of lay preacher, as well as minister is prestigious in the Tongan village.

Billingness to make a 1arg e rc ont ibut:ion eo I:he annual chum c h I und—dr ive ,

mCsincZe, is also a chance for public commendation (Tupouniua 1977).

Traditional and Modern Education

The advent of Christianity in Tonga can be directly linked to the rise

of Western-style education. Previously, children learned their role in

Tongan society by associating with those who had similar roles; girls would

learn to perform various tasks by watching and helping other women, and

children of chiefly rank would learn the duties of a chief by observing,

imitating and listening to adults of chiefly rank. Missionaries started

schools to teach reading (of the Bible) and basic writing and mathematics.

George Tupou 1 encouraged the education of his people and in 1865, Tu-

pou College (in the American system, high schoo1) was founded. The College

taught a combination of esoteric and practical skills: history, mathemat-

ics, re ligion, geography, grammar, chemistry, astronomy and gardeni " 8. C a r -

pentry, painting and printing (Tupouniua 1977).

Since 1862, school attendance between ages 6 and 14 has been compul-

sory. About 95% of the primary schools in Tonga are government operated.

However, 82% of the post-primary schools are church sponsored and an

 35

additional 5, are private schools without church affiliation; the nut-

ber oI s tud en t s t.hes e sc hoo1 s can s erve i s 1imi t ed and admis s ion is henc e

competitive. The 1977 primary school population was 23,000, while the

post-primary school population was 10,000 (Kavaliku 1979). Post-secondary

education is available in teacher training, nursing, agriculture, theology

and other technical/vocational skills at a number oI specialized schools,

and in the Tonga Defense Services. A two-year university level education

is obtainable from the 'Atenisi University in Arts (A.A.) and Science

(A . S . ) . 0ther dip loma and degr ee coup ses ar e ava i 1ab l e ad I he Univ er si t y

Centre through the University of the South Pacific Extension Service. For

further education, Suva, Fiji houses the University of the South Pacific

(USP), while other alternatives are colleges and universlties in New Zea-

land, Australia, Great Britain, Canada, West Germany, Papua New guinea,

India, Hawaii and mainland U.S.A. Technical training is also available

in these countries, for example, Centra1 fledical School in Suva.

As in other "developing" countries, in Tonga, education is seen as a

path to indiv idual improvement (and nat iona l d ev elopmen t ) . The ideal is

secondary and post-secondary education that leads to the attainment of a

(scarce) white-collar job. There are both individual and national conse-

quences. On the individua1 level, a child may be sent to a secondary

school in Nuku'a1ofa to receive the benefits of the better resources avail-

able there. His parents either stay on their home island and work to pro-

vide him with the necessary monies for tuition and living exQenses while

he is separated from his immediate family, or they may move en masse to

t he urb an ar ea t o seek page 1abor j obs t o ear n the sec e s sary cas h inc one .

In either case, the population of the urban area increases. Another result

of further education on the individual leve1 is the conflict between tradi-

tional values and "learned" aspirations; for example, the educated have
 36

little desire to return to agricultural labor in the outer islands. On

the national level, these educated fill the New avallable white-collar

positions and the large remainder are left unemployed, to emigrate to

Western countries (with resulting complaints of a ”brain drain"), or to

remain in Tonga, ill-content, unsatisfied and marginal to their own soci-

ety. 0ne solution which many "developing" nations recognize, yet few are

able to successfully implement, is technical-vocational and/or "cultural"

education; its students may "fit" more closely into the existing society,

while their knowled ge I ills a deilnite need .

Urban Tonga

Tonga's urban "problems," here defined as overpopulation, inadequate

facilities and the like, are similar to urban problems in other parts of

the world. Some of the reasons for urbanization have been examined in the

Ethnography section on Education: children migrate to the urban area for

the better education available there, parents follow to support the child

and young educated adults do not want to return to the outer islands.

Other reasons for migration include the availability of better medical fa-

cilities, the chance of wage labor employment, shortage of land in the

outer islands, and the excitement of city life.

The ur ban ar ea is us ually unpr epar ed f or t he incr ease in popula t i on .

Inadequate housing, substandard wacer and sanitation facilities and limited

social services are only a few of the technical problems encountered. fi-

nancial problems, such as an increase in unemployment and an increase iu

personal indebtedness may also result from overpopulation. The following

may be linked to the large number of educated youth, especially those who

are neither employed, nor in school: juvenile delinquency, adult crimes,

 37

youth gangs, prostitution, youth suicide, alcoholism and drug abuse,'6

neglected/abused children and family/marital conflicts.

