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Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI)
The Dietary Reference Intakes (DRI) include two sets of values In addition to the values that serve as goals for nutrient in
that serve as goals for nutrient intake—Recommended Dietary takes (presented in the tables on these two pages), the DRI in
Allowances (RDA) and Adequate Intakes (AI). The RDA reflect clude a set of values called Tolerable Upper Intake Levels (UL).
the average daily amount of a nutrient considered adequate to The UL represent the maximum amount of a nutrient that ap
meet the needs of most healthy people. If there is insufficient pears safe for most healthy people to consume on a regular ba
evidence to determine an RDA, an AI is set. AI are more ten sis. Turn the page for a listing of the UL for selected vitamins
tative than RDA, but both may be used as goals for nutrient and minerals.
intakes. (Chapter 9 provides more details.)
Estimated Energy Requirements (EER), Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDA),

and Adequate Intakes (AI) for Water, Energy, and the Energy Nutrients
ht
ht
g/da cid c
Heig
y)
m 2) BMI
Wei
y)
(g/d te
g/da id
g/da
ay) d
l/da
AI ( lenic A
ay)
RDA ohydra
AI ( leic Ac
AI ( l Fiber
(kg/ rence
cm rence
kg ( rence
y)
y)
y)
y)
y)
AI ( l Fat
(g/k
(kca
(g/d
g/da
g/da
L/da
RDA ein
RDA ein
a
EER b gy
(in)
lb)
AI ( er
Refe
Refe
Refe
C ar b
r
Lino
Lino
Tota
Tota
P ro t
P ro t
Wat
Ene
Age (yr)
Males
0–0.5 — 62 (24) 6 (13) 0.7e 570 60 — 31 4.4 0.5 9.1 1.52
0.5–1 — 71 (28) 9 (20) 0.8f 743 95 — 30 4.6 0.5 11 1.20
1–3g — 86 (34) 12 (27) 1.3 1046 130 19 — 7 0.7 13 1.05
4–8g 15.3 115 (45) 20 (44) 1.7 1742 130 25 — 10 0.9 19 0.95
9–13 17.2 144 (57) 36 (79) 2.4 2279 130 31 — 12 1.2 34 0.95
14–18 20.5 174 (68) 61 (134) 3.3 3152 130 38 — 16 1.6 52 0.85
19–30 22.5 177 (70) 70 (154) 3.7 3067h 130 38 — 17 1.6 56 0.80
31–50 22.5i 177 (70)i 70 (154)i 3.7 3067h 130 38 — 17 1.6 56 0.80
>50 22.5i 177 (70)i 70 (154)i 3.7 3067h 130 30 — 14 1.6 56 0.80
Females
0–0.5 — 62 (24) 6 (13) 0.7e 520 60 — 31 4.4 0.5 9.1 1.52
0.5–1 — 71 (28) 9 (20) 0.8f 676 95 — 30 4.6 0.5 11 1.20
1–3g — 86 (34) 12 (27) 1.3 992 130 19 — 7 0.7 13 1.05
4–8g 15.3 115 (45) 20 (44) 1.7 1642 130 25 — 10 0.9 19 0.95
9–13 17.4 144 (57) 37 (81) 2.1 2071 130 26 — 10 1.0 34 0.95
14–18 20.4 163 (64) 54 (119) 2.3 2368 130 26 — 11 1.1 46 0.85
19–30 21.5 163 (64) 57 (126) 2.7 2403 j 130 25 — 12 1.1 46 0.80
i i i
31–50 21.5 163 (64) 57 (126) 2.7 2403 j 130 25 — 12 1.1 46 0.80
>50 21.5i 163 (64)i 57 (126)i 2.7 2403 j 130 21 — 11 1.1 46 0.80
Pregnancy
1st trimester 3.0 +0 175 28 — 13 1.4 46 0.80
2nd trimester 3.0 +340 175 28 — 13 1.4 71 1.10
3rd trimester 3.0 +452 175 28 — 13 1.4 71 1.10
Lactation
1st 6 months 3.8 +330 210 29 — 13 1.3 71 1.30
2nd 6 months 3.8 +400 210 29 — 13 1.3 71 1.30
h
NOTE: For all nutrients, values for infants are AI. Dashes indicate until age 19. Chapter 8 provides equations and tables to determine For males, subtract 10 kcalories per day for each year of age
that values have not been determined. estimated energy requirements. above 19.
a c i
The water AI includes drinking water, water in beverages, and wa- The linolenic acid referred to in this table and text is the omega-3 Because weight need not change as adults age if activity is main-
ter in foods; in general, drinking water and other beverages contrib- fatty acid known as alpha-linolenic acid. tained, reference weights for adults 19 through 30 years are applied
d
ute about 70 to 80 percent, and foods, the remainder. Conversion The values listed are based on reference body weights. to all adult age groups.
e j
factors: 1 L = 33.8 fluid oz; 1 L = 1.06 qt; 1 cup = 8 fluid oz. Assumed to be from human milk. For females, subtract 7 kcalories per day for each year of age
b f
The Estimated Energy Requirement (EER) represents the average Assumed to be from human milk and complementary foods and above 19.
dietary energy intake that will maintain energy balance in a healthy beverages. This includes approximately 0.6 L (∼21⁄2 cups) as total
person of a given gender, age, weight, height, and physical activity fluid including formula, juices, and drinking water. SOURCE: Adapted from the Dietary Reference Intakes series, National
g
level. The values listed are based on an “active” person at the refer- For energy, the age groups for young children are 1–2 years and Academies Press. Copyright 1997, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2004,
ence height and weight and at the midpoint ages for each group 3–8 years. 2005, 2011 by the National Academies of Sciences.
A Copyright 2022 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203
Copyright 2022 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDA) and Adequate Intakes (AI) for Vitamins
day) acid
/day e
/day a
/day b
/day c
day) d
)
)
)
)
/day
/day
/day
/day
c
/day
(µg 12
day)
AI ( otheni
ay)
ay)
(mg 6
RDA flavin
RDA in A
RDA min D
RDA min B
RDA min B
AI ( min K
RDA min C
RDA min E
(IU/
RDA min
(mg
(mg
(mg
(mg
(mg
µg/d
µg/d
AI ( ine
(µg
(µg
mg/
mg/
RDA in
RDA e
n
m
t
i
Ribo
l
Niac
Thia
Biot
Fola
Vita
Vita
Vita
Vita
Vita
Vita
Vita
Cho
Pan
AI (
Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 0.2 0.3 2 5 1.7 0.1 65 0.4 125 40 400 400 (10 µg) 4 2.0
0.5–1 0.3 0.4 4 6 1.8 0.3 80 0.5 150 50 500 400 (10 µg) 5 2.5
Children
1–3 0.5 0.5 6 8 2 0.5 150 0.9 200 15 300 600 (15 µg) 6 30
4–8 0.6 0.6 8 12 3 0.6 200 1.2 250 25 400 600 (15 µg) 7 55
Males
9–13 0.9 0.9 12 20 4 1.0 300 1.8 375 45 600 600 (15 µg) 11 60
14–18 1.2 1.3 16 25 5 1.3 400 2.4 550 75 900 600 (15 µg) 15 75
19–30 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 550 90 900 600 (15 µg) 15 120
31–50 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 550 90 900 600 (15 µg) 15 120
51–70 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.7 400 2.4 550 90 900 600 (15 µg) 15 120
>70 1.2 1.3 16 30 5 1.7 400 2.4 550 90 900 800 (20 µg) 15 120
Females
9–13 0.9 0.9 12 20 4 1.0 300 1.8 375 45 600 600 (15 µg) 11 60
14–18 1.0 1.0 14 25 5 1.2 400 2.4 400 65 700 600 (15 µg) 15 75
19–30 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 425 75 700 600 (15 µg) 15 90
31–50 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.3 400 2.4 425 75 700 600 (15 µg) 15 90
51–70 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.5 400 2.4 425 75 700 600 (15 µg) 15 90
>70 1.1 1.1 14 30 5 1.5 400 2.4 425 75 700 800 (20 µg) 15 90
Pregnancy
≤18 1.4 1.4 18 30 6 1.9 600 2.6 450 80 750 600 (15 µg) 15 75
19–30 1.4 1.4 18 30 6 1.9 600 2.6 450 85 770 600 (15 µg) 15 90
31–50 1.4 1.4 18 30 6 1.9 600 2.6 450 85 770 600 (15 µg) 15 90
Lactation
≤18 1.4 1.6 17 35 7 2.0 500 2.8 550 115 1200 600 (15 µg) 19 75
19–30 1.4 1.6 17 35 7 2.0 500 2.8 550 120 1300 600 (15 µg) 19 90
31–50 1.4 1.6 17 35 7 2.0 500 2.8 550 120 1300 600 (15 µg) 19 90
c
NOTE: For all nutrients, values for infants are AI. Vitamin A recommendations are expressed as retinol activity equivalents (RAE).
a d
Niacin recommendations are expressed as niacin equivalents (NE), except for recommendations for infants Vitamin D recommendations are expressed as cholecalciferol and assume an absence of adequate exposure
younger than 6 months, which are expressed as preformed niacin. to sunlight.
b e
Folate recommendations are expressed as dietary folate equivalents (DFE). Vitamin E recommendations are expressed as α-tocopherol.
Recommended Dietary Allowances (RDA) and Adequate Intakes (AI) for Minerals
)
)
(µg m
)
)
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
(mg us
day)
day)
day)
day)
day)
RDA esium
AI ( ganese
ay)
RDA bdenu
AI ( ssium
AI ( mium
RDA nium
or
AI ( r ide
AI ( r ide
(mg
RDA ium
µg/d
(mg
(mg
(mg
AI ( um
(µg
(µg
(µg
sph
mg/
mg/
mg/
mg/
mg/
per
n e
n
y
Chro
Pota
Zinc
i
Chlo
Fluo
Sele
Iron
Iodi
Man
Calc
Mag
Pho
Cop
S od
Mol
RDA
RDA
RDA
RDA
RDA
Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 120 180 400 200 100 30 0.27 2 110 15 200 0.003 0.01 0.2 2
0.5–1 370 570 700 260 275 75 11 3 130 20 220 0.6 0.5 5.5 3
Children
1–3 1000 1500 3000 700 460 80 7 3 90 20 340 1.2 0.7 11 17
4–8 1200 1900 3800 1000 500 130 10 5 90 30 440 1.5 1.0 15 22
Males
9–13 1500 2300 4500 1300 1250 240 8 8 120 40 700 1.9 2 25 34
14–18 1500 2300 4700 1300 1250 410 11 11 150 55 890 2.2 3 35 43
19–30 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 400 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 35 45
31–50 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 420 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 35 45
51–70 1300 2000 4700 1000 700 420 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 30 45
>70 1200 1800 4700 1200 700 420 8 11 150 55 900 2.3 4 30 45
Females
9–13 1500 2300 4500 1300 1250 240 8 8 120 40 700 1.6 2 21 34
14–18 1500 2300 4700 1300 1250 360 15 9 150 55 890 1.6 3 24 43
19–30 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 310 18 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 25 45
31–50 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 320 18 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 25 45
51–70 1300 2000 4700 1200 700 320 8 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 20 45
>70 1200 1800 4700 1200 700 320 8 8 150 55 900 1.8 3 20 45
Pregnancy
≤18 1500 2300 4700 1300 1250 400 27 12 220 60 1000 2.0 3 29 50
19–30 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 350 27 11 220 60 1000 2.0 3 30 50
31–50 1500 2300 4700 1000 700 360 27 11 220 60 1000 2.0 3 30 50
Lactation
≤18 1500 2300 5100 1300 1250 360 10 13 290 70 1300 2.6 3 44 50
19–30 1500 2300 5100 1000 700 310 9 12 290 70 1300 2.6 3 45 50
31–50 1500 2300 5100 1000 700 320 9 12 290 70 1300 2.6 3 45 50
NOTE: For all nutrients, values for infants are AI.
Copyright 2022 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203 B
Tolerable Upper Intake Levels (UL) for Vitamins
/day 6
(µg min A
(IU/ min D
(mg min B
(mg min C
(mg min E
/day a
/day c
/day b
/day a
)
)
)
day)
(mg ine
/day
/day
(mg in
(µg te
l
Niac
Fola
Vita
Vita
Vita
Vita
Vita
Cho
Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 — — — — — 600 1000 (25 µg) —
0.5–1 — — — — — 600 1500 (38 µg) —
Children
1–3 10 30 300 1000 400 600 2500 (63 µg) 200
4–8 15 40 400 1000 650 900 3000 (75 µg) 300
9–13 20 60 600 2000 1200 1700 4000 (100 µg) 600
Adolescents
14–18 30 80 800 3000 1800 2800 4000 (100 µg) 800
Adults
19–70 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
>70 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
Pregnancy
≤18 30 80 800 3000 1800 2800 4000 (100 µg) 800
19–50 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
Lactation
≤18 30 80 800 3000 1800 2800 4000 (100 µg) 800
19–50 35 100 1000 3500 2000 3000 4000 (100 µg) 1000
a c
The UL for niacin and folate apply to synthetic forms obtained from The UL for vitamin E applies to any form of supplemental
supplements, fortified foods, or a combination of the two. α-tocopherol, fortified foods, or a combination of the two.
b
The UL for vitamin A applies to the preformed vitamin only.
Tolerable Upper Intake Levels (UL) for Minerals
/day num
(mg phorus
(mg nesium
(mg ganese
(mg dium
/day d
(µg nium
(mg r ide
(mg r ide
e
)
)
(mg ium
)
(mg um
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
/day
ybd
(µg er
/day
/day
/day
(µg ne
(mg el
(mg n
p
a
s
Boro
Nick
i
Chlo
Fluo
Sele
Iron
Zinc
Iodi
Man
Calc
Mag
Pho
Van
Cop
S od
Mol
(mg
(mg
(µg
Age (yr)
Infants
0–0.5 — — 1000 — — 40 4 — 45 — — 0.7 — — — —
0.5–1 — — 1500 — — 40 5 — 60 — — 0.9 — — — —
Children
1–3 1500 2300 2500 3000 65 40 7 200 90 1000 2 1.3 300 3 0.2 —
4–8 1900 2900 2500 3000 110 40 12 300 150 3000 3 2.2 600 6 0.3 —
9–13 2200 3400 3000 4000 350 40 23 600 280 5000 6 10 1100 11 0.6 —
Adolescents
14–18 2300 3600 3000 4000 350 45 34 900 400 8000 9 10 1700 17 1.0 —
Adults
19–50 2300 3600 2500 4000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 1.8
51–70 2300 3600 2000 4000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 1.8
>70 2300 3600 2000 3000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 1.8
Pregnancy
≤18 2300 3600 3000 3500 350 45 34 900 400 8000 9 10 1700 17 1.0 —
19–50 2300 3600 2500 3500 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 —
Lactation
≤18 2300 3600 3000 4000 350 45 34 900 400 8000 9 10 1700 17 1.0 —
19–50 2300 3600 2500 4000 350 45 40 1100 400 10,000 11 10 2000 20 1.0 —
d
The UL for magnesium applies to synthetic forms obtained from supplements or drugs only. SOURCE: Adapted with permission from the Dietary Reference Intakes series, National Academies Press.
NOTE: An Upper Limit was not established for vitamins and minerals not listed and for those age groups Copyright 1997, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2005, 2011 by the National Academies of Sciences.
listed with a dash (—) because of a lack of data, not because these nutrients are safe to consume at any
level of intake. All nutrients can have adverse effects when intakes are excessive.
C Copyright 2022 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203
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ADVANCED NUTRITION
AND HUMAN METABOLISM
EIGHTH EDITION
ADVANCED NUTRITION
AND HUMAN METABOLISM
EIGHTH EDITION
Sareen S. Gropper
FLORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY
AUBURN UNIVERSITY (PROFESSOR EMERITUS)
Jack L. Smith
UNIVERSITY OF DELAWARE
Timothy P. Carr
UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA-LINCOLN
Australia • Brazil • Canada • Mexico • Singapore • United Kingdom • United States
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Advanced Nutrition and Human Metabolism, © 2022, 2018, 2013 Cengage Learning, Inc.
Eighth Edition
Sareen S. Gropper, Jack L. Smith, and
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright herein
Timothy P. Carr
may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, except as
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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2020
To my children Michelle and Michael and their spouses, and to my husband,
Daniel, for their ongoing encouragement, support, faith, and love and to the
students who continue to impress and inspire me.
Sareen Gropper
To my wife, Carol, for her continued support, constant inspiration, and