A recent study by M. G. Fox (1972), a Social Welfare Adviser for the

U. N. Office of Technical Co-operation, suggested limiting migration to

Nuku'a1ofa by increasing the attractiveness of outer island life. Speci-

fically he proposed establishing secondary schools in the Ha'apai and

Vava'u districts, improving shipping facilities there to provide a larger

market for goods, and hence an economic incentive, encouraging industry in

the ouI er i s land s and dev e1op ing inprov ed ameni p les , i . e. , roads , Lhea c ers ,

and the like, in the outer islands. This is only one possible solution to

the many problems of urban life.

 38

S bo lie Commun tea t 1.on'

The Acun Ceremony

One of the more prominent and multi-faceted examples of symbolic com-

munication is the Tongan icon ceremony. The kcuc ceremony communicates

several different concepts: it demonstrates the societal rank of the par-

ticipating individuals, it validates changes in political status and impor-

tant life cycle events, lt serves as a public forum for discussion of cur-

rent events and it serves to unify the society by providing a common cultural

identity.

ñcuc is made from the root of the pepper tree, Piper mets s#icum. The

root is pounded (historlcally it was chewed) and then mixed with water and

served. XQUQ is a mild tranquilizer; it inhibits aggression, as well as

sexual desire (Lemett 1967). More substantia1 quantities of lQuc depress

bodily functions, i.e., slow heartbeat and respiration, and distort sensory

perception. Prolonged and heavy use o[ lcua is associated with weight loss,
'
constipation, ichthyosls (fishskin disease) and irritated, bloodshot eyes.

Such use is addictive, resulting in impotence and unfitness for work; other

indirect consequences are gossip, and divorce.

Rogers (1973) d is t lnguishes ehree type s of data ceremony: ro ya1 data,

chief ly bra ( 'i to Java) and comnon Ayn (Eni kaua) . Accord Ing t o Kaval iku

(1979), the general term for the royal knuc ceremony is lO’cu. 5O’gu can

be further divided into Mu Amlc ntc which is performed for the Tu'l Tonga,

and 1s VZc InZo which 1s performed for the Tu'i ha'atakalaua and the Tu'i

Kanokupolu; both of these ceremonies differ slightly in the order in which

t he bra 1s s erv ed , and in ot her de ta its (Kavaliku 197 9) . T he roya l Main

ceremony is presided over by the King and involves the most formal ritual.
 39

Also, in the royal kcua ceremony, only males prepare the lCUa. Currently,

1o'cu is performed at the King's coronation. When the King partakes of

kQuc without the royal ‹cuQ ceremony being performed, it is called tQin/n

kQuQ; this usually occurs at the opening of the annual agricultural show.

Rogeys States that ”'royal kava' ceremonies depict the relative political

rank of Tongan titleholders as well as their lineage affiliation and their

historical relationship to the monarch" (1975:367).

Urbanowicz (1975b) consolidates the remaining two categories of lcUu

ceremony. However, Rogers (1975) notes the following distinctions: (1) in

chiefly Vuc ceremonies a noble or a chien presides; (2) the formality of

the ceremony varies with the position of the titleholder and the context

of the ceremony; and (3) males or females prepare the lQuC.

'Chiefly kava' ceremonies portray the status and honour

of the title-holder and his own subordinate title-holders
as well as giving vicarious honour and prestige to his
local people (Rogers 1975:367).

The third tyQe of lauc ceremony, the common kcuu, is sometimes pre-

sided over by a person of higher rank than the other ceremony participants.

Dep end irrg on the oce as to n, t.he eer emony nay be I omrna1 or inf ornia1 ; urunarr red

females usually prepare the Rogers (1975) tias listed a number of con-

texts for the common lAc ceremony: church lcvg, work lcUc, social kcUc,

courting kQuQ, aod club ?oUQ. The church minister is present at the church

kQUO which Is held before the Sunday morning or afternoon service. Work

lQUQ occurs in relation to the men's communal work groups. Social kpuQ is

Rogers' name for the Vuc drinking that may occur every evening without any

par t i cu far pu rpo s e . In c our I ing data , I he I emal e mixing th e data is £be ob—

ject of attention by one oI the young men and the conversation is ”a mix-

tur e oI s exual r ibaldry , r id i cu1e and per soria1 rivalsy ... (hidden in)
punning, allegorical and allusive comments” (Rogers 1975:396). C1u6

ceremonies are held to raise money for specific purposes, through cover

charges and f ees for each cup of data served .

The number of participants in a lcuc ceremony varies from a minimum

of about two to eight persons in a common lquc ceremony to over 250

people

in a royal Vuc ceremony. The participants in the ma ceremony sit cross-

legged, forming an elliptical ring. At one end of the ring, the person of

highest rank (the presiding chief) sits; at the opposite end of the ring

is the kcUc bowl. 0n either side of the presiding chief sit the two pre-

siding mctapule, whose function is to regulate and direct the lcuc cere-

mony. The remainder of the ring is composed of chiefs and their mcfapnZe

sitting alternately; the higher ranked chiefs sit closer to the presiding

chief. However, the order in which the lcuc is served is a better indi-

cator of societal rank, than the order in which the participants are seated.