assistance in the preparation of this book.
Jack Smith
To my wife, Marion, and my children, Erin and Rebecca, for their love,
humor, and support. And to the many students who have made my career so
worthwhile.
Tim Carr
BRIEF CONTENTS
Preface xvii
SECTION I Cells and Their Nourishment

1 The Cell: A Microcosm of Life 1
2 The Digestive System: Mechanism for Nourishing The Body 29
SECTION II Macronutrients and Their Metabolism

3 Carbohydrates 63
4 Fiber 113
5 Lipids 131
6 Protein 187
7 Integration and Regulation of Metabolism and the
Impact of Exercise 261
8 Energy Expenditure, Body Composition, and Healthy Weight 293
SECTION III The Regulatory Nutrients

9 Water-Soluble Vitamins 321
10 Fat-Soluble Vitamins 401
11 Major Minerals 463
12 Water and Electrolytes 499
13 Essential Trace and Ultratrace Minerals 525
14 Nonessential Trace and Ultratrace Minerals 595
Glossary 609
Index 615
Copyright 2022 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203 vii
CONTENTS
Preface xvii Regulatory Peptides 57

Summary 59
PERSPECTIVE The Nutritional Impact of Roux-En-Y Gastric Bypass,
SECTION I
A Surgical Approach for the Treatment of Obesity 60
CELLS AND THEIR NOURISHMENT
CHAPTER 1 The Cell: A Microcosm of Life 1 SECTION II

1.1 Components of Cells 1 MACRONUTRIENTS AND THEIR
Plasma Membrane 1 METABOLISM
Cytosol and Cytoskeleton 4
Mitochondrion 5 CHAPTER 3 Carbohydrates 63
Nucleus 6
3.1 Simple Carbohydrates 63
Endoplasmic Reticulum and Golgi Apparatus 10
Monosaccharides 63
Lysosomes and Peroxisomes 11
Disaccharides 66
1.2 Selected Cellular Proteins 11
SYRUPS – LIQUID SUGAR 67
Receptors 11
Catalytic Proteins (Enzymes) 13 3.2 Complex Carbohydrates 68
Oligosaccharides 68
1.3 Apoptosis 17
Polysaccharides 69
1.4 Biological Energy 18
3.3 Digestion 69
Energy Release and Consumption in Chemical
Digestion of Polysaccharides 70
Reactions 18
Digestion of Disaccharides 70
Units and Expressions of Energy 19
The Role of High-Energy Phosphate in Energy 3.4 Absorption and Transport 72
Storage 22 Membrane Transport 72
Coupled Reactions in the Transfer of Energy 23 Intestinal Absorption of Glucose and Galactose 75
Reduction Potentials 24 Intestinal Absorption of Fructose 75
Hepatic Metabolism of Dietary Monosaccharides 76
Summary 25
3.5 Maintenance of Blood Glucose Concentration 76
PERSPECTIVE Nutritional Genomics 26
Role of Insulin 76
Blood–Tissue Barriers 78
CHAPTER 2 The Digestive System: Mechanism for Glycemic Response to Carbohydrates 78
Nourishing The Body 29 3.6 Integrated Metabolism in Tissues 80
Glycogenesis 80
2.1 The Structures of the Digestive Tract and the Glycogenolysis 83
Digestive and Absorptive Processes 29 Glycolysis 85
The Oral Cavity 33 The Tricarboxylic Acid Cycle 88
The Esophagus 34 Formation of ATP 92
The Stomach 36 The Pentose Phosphate Pathway (Hexose
The Small Intestine 41 Monophosphate Shunt) 98
The Accessory Organs 45 UNCOUPLING ELECTRON TRANSPORT AND ATP SYNTHESIS 98
The Absorptive Process 50 Gluconeogenesis 100
The Colon (Large Intestine) 52
3.7 Regulation of Metabolism 103
2.2 Coordination and Regulation of the Allosteric Enzyme Modulation 103
Digestive Process 56 Covalent Regulation 104
Neural Regulation 56 Directional Shifts in Reversible Reactions 104
Copyright 2022 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203 ix
x co n te n ts
Enzyme Translocation 104 Phospholipid Digestion 148

Genetic Regulation 105 Cholesterol Ester Digestion 148
Metabolic Control of Glycolysis and 5.4 Absorption 148
Gluconeogenesis 105 Fatty Acid, Monoacylglycerol, and Lysophospholipid
Summary 106 Absorption 148
PERSPECTIVE What Carbohydrates Do Americans Eat? 109 Cholesterol Absorption 149
Lipid Release into Circulation 150
5.5 Transport and Storage 151
CHAPTER 4 Fiber 113 Lipoprotein Structure 151
4.1 Definitions 113 Lipoprotein Metabolism 153
4.2 Fiber and Plants 114 5.6 Lipids, Lipoproteins, and Cardiovascular
4.3 Chemistry and Characteristics of Fiber 114 Disease Risk 159
Cellulose 114 The Lipid Hypothesis 160
Hemicellulose 117 Lipoprotein(a) 160
Pectins 117 Apolipoprotein E 160
Lignin 117 Dietary Cholesterol 161
Gums 117 Saturated and Unsaturated Fatty Acids 161
β-Glucans 118 COCONUT OIL: HERO OR VILLAIN? 162
Fructans 118 Trans Fatty Acids 162
Galactans 118 5.7 Integrated Metabolism in Tissues 163
Resistant Starch 118 Catabolism of Triacylglycerols and Fatty Acids 163
Mucilages (Psyllium) 119 Formation of Ketone Bodies 167
Polydextrose and Polyols 119 Synthesis of Fatty Acids 169
Chitin and Chitosan 119 Synthesis of Triacylglycerols and Phospholipids 174
4.4 Selected Properties of Fiber and Their Synthesis, Catabolism, and Whole-Body Balance
Physiological Impact 120 of Cholesterol 174
Solubility in Water 120 5.8 Regulation of Lipid Metabolism 176
Viscosity and Gel Formation 121 Fatty Acids 176
Fermentability 121 Cholesterol 176
4.5 Health Benefits of Fiber 122 5.9 Brown Fat Thermogenesis 177
Cardiovascular Disease 122 5.10 Ethyl Alcohol: Metabolism and
Diabetes Mellitus 123 Biochemical Impact 178
Appetite and/or Satiety and Weight Control 123 The Alcohol Dehydrogenase Pathway 179
Gastrointestinal Disorders 123 The Microsomal Ethanol Oxidizing System 179
4.6 Food Labels and Health Claims 124 The Catalase System 179
4.7 Recommended Fiber Intake 125 Alcoholism: Biochemical and Metabolic
Summary 126 Alterations 180
PERSPECTIVE The Flavonoids: Roles in Health and Disease
Alcohol in Moderation: The Brighter Side 181
Prevention 127 Summary 181
PERSPECTIVE The Role of Lipoproteins and Inflammation in
Atherosclerosis 184
CHAPTER 5 Lipids 131
5.1 Structure and Biological Importance 132
Fatty Acids 132 CHAPTER 6 Protein 187
Triacylglycerols (Triglycerides) 135
6.1 Amino Acid Classification 187
Phospholipids 137
Structure 188
Sphingolipids 139
Net Electrical Charge 188
Sterols 140
Polarity 188
5.2 Dietary Sources 142 Essentiality 190
Recommended Intakes 145
6.2 Sources of Amino Acids 191
5.3 Digestion 145
6.3 Digestion 191
Triacylglycerol Digestion 145
Stomach 191
THE GALLBLADDER 146
Small Intestine 193
co n te n ts xi
6.4 Absorption 193 6.11 Catabolism of Tissue/Cell Proteins and

Intestinal Cell Absorption 194 Protein Turnover 243
Extraintestinal Cell Absorption 197 Autophagy-Lysosome Systems 243
6.5 Amino Acid Catabolism 197 Ubiquitin Proteasomal Pathway 244
Transamination of Amino Acids 198 Calpains 245
Deamination of Amino Acids 199 6.12 Changes in Body Mass with Age 246
Disposal of Ammonia 200 Loss of Muscle Mass and Disease 246
Carbon Skeleton/α-Keto Acid Uses 201 6.13 Protein Quality and Protein and Amino
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Aromatic Acid Needs 248
Amino Acids 202 Evaluation of Protein Quality 248
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Sulfur-Containing Protein Information on Food Labels 251
Amino Acids 205 Assessing Protein and Amino Acid Needs 251
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Branched-Chain Recommended Protein and Amino Acid Intakes 252
Amino Acids 209 Protein Deficiency/Malnutrition 254
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Basic Summary 255
Amino Acids 209 PERSPECTIVE Stress and Inflammation: Impact on Protein 257
SOME ROLES OF NITRIC OXIDE 211
Hepatic Catabolism and Uses of Other Selected
Amino Acids 212 CHAPTER 7 Integration and Regulation of
6.6 Protein Synthesis 214 Metabolism and the Impact of Exercise 261
Slow versus Fast Proteins 214
7.1 Energy Homeostasis in the Cell 262
Plant versus Animal Proteins 214
Regulatory Enzymes 262
Hormonal Effects 214
mTOR, Intracellular Signaling, and Amino Acids 215 7.2 Integration of Carbohydrate, Lipid, and
Protein Intake, Distribution, and Quantity at Meals 216 Protein Metabolism 266
Interconversion of Fuel Molecules 266
6.7 Protein Structure and Organization 216
Energy Distribution among Tissues 267
6.8 Functional Roles of Proteins 219
7.3 The Fed-Fast Cycle 271
Catalysts 219
The Fed State 271
Messengers 219
The Postabsorptive State 273
Structural Elements 219
The Fasting State 274
Buffers 220
The Starvation State 274
Fluid Balancers 220
Immunoprotectors 220 7.4 Hormonal Regulation of Metabolism 278
Transporters 221 Insulin 278
Acute-Phase Responders 222 HOW IS TYPE 1 DIABETES SIMILAR TO STARVATION? 279
Other Roles 222 Glucagon 280

6.9 Functional Roles of Nitrogen-Containing
Epinephrine 280
Nonprotein Compounds 223
Cortisol 280
Glutathione 223 Growth Hormone 280
Carnitine 223 Adiponectin 281
Creatine 225 7.5 Exercise and Nutrition 281
Carnosine 226 Muscle Function 281
Choline 226 Energy Sources in Resting Muscle 282
Purine and Pyrimidine Bases 227 Muscle ATP Production during Exercise 282
6.10 Interorgan “Flow” of Amino Acids and
Fuel Sources during Exercise 284
Organ-Specific Metabolism 232 Summary 287
Intestinal Cell Amino Acid Metabolism 232 PERSPECTIVE The Role of Dietary Supplements in Sports Nutrition
Amino Acids in the Plasma 233 by Karsten Koehler, PhD 289
Glutamine and the Muscle, Intestine, Liver,
and Kidneys 234
CHAPTER 8 Energy Expenditure, Body
Alanine and the Liver and Muscle 235
Skeletal Muscle Use of Amino Acids 235 Composition, and Healthy Weight 293
Amino Acid Metabolism in the Kidneys 239 8.1 Measuring Energy Expenditure 293
Brain and Accessory Tissues and Amino Acids 241 Direct Calorimetry 294
xii co n te n ts
Indirect Calorimetry 294 Deficiency: Beriberi 344