The lcuc ring is divided into three sections: (1) the superior circle

(/Qai 'cZo/i), which encompasses about two-thirds of the ring on either

side o{ the presiding chief; (2) the inferior circle which includes the

fact Tapu , fast ton'a (var tous chief s and t heir matâ pu be ) , the data maker

plus two assistants; and (3) the exterior circle of minor and non-

£itleholders. An important part of the exterior circle in the royal Aug

(Zo'eu) ceremony is the representatives of the three highest ranked V’a

and the Crown Prince. They are served in order as if present in the supe-

rior circle. This is the principal pattern for the lQpQ ceremony; devia-

tion from this pattern is related to the formality of the ritual.

In addition to the preparation and serving of the lquc, part of the

royal and chiefly lcuc ceremony is a presentation of food made to the pre-

siding chief. The pig, yam, banana, sugarcane and other [oods are counted

aloud , to be d ivided la t er by the t i tleho lders of the last 'a5o/i . This

food, mono, is distributed to Ehe partlcipants while the lQvc is being

strained. Historically, a small portion was eaten after drinking the luun

(Mariner 1817) and the rest was removed. Rogers (1975) reports that now

after the distribution, the mono is removed by mokop w (those males or

females two or more generations below ego) of the titleholder who are /cñu

to him, being related through the meACAitcngc; they are permitted to eat

this food, being immune to the tApn.

To make lcun, the root is broken into smaller pieces, and is scraped

and pound ed by the bra maker ; hri s ie ally , ist wa ch ewed by people or t h
to

healthy mouths . Accor d ing to the d ir ec £ions of the pr es id ing zn tñ pu /e

water is poured into the bowl by the attendants, while the kcuQ makes

knead s t he bra . ten enough can er has been added , L he Bupa ro oI: i s s e-

paraded from the infusion by gathering it in a fibrous material (/Qu), and

wringing it dry with stylized motions; it may be strained like this more

than once. When the lcuc is clear, it is served in coconut cups, previ-

ously in banana leaf cups. The serving order is controlled by the presid-

ing cQtQpule, to the right oI the chief, who [ollows the traditiona1 cus-

toms; the mctapuZe to the chief's left regulates the second, fourth, sixth,

etc. round of lcun. The presiding chief usually receives the third cup of

lcuc, the first and second going to the other presiding mctapuZe and the

chief next in rank to the presiding chief, respectively. The remainder of

the data i s served ac cord ing to rank. I I a second round of Aura i s pr e—

pared, the serving order starts from the beginning again, instead of con-

tinuing from where it ended.

The sea€ing arrangement and the serving order in the ceremony com-

municate the societal rank of these individuals to the other participants.

The higher ranked are served sooner and seated closer to the chief. Other

types of rank and status, such as kinship rank, are not communicated through
 12

the dna c er emony .

. . . Principles of personal rank and political power

are almost entirely excluded from the ceremony.
People are seated and served according to their titles,
not according to their persona1 rank, education, or
position in government (Bott and Leach 1972:220).

”Kava . . . expressed individuality and hierarchy . . ." (Rogers 197 5 :

415). The communication of hierarchy in the kcuc ceremony is clear. In-

dividuality is communicated through the Jaq ceremony when this ceremony

is performed to celebrate a life cycle event or a change in personal status.

fduc is used to celebrate birth, death and marriage. ”Kava ceremonies took

place when individuals received their titles in Tongan society or when they

were stripped from titles for some r eason” (Urbanowic z 1975b : 39) .

The Mua ceremony provides a ”seal of approval,” validating the change in

the individual's personal status.

The luuc ceremony also serves as a public forum for communication of

current events. This statement must be qualified to exclude the formal

lQVp ceremonies; however, in the informal lCua ceremony and the /ci Muc,

many varied subjects are discussed. Such topics o€ conversation are

the state of the cultivation, the gossip and scanda1

of the village, the strange ways o{ white people,
news and rumour from other villages far and near,
actions of government representatives from police-
men to high officials, chance remarks from passing
acquaintances on the island roads, religious doc-
trine and dogma, dreams and strange events--all
these and many other topics are considered from
every possible angle and point of view (Beaglehole
1941:120).

It is possible that the dia ceremony may serve as a location for learning

ora 1 t mad i I ton by t he young er g enerat ion .

The lQuQ ceremony, especially the Zo’s, provides a common Identity

for Tongans. It serves to perpetuate their cultural identity. ”KuUC

drinking is decidedly 'Tongan' as opposed to the 1Quc-pc1Qn9i (alcohol) of

non-Tongans" (Urbanowicz l975b:46). Participation in the Muc ceremony

communicates acknowledgement of longan identity. "Kava drinking has been

the way that Tongans maintained their own cultura1 identity" (Urbanowicz

1 97 5b : 41) and cont inue no do so , d esp 1 Le Wes tern inf 1uenc e .

Tongan Funerals

The principles of kinship rank are communicated in the funeral cere-

An individual's funeral is probably his most impor-

tant ride de pnsscge, for at this time are recorded
for all to see and to pass down through oral tradi-
tion Nou tNe iudCuidunZ uns reZnted io others, his
dignity, znnk, and how much and by whom he was be-
loved (Kaeppler 1978:174; italics mine).

There are two primary categories of familial mourners at a funeral:

those of higher status than the deceased and those of lower status than

the deceased. This determination of rank is based on the principles of

kinship rank, those of higher rank being on the father's side, female and

elder. The surviving sqouse is temporarily in a position of lower status

in order to elevate the status of the deceased spouse. Also, ”children

are . . . (of lower status) if the deceased is male, while they are not

. (of lower status) if the deceased is fegale" (Kaeppler 1978:175).

Those who are not consanguinally related to the deceased are of neither

higher nor lower status but may choose to act as one or the other; if they

do not choose to participate as familial members, their societal rank is

ob s erved .

Within these two categories there are those who are of a much higher
status, or /nAu, and those of a much lower status, or ZionqC. In modern

chiefly funerals and historically, ”the /chu should descend through a brother-

sister pair on the father's side no matter how far back” (Kaeppler

1978:197). Presently and in non-chiefly funetals, the mehCliâanoc or

’CZcmuâu can serve as the /Ghu. The lCougi for a deceased male ”are those

r ela t ed thr ough the dead man ' s mo ther ; I or a d ead roman t he I?onpi are

those related thtough the dead woman's mother . . . the dead woman's

brothers and their children" (Kaeppler 1978:176). The deceased was /chu

(free of restraint) toward the lio i when alive; Kaeppler suggests that

”Rio i is a reciprocal term for /aNu that implies a relationship which

u111 be ac t Eva Ced only ae the Kahn ’s death" (1978 : 17 7 ) . However , Kavaliku

(1979) states that everyone is either /Chu or Z£ongi at a funeral.

These distinctions of /cAu, Rio i, high and low status, are visible

in the eype of nat the person near s around the lr ma i st . The I?o i near

large, ragged mats which may completely cover their blacL clothing and ex-

tend uQ to theit head; at the other extreme, the /cAu may wear neutral,

normal-sized mourning mats without tagged edges. Historically, Ziongi cut

their hair to demonstrate their grief; Rio i of chiefly status may still

have t heir ha lr ent , bu e i t i s nor e commonly 1 ed t uncoinb ed and 1oos e .

The d is zinc tion be tween those oI higher sta tus (incInding [ahu) and

those of lower status (including ZCongi) 1s expressed in the behavior of

these two groups. Females of higher status are permitted to stay inside

the house or th Che dec eas ed and the men and women of higher sta tus may

dr ink dya In a Mr aya ing I or med ou t s i de the hous e . Tho s e oI lower st atus

prepare good in an :mu (earth oven), serve tea and lQuc, and plait baskets

I or I ood rd i s t ib ue ton . AI so , g if t s oI ma t s , topa , and I ood are d1s I-r ib u t ed

by the /CNu, or the uZu motu'c (head of the %ingC).

Mourning lasts a legal minimum of three days. After a one-night

watch, the body is burled. During the mourning period, there is a village-

wide #cpu on # n-making, noise, and joyful activities. The mournlng pe-

riod may extend up to ten days. For a royal funeral, three other time di-

visions are significant. At the end of 100 days, ceremonial presentations

of food and lzuq are made, but not distributed. At the end of six months,

oiled volcanic stones are used to decorate the grave ceremonially, the tCpu

on joyful activities is ended and mourning is officially over. ror the

more devout and the Zio i, the mourning period may continue for another

s lx mo nt hs .

Symbols of the West in Tonga

"Tongans learned long ago that the easiest way to remain Tongan is to

appear Western" (Oliver 1952:129). To this end, at a time when other Paci-

fic island countries were being annexed by Western powers, Tonga adopted

a number of Western s bols. Tonga had already appropriated a Qowerfu1

symbol o€ "civilization”: Christianity. They also had taxes and a flag.

Betueen 1870 and 1875 under Rev . Baker ’ s guidanc e , Tonga ma s endowed ui th

a Roya1 Crown, the Great Seal of Tonga, the Royal Standard, a motto, a

National Anthem and a Constitution.

The Royal Crown was made in Sydney, "it was not very costly and it

served the purpose very well" (Rutherford 1971:61). The Great Seal of

Tonga contained a cross, a crown, a done (symbolizing Christianity, the

monarchy and peace, respectively), three swords and three stars with the

Joe odna no Yoga ko lloku to f!a (God and Tonga ar e my inh er 1t anc e) .