Doubly Labeled Water 296 Toxicity 346
HOW TO MEASURE WHAT PEOPLE EAT 297 Assessment of Nutriture 346
8.2 Components of Energy Expenditure 298 9.3 Riboflavin (Vitamin B2) 346
Basal and Resting Metabolic Rate 298 Sources 346
Energy Expenditure of Physical Activity 299 Digestion and Absorption 348
Thermic Effect of Food 300 Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 348
Thermoregulation 301 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 349
8.3 Body Weight: What Should We Weigh? 301 Metabolism and Excretion 351
Ideal Body Weight Formulas 301 Recommended Dietary Allowance 351
Body Mass Index 302 Deficiency: Ariboflavinosis 351
8.4 Measuring Body Composition 303 Toxicity 352
Field Methods 304 Assessment of Nutriture 352
Laboratory Methods 306 9.4 Niacin (Vitamin B3) 352
8.5 Regulation of Energy Balance and Sources 353
Body Weight 307 Digestion and Absorption 354
Hormonal Influences 308 Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 354
Intestinal Microbiota 310 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 355
Environmental Chemicals 310 Metabolism and Excretion 356
Lifestyle Influences 311 Recommended Dietary Allowance 357
Deficiency: Pellagra 357
8.6 Health Implications of Altered Body Weight 311
Toxicity 358
Metabolic Syndrome 311
Assessment of Nutriture 358
Insulin Resistance 312
Weight-Loss Methods 313 9.5 Pantothenic Acid 358
Sources 358
Summary 313
Digestion and Absorption 360
PERSPECTIVE Eating Disorders 315
Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 360
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 360
SECTION III Metabolism and Excretion 363
Adequate Intake 363
THE REGULATORY NUTRIENTS Deficiency: Burning Foot Syndrome 363
Toxicity 363
CHAPTER 9 Water-Soluble Vitamins 321 Assessment of Nutriture 363
DIETARY REFERENCE INTAKES (DRIs) 325 9.6 Biotin (Vitamin B7) 364
DAILY VALUES AND PERCENTAGE DAILY VALUES 326 Sources 364
9.1 Vitamin C (Ascorbic Acid) 326 Digestion, Absorption, Transport, Tissue Uptake,
Sources 327 and Storage 364
Digestion and Absorption 328 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 365
Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 329 Metabolism and Excretion 368
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 329 Adequate Intake 369
Interactions with Other Nutrients 335 Deficiency 369
Metabolism and Excretion 335 Toxicity 369
Recommended Dietary Allowance 335 Assessment of Nutriture 370
Deficiency: Scurvy 336 9.7 Folate (Vitamin B9) 370
Toxicity 337 Sources 370
Assessment of Nutriture 337 Digestion and Absorption 372
9.2 Thiamin (Vitamin B1) 338 Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 372
Sources 338 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 373
Digestion and Absorption 339 Interactions with Other Nutrients 379
Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 339 Association with Diseases 379
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 340 Metabolism and Excretion 380
Metabolism and Excretion 344 Recommended Dietary Allowance 381
Recommended Dietary Allowance 344 Deficiency: Megaloblastic Macrocytic Anemia 381
co n te n ts xiii
Toxicity 382 10.3 Vitamin E 435

Assessment of Nutriture 382 Sources 435
9.8 Vitamin B12 (Cobalamin) 383 Digestion and Absorption 437
Sources 384 Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 437
Digestion and Absorption 384 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 438
Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 386 Interactions with Other Nutrients 441
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 386 Metabolism and Excretion 441
Metabolism and Excretion 387 Recommended Dietary Allowance 442
Recommended Dietary Allowance 387 INTERNATIONAL UNITS – VITAMIN E 442
Deficiency: Megaloblastic Macrocytic Anemia Deficiency 442
and Neuropathy 388 Toxicity 443
Toxicity 389 Assessment of Nutriture 443
Assessment of Nutriture 389 10.4 Vitamin K 443
9.9 Vitamin B6 390 Sources 443
Sources 391 Absorption 444
Digestion and Absorption 391 Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 445
Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 391 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 445
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 392 Interactions with Other Nutrients 449
Metabolism and Excretion 395 Metabolism and Excretion 449
Recommended Dietary Allowance 395 Adequate Intake 449
Deficiency 395 Deficiency 449
Toxicity 396 Toxicity 450
Assessment of Nutriture 396 Assessment of Nutriture 450
Summary 397 Summary 451
PERSPECTIVE Types of Human Research Studies and PERSPECTIVE Antioxidant Nutrients, Reactive Species, and
Their Limitations 398 Disease 452
CHAPTER 10 Fat-Soluble Vitamins 401 CHAPTER 11 Major Minerals 463