The three swords and three stars symbolize the three lines of Tongan roy-

alty: The Tu'i Tonga, the Tu'i ha'atakalaua and the Tu'i Kanokupolu. The

Tongan flag is red, with a white upQer left quadrant containing a red
cross, the reverse of Switzerland's flag. The cross on the White back-

ground symbolizes Christ, while the red background represents His blood.

The Royal Standard combined the elements of the Tongan flag and the Great

S eat of Tonga .

The King's Standard places the red Greek cross on a

six-pointed white stat at the centre of a Quartered
flag with a very striking design: in the {irst
quarter are three white stars on a yellow field, in
the second a gold crown on a red field, in the third
a dove with an o1ive-spray in its mouth, white on
blue, in the fourth three crossed swords, white on
a yellow field (Campbell and Evans l950:66).

Tonga also received an official National Anthem. Previously, words

had been set to the German National Anthem (Haydn, Opus 76, No. 3) by

Moulton and this song had been used on official occasions. Now, with

Baker's encouragement, King George's son, 'Unga, set words to "a beauti-

ful melody of unknown or ig in" (Rutherford 1971 : 52) .

The most important em5lem of Tonga's Westernnesa is the Constitution

of 1875. The Constitution was comprised of three sections. The first

section deals with freedoms and rights, the second with the divisions of

government into judlcia1, parliamental and noble/royal sections and the

third section with land tenure (Rutherford 1971).

 47

V Modern Communication in Tonga

Newspapers

Tonga's history in regard to mass media extends to the late 1800's

when che f ir se newsp ap er , f’eut 'u 'o Costa (St ar o f Tonga) wa s founded . The

objective of thia government controlled paper was to inform the people

about the new form of government that had been instituted, the constitu-

tional monarchy (Barney 1971). Since then, several small, private or un-

der ground and government newspaper s have come and gone : in 18 7 4 , Rev .

Daker s tar red to e 8oofioo? ; in 187 6, s he t ar t ed the 7onyan 1“!mes ,• in 1881,

Hanslip started pin kQlci as an alternate, non-Baker channel of communica-

tion; in 1882, Xo e Icioi Tongc, & Baker-influenced medium was started;

and later, an official government publication the 2ongc Qoueaient Jc-

zette was published. The DQiZj laws covered primarily local events in

Tongan and English from 1948 to 1963.

The Verdun fionie /e and IL s Tongan languag e count erpar £ , Ko e in loni-

were established in 196G with the encouragement of the present

King Taufa'ahau Tupou IV. Both publications are illustrated and published

weekly under government sponsorship in Nuku'alofa. The circulation of the

Chronicle is approximately 900 for the English edition and 3700 for the

Tongan edition (Richstad, McMillan and Barney 1973:56-57). However, ” . .

. it is estimated that about 30,000 read the paper in a population o€

88, 000” (NcClellan 1972 : 6) . The pap er is wide1y d is tr ibu t ed on Tong at apu

and is available in the Vava'u and Ha'apai groups shortly after publication;

however, the copy is often delayed two or three weeks in reaching the outer

islands.

The usual problems with staffing a small newspaper and covering

 48

newsworthy events exist. The non-local news is limited to that which is

heard on the r adlo broadcas t.s from New Z ealand , An s tr al ia and el s ethere ,

and the PEACESAT news exchange, neither of which permit in-depth covera8°•

Another source of non-loca1 news is newspapers from other Pacific island

countries; these articles are often out-of-date by the time they are re-

ported in a Tongan newspaper. Tonga's newspapers have one additional prob-

lem not faced by most other Pacific island newspapers: the Tongan and

English versions of the SouioZu are supposed to be Identical, hence a

need for translators.

Tonga is also Gerved by the F?Ji 'Time s and PM (Prior io is Lande No<—

AhTy), an illustrated periodical. A 1975 survey states that other peri-

odicals are published by Church missions (UNESCO 1975), yes no further in-

formation on these publications was found in other sources.

Television

At this point in time, Tonga does not have a national television sys-

tem. The feW TV sets in Tonga plck up broadcasts from American Samoa. â

plan to introduce national television to Tonga has been drawn up by an

American, Robert Donner and another plan will be proQosed by Japanese spe-

cialists (Barney 1978).

Cinema

Movies are very popular in Tonga, especially among people under 30

years oI age. Westerns, kung-fu, secret agent and crime/police films are

the most Qopular; out-of-date newsreels are also shown (Takeuchi 1977).

Movies are shown Monday through Saturday, as often as three times each day.

There are three movie theaters with a total seating capacity of 1700 in
 49

Nuku'a1ofa; all three have balcony seats, while two have bench seats and

one has individual seatlng. Four 35mm projectors and three l6oxo projectors

are used primarily in these three theaters, while three l6mm and two 35mm

projectors are used to bring cinema to the villages.