10.1 Vitamin A and Carotenoids 402 11.1 Calcium 464
Sources 403 Sources 464
Digestion and Absorption 405 Digestion, Absorption, and Transport 465
Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 408 Regulation and Homeostasis 468
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 411 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 470
Interactions with Other Nutrients 419 AN OVERVIEW OF BONE 471
Metabolism and Excretion 419 Interactions with Other Nutrients 474
Recommended Dietary Allowance 420 Excretion 475
INTERNATIONAL UNITS – VITAMIN A 420 Recommended Dietary Allowance 476
10.2 Vitamin D 423 11.2 Phosphorus 478
Sources 423 Sources 478
Absorption 425 Digestion, Absorption,
Transport, Tissue Uptake, and Storage 425 and Transport 479
Functions and Mechanisms of Action 427 Regulation and Homeostasis 480
Interactions with Other Nutrients 432 Functions and Mechanisms of Action 481
Metabolism and Excretion 432 Excretion 483
Recommended Dietary Allowance 432 Recommended Dietary Allowance 483
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More generous were the caciques of two towns at the other end
of the valley, who brought a few golden trifles and eight female
slaves.[278] The revelations of the Cempoalans and of Marina
concerning the wonderful power of the Spaniards, and the honors
paid them by Montezuma’s envoys, had the effect of making Olintetl
also more liberal with provisions at least. Being asked about the road
to Mexico he recommended that through Cholula, but the
Cempoalans representing the Cholultecs as highly treacherous, and
devoted to the Aztecs, the Tlascalan route was chosen, and four
Totonac chiefs were despatched to ask permission of the republican
rulers to pass through their lands. A letter served as mystic
credentials, and a red bushy Flemish hat for a present.[279]
After a stay of four days the army proceeded up the valley,
without leaving the customary cross, it seems, with which they had
marked their route hitherto; the reason for this was the objection of
Padre Olmedo to expose the emblem to desecration in a place not
wholly friendly to them.[280] The road lay for two leagues through a
densely settled district to Iztacmixtitlan, the seat of Tenamaxcuicuitl,
a town which Cortés describes as situated upon a lofty height, with
very good houses, a population of from five to six thousand families,
and possessing comforts superior to those of Xocotlan. “It has a
better fortress,” he writes, “than there is in half Spain, defended by a
wall, barbican, and moats.” The cacique who had invited the visit
made amends for the cold reception of the previous chief, and the
Spaniards remained for three days waiting in vain for the return of
the messengers sent to Tlascala. They then passed onward,
reinforced by about three hundred warriors from the town.[281] Two
leagues’ march brought them to the boundary of Tlascala,
conspicuous by a wall of stone and mortar nine feet in height and
twenty in breadth, which stretched for six miles across a valley, from
mountain to mountain, and was provided with breastworks and
ditches.[282]
Between latitude 19° and 20° ranges of hills cut the plain of
Anáhuac into four unequal parts. In the centre of the one eastward
stood the capital of Tlascala. The state so carefully protected was
about the same small territory which we now see on the map,[283]
with twenty-eight towns, and one hundred and fifty thousand
families, according to the rough census taken by Cortés.[284] A
branch of the Teo-Chichimec nation, the Tlascaltecs had, according
to tradition, entered upon the plateau shortly before the cognate
Aztecs, and, after occupying for a time a tract on the western shore
of Tezcuco Lake, they had tired of the constant disputes with
neighboring tribes and proceeded eastward, in three divisions, the
largest of which had, late in the thirteenth century, taken possession
of Tlascala, ‘Place of Bread.’ The soil was rich, as implied by the
name, but owing to the continued wars with former enemies,
reinforced by the Aztecs, they found little opportunity to make
available their wealth by means of industries and trade, and of late
years a blockade had been maintained which deprived them of many
necessaries, among others salt. But the greater attention given in
consequence to agriculture, had fostered temperate habits and a
sinewy constitution, combined with a deep love for the soil as the
source of all their prosperity. Compelled also to devote more time
and practice to warfare for the preservation of their liberty than to the
higher branches of culture, they presented the characteristics of an
isolated community, in being somewhat behind their neighbors in
refinement, as well as in the variety of their resources.
In government the state formed an aristocracy, ruled by a senate
of the nobility, presided over by four supreme hereditary lords, each
independent in his own section of the territory. This division extended
also to the capital, which consisted of four towns, or districts,
Tizatlan, Ocotelulco, Quiahuiztlan, and Tepeticpac, ruled respectively
by Xicotencatl, Maxixcatzin, Teohuayacatzin, and Tlehuexolotl.[285]
It was before this senate that the messengers of Cortés
appeared, informing them in the name of the Cempoalan lord of the
arrival of powerful gods from the east, who having liberated the
Totonacs from Montezuma’s sway, now desired to visit Tlascala in
passing through to Mexico, and to offer their friendship and alliance.
The messengers recommended an acceptance of the offer, for
although few in number the strangers were more than equal to a
host. They thereupon depicted their appearance, their swift steeds,
their savage dogs, their caged lightning, as well as their gentle faith
and manners. The messengers having retired, the senate proceeded
to discussion. Prudent Maxixcatzin, lord of the larger and richer
industrial district, called attention to the omens and signs which
pointed to these visitors, who from all accounts must be more than
mortal, and, if so, it would be best to admit them, since resistance
must be vain. Xicotencatl, the eldest lord, replied to this that the
interpretation of the signs could not be relied on. To him these beings
seemed monsters rejected by the sea-foam, greedy of gold and
luxuries, whose steeds devoured the very ground. To admit them
would be ruinous. Besides, should the invincible Tlascaltecs submit
to a mere handful? The gods forbid! It was further argued that the
amicable relations of the strangers with Montezuma and his vassals
did not accord with their protestations of friendship. This might be
one of the many Aztec plots to obtain a footing in the country. Nor
did the destruction of idols at Cempoala increase the confidence of a
people so jealous of its institutions. The discussion waxing warmer,
senator Temilotecatl suggested the middle course of letting the
Otomí frontier settlers, who were thoroughly devoted to their
Tlascaltec patrons, make an attack on the invaders, aided by their
own general Axayacatzin Xicotencatl, son of the old lord, and known
by the same name. If successful, they could claim the glory; if not,
they might grant the victors the permission they had desired, while
casting the blame for the attack on the Otomís. This was agreed to.
[286]
As the Spaniards halted before the great wall, speculating on the

strength of the people who had erected it, and upon the possible
traps it might hide, their late hosts again besought them to take the
Cholula route, but Cempoalan counsel prevailed. Waving aloft his
banner, Cortés exclaimed: “Behold the cross! Señores, follow it!” And
with this he led the way through the semicircular laps of the
entrance. The wall was not provided with sentinels, and the army
met with no obstacles.[287] Attended by ten horsemen, the general
advanced to reconnoitre. After proceeding about four leagues he
caught sight of fifteen armed Indians, who were pursued and
overtaken. A fight ensued, in which the natives, nerved by despair,
fought so fiercely that two horses were killed, and three horses and
two riders wounded.[288] Meanwhile a force of Indians came up,
estimated at from three to five thousand, and a horseman was at
once sent back to hurry forward the infantry, while the rest boldly
charged the enemy, riding through their ranks, and killing right and
left without being injured themselves. On the approach of the foot-
soldiers, and the discharge of a volley, the natives retired with about
sixty of their number slain.[289] Shortly afterward two of the
Cempoalan messengers returned with some Tlascaltecs, who
expressed their sorrow at the attack made by a tribe not belonging to
their nation. They offered to pay for the horses killed, and invited the
Spaniards in the name of the lords to proceed. The army advanced
for a league into more open country, and camped among some
abandoned farms, where dogs proved to be the only food left. Thus
ended the first day in Tlascalan territory, the first of September,
according to Bernal Diaz.
In the morning the Spaniards met the two other messengers
returning from their mission to Tlascala, who told a harrowing story
of their seizure for the sacrificial stone, and of their escape by night.
It is probable that their detention by the Tlascaltecs for messenger
purposes had frightened them into believing that they were destined
to be sacrificed, for envoys enjoyed the greatest respect among the
Nahuas.[290] Shortly after a body of over one thousand warriors[291]
appeared, to whom Cortés, in presence of the notary Godoy, sent
three prisoners, with a formal assurance of his friendly intentions.
The only reply being showers of arrows, darts, and stones, Cortés
gave the “Santiago, and at them!” and charged. The enemy retreated
with the face to their pursuers, enticing them toward some broken
ground intersected by a creek, where they found themselves
surrounded by a large force, some bearing the red and white devices
of Xicotencatl. Missiles were showered, while double-pointed spears,
swords, and clubs pressed closely upon them, wielded by bolder
warriors than those whom the Spaniards had hitherto subdued.
Many were the hearts that quaked, and many expected that their last
moment had come; “for we certainly were in greater peril than ever
before,” says Bernal Diaz. “None of us will escape!” exclaimed
Teuch, the Cempoalan chief, but Marina who stood by replied with
fearless confidence: “The mighty God of the Christians, who loves
them well, will let no harm befall them.”[292] The commander rode
back and forth cheering the men, and giving orders to press onward,
and to keep well together. Fortunately the pass was not long, and
soon the Spaniards emerged into an open field, where the greater
part of the enemy awaited them, estimated in all, by different
authorities, at from thirty thousand to one hundred thousand.[293]
How long was this to continue, each new armed host being
tenfold greater than the last? Yet once again the Spaniards whet
their swords, and prepare for instant attack, as determined to fight it
out to the death, as Leonidas and his brave Spartans at the pass of
Thermopylæ. The cavalry charged with loose reins, and lances fixed
on a range with the heads of the enemy, opening a way through the
dense columns and spreading a confusion which served the infantry
well. Bernal Diaz relates how a body of natives, determined to obtain
possession of a horse, surrounded an excellent rider named Pedro
de Moron, who was mounted upon Sedeño’s fine racing mare,
dragged him from the saddle, and thrust their swords and spears
through the animal in all directions. Moron would have been carried
off but for the infantry coming to his rescue. In the struggle which
ensued ten Spaniards were wounded, while four chiefs bit the dust.
Moron was saved only to die on the second day, but the mare was
secured by the natives and cut into pieces, which were sent all over
the state to afford opportunity for triumphal celebrations. The loss
was greatly regretted, since it would divest the horses of their
terrifying character. Those previously killed had been secretly buried.
The battle continued until late in the afternoon, without enabling the
Indians to make any further impression on the Spanish ranks than
inflicting a few wounds, while their own were rapidly thinning under
the charges of the cavalry and the volleys of artillery and firelocks.
The slaughter had been particularly heavy among the chiefs, and
this was the main reason for the retreat which the enemy now
began, in good order.[294] Their actual loss could not be ascertained,
for with humane devotion the wounded and dead were carried off the
moment they were stricken; and in this constant self-sacrificing effort
the Tlascaltecs lost many lives and advantages. Robertson regards
with suspicion the accounts of the great battles fought during the
conquest, wherein Indians fell by the score while the Spaniards
stood almost unscathed, and Wilson ridicules the whole campaign,
reducing the Tlascalan population, for instance, to about ten
thousand, with a fighting force of less than one thousand men. Such
remarks certainly show a want of familiarity with the subject.[295] We
have often seen, in the New World wars, a thousand naked
Americans put to flight by ten steel-clad Europeans, and I have
clearly given the reasons. When we look at the Indians, with their
comparatively poor weapons, their unprotected bodies, their
inefficient discipline and tactics, whereby only a small portion of their
force could be made available, the other portion serving rather as an
obstruction, their custom of carrying off the dead, and other weak
points, and when we contrast them with the well armored Spaniards,
with their superior swords and lances, their well calculated
movements, and their concerted action carried out under strict and
practised officers, and above all their terror-inspiring and ravaging
fire-arms and horses—how can we doubt that the latter must have
readily been able to overcome vast numbers of native warriors? It
was soon so understood in Europe. For once when Cortés was in
Spain he scoffed at certain of his countrymen for having fled before a
superior force of Moors, whereupon one remarked: “This fellow
regards our opponents like his, of whom ten horsemen can put to
flight twenty-five thousand.” In the retreat of the Ten Thousand, who
under Cyrus had invaded Persia, we have an example of the
inadequacy of numbers against discipline. Though for every Greek
the Persians could bring a hundred men, yet the effeminate Asiatic
absolutely refused to meet the hardy European in open conflict.
Æschylus was inspired by personal experience in his play of the
Persians when he makes the gods intimate to the wondering Atossa,
the queen-mother, that free Athenians, unwhipped to battle, could
cope successfully with the myriads of despotic Xerxes. The poor
Americans had yet to learn their own weakness, and to pay dearly
for the knowledge.
“It well seems that God was he who fought for us to enable us to
get free from such a multitude,” says Cortés. He attempted no
pursuit, but hastened to take possession of Tecohuatzinco, a small
town on the hill of Tzompachtepetl,[296] where they fortified
themselves upon the temple pyramid, and proceeded to celebrate
the victory with songs and dances, a performance wherein the allies
took the leading part. The following day[297] Cortés sallied forth with
the horses, one hundred infantry, and seven hundred allies, partly to
forage before the enemy appeared, but also to inflict some damage,
and to show that they were as fresh as ever. “I burned five or six
small villages,” he says, “each of about one hundred families, and
returned with four hundred prisoners.”[298] After being consoled with
food and beads, the captives, including fifteen taken during the late
battle, were despatched to the camp of Xicotencatl, two leagues off,
with a letter to serve as credentials, and a message assuring him of
the friendly intentions of the Spaniards, although they had been
obliged to resort to severe measures. By no means impressed either
with his defeat or with the assurances, Xicotencatl replied that peace
would be celebrated at his father’s town with a feast on the
Spaniards’ flesh, while their hearts and blood were delighting the
gods. They would receive a more decisive answer on the morrow.
With this defiant message came the report that the Tlascalan army,
largely reinforced, was preparing to march on and overwhelm them.
“When we learned this,” says Bernal Diaz, “being men, we feared
death, many of us; and all made confession to the Merced father,