Most of the movies are distributed by New Zealand companies although

many Aslan films come from Fijian distributors. American and Chinese-made

movies are more popular than other Asian and European-made films. Govern-

ment censureship of the movies follows the New Zealand classification sys-

tem; explicit sex is censored but violence is permitted.

Radio

Tonga's government-controlled radio station, ZCO, was established in

1961. ZCO's governing body, the Tongan Broadcasting Commission (TBC) be-

came independent of the government in 1975, as did 2CO. ZCO's two 10 kilo-

watt AM transmitters are strong enough to be clearly heard in Fiji and New

Zealand. In Tonga, an estimated 9000 radio receivers ate in use and more

than 58% of the households have radios (Barney 1978). ZCO broadcasts ap-

proximately 91 hours daily, except Sundays when the broadcast is three

hours long. Types o€ programs and the Qercentage of weekly broadcast hours

devoted to particular types of programs include light entertainment (55%),

news and information (20%), advertising (10%), educational broadcasts and

broadcasts for special audiences (17%), and broadcasts for ethnic minori-

ties (3°) (UNESCO 1975:503). Commentary on Tongan events of interest as

well as international news is offered. Sources of international news broad-

casts are the BBC, Australlan and New Zealand radio stations, the Voice of

America, and the American Samoan radio station lMUV. ZCO broadcasts pri-

Warily in English and Tongan, however, Samoan, Fijian and Hindustani are
also heard. Previously about 90/ of ZCO's operating costs were covered by

advertising, the remainder being met by government appropriations and paid

personal messages (Barney 1978). Now, financing of ZCO is primarily

through advertising and the profits of TBC's radio shop.

Eventually, ZCO plans to switch to an FM-VHF system from an AM system,

b ecause of gr eatly r educ ed operaeing coszs and energy use and 1org er dura-

bility of this system. However, the FM-VHF system will not be audible out-

side of Tonga and new receivers will have to be purchased by listeners.

Two-Way Communication

In 1919 a "Wireless telegraphy" station was started in Nuku'alofa and

Vava'u. Ten years later, the need for this service in the other islands

was emphasized by a volcanic eruption which destroyed the village o€ Futu

on Niua Fo'ou. Since then, wireless stations were also established in

Ha'apai and Niua Tobutabu. This service has proven valuable during €he

frequent hurricanes, especially in the outer islands.

Since then, Tonga has become linked with the outside world

through telegraph and radio telephone services

operated between Nuku'alofa via Suva, Fiji . . .
The islands in the Kingdom linked by telegraph
and restricted radio telephone services are
Tongatapu, 'Eua, Vava'u, Llfuka, Womuka,
1la'afeva, Nluatoputapu and Niuafo'ou (Tonga
Central Planniog Unit 1976:257).

As of 1943, telephone service in Nuku'alo€a is mentioned in the lit-

erature (Wood 1943). Formerly telephone service worked on a manual ex-

change sys tern .

In 1975 there were 4 30 tel ephones in ’Tonga and by

1980 it is estimated there will be 2810 . . .
Foreign aid will be used to provide an automatic
 51

telephone service and a telex capability by 1980

(Haas 1977:97).

As of the end of February 1979, automatic telephone service was in opera-

tion, as well as satellite hookuQ (Kavaliku 1979).

PEACESAT

PEACESAT (Pan-Pacific Education and Communication Experiments 5y

Satellite) has been in operation in Tonga since the middle of 1972. The

satellite system has been used for two-way transmissions on topics of med-

icine and public health, education and the arts, agriculture, and news and

pu5lic affairs. PEACESAT's Tongan terminal operators initiated a poetry

exchange in 1972. The Tongan terminal was also used to brief New Zealand's

VSA's (similar to U.S.'s Peace Corps) before they came to Tonga, and to

participate in USP classes and discussions.

Problems exist with Tonga's PEACESAT operation as with the operation

of PEACESAT terminals in other Pacific island countries. For example, the

PEACESAT Regiona1 Wews Exchange is regulated in Tonga by the Fijian Post,

Telephone and Telegraph regulations, thus limiting the flow of news to

radio and newspaper sources. A small number of interested and dedicated,

qualified staff, and problems with repairing the hardware are common com-

plaints (Blundell 1975). But on a larger scale, PEACESAT has great poten-

tial for broadening two-way communication in the Pacific area.

External Communication in Modern Tonga

Asirde I om ma s s med ia , there are pt imam i ly I ive channels oI ext ernal

communication in modern Tonga: volunteers from the United States (Peace

Corps--PCV's), United Klngdou (Volunteer Service 0verseas--VS0's),

 52

Australia (Australia Volunteer Association--AVA's) and New Zealand (Vo-

lunteer Service Abroad--VSA's), expatriates, missionaries (e.g., Mortons),

Tongans educated abroad, and toutisEs. These five groups of people have

varYing impact on Tongan culture. Some of these groups serve to integrate

Western values with Tongan culture; others tend to disregard or even de-

stroy Tongan culture while promoting Western values.

In general , PCV ' s , VSO ' s , AVA ' s , and VSA ' s in t rod tice tec hnoI ogi eal

knowledge into a village. This knowledge has been deemed desirable by the

Tongan government and is introduced in accordance with their plans. The

volunteers involved in such projects are supposed to live with the people,

thus hopefully minimizing the introduction of Western technology and val-

ues, not approved by the government.

Expatriates occupy positions in government and also perform skilled

technical positions, such as physician. Although the number of expatri-

ates is decreasing, they are still influential channels of communication

between Tongan and the Western world, promoting both Western technology

and Western values.

On the other hand, modern missionaries in Tonga, for example, Mormons

(Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints) introduce both Western val-

ues and their own religious values; these values are introduced into Ton-

gan culture through the medium of educational institutions, such as Lia-

hona College and through churches, religious functions and proselytizing.

Some of these values contradict traditional Tongan values while others up-

hold Tongan values .

Tongans educated abroad have a definite impact on Tongan culture.

This impact however, is dependent on the individual. Some educated Ton-

gans may consciously or unconsciously promote Western values, while othets

may try to integrate Western and Tongan values, choosing the "best of two
 53

worlds . ”

7ourists are a significant channel for external communication. They

have primarily an economic and a social impact on a country. Tourism

stimulates economic growth, adding a lot of money to the local economy in

a very short period of time; at the same time, tourism necessitates the

establishment and use of Western technology, i.e., airports, hotels, West-

ern foodstuffs, etc. The chance to earn quick money in the tourist indus-

try has increased the urban population and has led to the sale of "airport"

art and handicrafts, the performance of ritua1 ceremonies for pay, begging

and prostitution. Money gained is sometimes used not for the benefit of

the citizens or for improving the quality of life, but for alcohol and

drugs; the presence of large amounts of money also encourages theft and

o t her cr imes .

Tourism also has a social impact on a culture. New values are adop-

ted, changing individual behavior, lifestyles and relationships within

families. Creative expression, evident in, for example, art work, handi-

crafts, and dance, is altered for mass production and for fulfilling the

exQectations and desires of the tourist. Traditional ceremonies are rou-

tinely performed with little regard for their deeper meaning. The chance

for tourists to view the "natives," at and at play, in their natural

settings, has given rise to the term, "cultural zoo." Tourism, especially

"uncontrolled" tourism, has many negative aspects and few positive ones.

Its economic potential, as a strictly regulated industry, still cannot

completely counter the socia1 impact of tourism.

Tourists in Tonga arrive by cruise ship for a day-long visit or by

airplane for approximately 3 to 4 days' stay. In 1974, Tonga serviced

50,695 cruise ship passengers and 6403 airplane passengers (Tonga Central

Planning Unit 1976:267). As these numbers increase every year, the

expansionof facilities such as hotels and loca1 transport is planned.

Tonga's attractiveness as a more permanent tourist location will also be

promoted by overseas advertising, improved recreational facilities and the

availability of duty-free shopping. In brief, tourism is expected to play

an important role in the Tongan economy. However, the Tongan government

is aware of the negative aspects of tourism. In working with the private

sector through the Tongan Visitor's Dureau, the Tongan government hopes to

be able to control, at lea9t to a certain degree, tourism in Tonga.

Transportation

A facilitator of communication in Tonga is transportation. Tonga is

serviced by air, ship and motot vehicles. The 598 miles of roads in Tonga

are composed mostly of dirt or coral with only 54 miles of bitumen sealed

roadway (Tonga Central Planning Unit 1976:244). Daily (exceqt Sunday)

public transportation includes buses and trucks, and minibikes in Nuku'-

alofa. "Approximately 1,500 cars, minimokes, motor tricycles, buses, pas-

senger trucks, trucks and motorcycles are owned by the private sector”

(Haas 1977:96). Maintenance and servicing o€ motor vehicles is hindered

by a lack of spare parts and qualified mechanics.

Tonga ' s s hip pi rig indus try has ree en t1y und er gone many chang es . The

Pacific Navigation Co. Ltd., owned jolntly by the Tonga Government and the

Tonga Commodities Board, had accumulated a debt of approximately $l.3 mil-

l ion . Af t er c onsult ation, changes ver e made and mos t of the debI was paid

Meanwhile, in July 1977, Pacific Navigation of Tonga was [ormed with the

T’onga Governnien t as niaj out ty s to c khold er . PNT , bes i d es operaling an over-

seas line, also is running three PNCL inter-island ships on ao agency basis,

leased from the Tonga Government. In December 1977, Tonga's King expressed
 55

interest in shifting the Tonga Government's investment in PWT to another

ship which would be jointly owned by the Columbus line and the Tonga Gov-

ernment; this ship would then be leased to the Pacific Forum Line. The

Columbus Line is a medium for West German foreign aid to ”underdeveloped"

countries. The West German government would also Qrovide assistance in

marine engineeting, dockyard and other facilities. Currently, harbors and

wharves at the varlous islands are scheduled for much needed improvements,

including a slipway (a type of docking facility) and container handling

facilities. There are three small shipping companies which operate domes-

tically and to American Samoa; Warner Pacific Co. operates shipping ser-

vices between Tonga, New Zealand, Australia, Hawaii and some of the other

Pacific island nations.

Air transport has been greatly improved between 1970 and 1975. The

Fua'amotu International Airport was uQgraded to standard requirements and

three airfields were constructed or improved, in Vava'u, Ha'apai and 'Eua.

Internal air service was started in 1972 by Tonga Tourist and Development

Ltd. It operates five times a week between Tongatapu and Vava'u and twice

weekly between Tongatapu and Ha'apai and to 'Eua. External air service

has also increased. Air Nauru, SPIA--SOuth Pacific Island Airways, Air

Pacific Ltd. and Polynesian Airways provide external air service to Tonga.

For example, Air [acific Ltd. flies three times per week the Fiji-Tonga-

New Zealand and return route, while Polynesian Airways, Ltd. flies Samoa-

Tonga and return twice per week and Samoa-Tonga-Niue-Samoa once a week

(Tonga Central Planning Unit 1976:253). Tonga Air Qrovldes air transport

ins ide ’I'onga . The amount of air freight is suppo s ed to increase as is the

number of international passengers with the projected increase in tourism.

 56

Notes

Section I

1. Many people have assisted me in producing this report. However, the

following four persons' efforts were invaluable: (1) Dr. S. Langi
Kavaliku who meticulously read and corrected my many omissions and
errors in all sections of the paper. (2) Debra Connelly who pointed
ue in the right direction and took time to edit and correct the
ini- tial drafts. (3) Dr. Andrew Arno who was always available to
read, edit and talk over ideas. And (4) Ms. Renée Helm, curator of
the Pacific Collection at the University of Hawaii Library, whose
know- ledge of references is infinite. I am fully responsible for
errors
of fact, interpretation or omission that remain despite these efforts.

In addition I wish to thank Dr. Godwin Chu, leader of the Socia1 Ef-
fects of Communication Project, and the East-West Communication lnsti-
tute who made this study possible and also friends and family for
their support and encouragement.

Section II

1. This Act established new values and norms and will be dealt with in
the Ethnography section on Land Tenure.

2. Tonga is an "invited Participant" yet not a member of SPC.

Section III

1. Tonga now processes its own copra.

2. Feudalistic comparisons are often made (e.g., Sahlins 1968).

3. Polygamy occurred only uQ to the end of she nineteenth century.

G. Kavaliku (1979) reports that the term tQ’okete or biological brother

or sister is used to differentiate biological from classificatory
siblings.

5. Kavaliku (1979) notea that avoidance/demanding behaviors are currently

not practiced toward close cross-cousins; near equality has become the
accepted behvior.

6. Communication among individuals which is marked by avoidance, respect

or /uhu behavior is an example of internal, private communication with
implicit meaning.

7. The other solution to this problem is that the sister may be asked
to leave her position as kOUO preparer (except if it is courting
M’Uc)
 and find a replacemenc.

8. Bouever, Kavaliku (1979) Questions the degree to which these t « are

obs erved i n r eal i ty .

9. This section is entirely based on Beaglehole (1941) unless otherwise

stated. No update to the 1970's was possible in most cases.

10. With explicit or verbalized meaning.

11. An example of impllclt significance.

12. The South Pacific Commission Urbanizacion Advisory Committee lists

three characteristics of urban areas: (1) a heavy concentration of
population, (2) a different occupational distribution than the sur-
rounding area, and (3) a different form of government than in the rural
areas (1962:v).

13. ”Some people have argued that towns like Nuku'a1ofa are not really
towns at all. They say they are just overgrown villages” (Walsh 1972:
15).

14. This section deals with explicit or verbalized messages.

15. The remaining 13% of the posc-primary schools are government operated.

16. Use of alcohol, formerly rare io Tonga, has increased dramatically in

recent years.

Sec t ion IV

1. The Eerm, symbolic communication, here refers to the public communica-

tion of an implicit message. Such a message, which in gany cases
deals with rank and status, is not verbalized, but is made clear through
outward signs such as behavior, dress, and the like.

2. Perhaps more correctly attributed to nutritional deficiencies associ-

ated with heavy use of kcuQ.

3. Mariner states that "the inferior ring is generally composed of the sons
of chiefs and matabooles, who belong to the presiding chief . . . "
(1817:188).

4. There is a rule that no person may sit in the superior circle at the
sane t ims e a hi s f a t her or a sup er to r r elat ion (L'i1liamso n 1939) .
 58

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