and the clergyman Juan Diaz, who all night remained present to
listen to the penitent; and we commended ourselves to God, praying
that we might not be conquered.” Cortés applied himself
energetically to supervise preparations and give the enemy a
welcome. A fresh supply of arrows, and of Indian shields of plaited
cane and cotton, were made, and the arms and accoutrements
inspected. He impressed upon the soldiers the necessity of keeping
close together, round the banner to be carried well aloft by Alférez
Corral, in order that they might not be cut off. As for the cavalry they
were to make repeated charges, without losing time in delivering
thrusts.
Early in the morning of September 5th the Indian army could be
seen extending far over the field, terrible in war-paint, plumed
helmets, and gaudy shields, with their double-edged flint swords and
many-pointed lances gleaming in the sun, while the air resounded
with shrill yells, mingling with the melancholy tones of their drums
and the doleful blasts of conchs and trumpets.[299] It was the largest
and finest army yet seen by the Spaniards, numbering, according to
Gomara, one hundred and fifty thousand men, but according to
Bernal Diaz only fifty thousand,[300] in four divisions, representing
Tizatlan, Ocotelulco, Quiahuiztlan, and Tepeticpac, each
distinguished by its own banner and colors, the latter noticeable also
in the war-paint of the common soldier and in the quilted armor of the
officers. Far in the rear, indicative of hostile sentiment, rose the
standard of the state, bearing a bird with wings extended.[301]
Gomara relates that, confident of success, the Tlascaltecs sent
messengers to the camp with three hundred turkey-cocks and two
hundred baskets of tamales, each of one hundred arrobas, so that
they might not be taunted with having fought starved men, or having
offered such to the idols.
But this story, adopted by Herrera, Clavigero, Robertson, and
nearly every other writer, implies a generosity altogether too impolitic
for an enemy who had already suffered two severe defeats. It is
probable, however, that Xicotencatl may have sent small presents of
food in order to obtain an opportunity for his spies to examine the
camp.[302]
The Indians advanced in several columns up the sides of the hill,
and, despite the resistance offered, pressed onward into the very
camp, but were soon obliged to yield before murderous bullets and
cutting blades. Cortés allowed the Indians to become tired and
discouraged with repeated charges, and then with a ringing
“Santiago!” the Spaniards, followed by the allies, sallied forth,[303]
driving them in confusion to the plain, where the cavalry followed up
the advantage, leaving bloody paths in all directions. Checked and
reinforced by the reserve, the enemy turned with fresh courage on
their pursuers. The shock was overwhelming. The tired Castilians
yielded; their ranks were broken, and all seemed lost. Even Cortés
was seized with a terrible misgiving, but it was only for a moment.
Leading the cavalry to the rescue, he raised his voice above the din
of battle, and called on all to rally. Nerved by his words and deeds,
the men plied lustily their swords, and, driving back the enemy,
formed anew. “So ably and valiantly fought the horsemen,” writes
Bernal Diaz, “that next to God who protected us, they proved our
strength.” Following up their advantage, the Spaniards hewed down
the enemy in great numbers.
Victory might yet have turned against them but for a quarrel
between Xicotencatl and another captain,[304] one accusing the
other of mismanaging the late battle. The latter not only challenged
the other, it seems, but withdrew his troops, and induced another
division to follow him.[305] Thus left with only half his army, and that
shattered and discouraged, Xicotencatl retired before the handful on
whom his every effort seemed to have made no impression. He
retreated in good order, carrying off most of the dead, for the
opponents were too exhausted to pursue. Indeed, all the horses
were wounded, and fully sixty men, of whom it appears several must
have died soon after, though Cortés admits of no dead, and Bernal
Diaz of only one.[306]
FOOTNOTES
[265] ‘Y todos â vna le respondimos, que hariamos lo que ordenasse, que echada
estaua la suerte de la buena ò mala ventura.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 40.
[266] Bernal Diaz states, 65, that on reaching Mexico City ‘no llegauamos á 450
soldados,’ intimating that they must have amounted to fully this figure on leaving
Villa Rica. This would allow fully 120 men to Escalante, which appears a large
garrison, even after making allowances for the old and infirm. Gomara places the
force at 400 Spaniards, with 15 horses, 6 guns, and 1300 Indians, including
Cubans and carriers. Conq. Mex., 67; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. i.; Torquemada,
i. 411, 517. Ixtlilxochitl increases this to 7 guns, 1300 warriors, and 1000 carriers.
‘Con quince de caballo y trescientos peones.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52. Cortés refers
later on to 400 Cempoalans. He mentions merely 200 carriers. Clavigero has 415
Spaniards, a figure resulting from a misreading of his original. Storia Mess., iii. 36.
Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 216-17, followed of course by Robertson, changes the figures
to 500 men, 200 carriers, and 400 Indian troops. A page, twelve years old, was left
with the lord of Cempoala to learn the language. ‘Tomaron un indio principal que
llamaban Tlacochalcatl para que los mostrase el camino,’ taken from the country
by Grijalva, and brought back by Cortés. Sahagun, Conq. Mex., 16. Shortly before
beginning the march, says Duran, a messenger arrived from Mexico in the person
of Motelchiuh, sent by Montezuma to serve as guide, and to provide for the proper
service and hospitality on the way. Being told that no guide was needed, he
returned, leaving orders with the caciques en route to tender good reception to the
strangers. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 405-10.
[267] Meaning ‘Spring in the Sand.’ Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. app. 7. ‘Y la primera
jornado fuimos â vn pueblo, que se dize Xalapa.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.
But the road was too long for one day’s march. I may here observe that Bernal
Diaz is remarkably faulty in his account of this march and of the campaign into
Tlascala, and this is admitted by several writers, who nevertheless follow him
pretty closely. The place is known the world over for its fairs and productions,
particularly for the drug bearing its name, and is famous in the neighboring
districts for its eternal spring and beautiful surroundings.
[268] Identified with Naulinco. Lorenzana, Viage, p. ii.
[269] Cortés refers to a friendly chat with the governor, who mentioned the orders
he had received to offer the Spaniards all necessities. Cartas, 57.
[270] ‘Por ser el primero que en estas tierras habíamos pasado. El cual es tan
agro y alto, que no lo hay en España otro.’ Cortés, Cartas, 57. ‘Hoy se llama el
Paso del Obispo.’ Lorenzana, ubi sup. ‘Ay en ella muchas parras con vuas, y
arboles cõ miel.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 68.
[271] ‘Hoy se nombra Ixhuacán de los Reyes.’ Lorenzana, Viage.
[272] ‘De Nauhcampa, quatre parties, et tepetl, montagne.’ Humboldt, Vues, ii.
191. Equivalent to the Spanish name of Cofre de Perote.
[273]Lorenzana believes it to be the later Sierra de la Agua. A map with profile of
the route is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 201; and a still better map by
Orozco y Berra, Itinerario, in Noticias Mex., 233.
[274] The name must not be confounded with Zacatlan, as Ixtlilxochitl calls it, for
this lies north of Tlascala. ‘Este valle y poblacion se llama Caltanmi.’ ‘Tenia las
mayores y mas bien labradas casas que hasta entonces ... habiamos visto.’
Cortés, Cartas, 58. Lorenzana says, ‘the present Tlatlanquitepec,’ in the lower
lying portion of which stood the palace of Caltanni, ‘house below;’ and there
stands the big tree to which the natives say that Cortés tied his horse. Viage, pp.
iii.-iv. ‘Llamase ... Zaclotan aquel lugar, y el valle Zacatami.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
68; Oviedo, iii. 260. Cocotlan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.
[275] Gomara intimates that the Spaniards were well received, and had 50 men
sacrificed in their honor. Hist. Mex., 68. The native records state that bread
sprinkled with the blood of fresh victims was offered to them, as to idols, but this
being rejected with abhorrence, pure food was brought. Before this sorcerers had
been sent to use their arts against them, by spreading diseases, casting spells to
prevent their advance, and otherwise opposing them. But everything failed before
the magic influence shed perhaps by the banner of the cross. Duran, Hist. Ind.,
MS., ii. 401-8; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 14; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 518; Torquemada, i.
417-8.
[276] ‘Tenia Montezuma en este pueblo, y su comarca, cinco mil soldados de

guarnicion.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. ii.
[277] Conq. Mex., 42. ‘A muchos valientes por ventura desmayara,’ says to the
contrary Gomara, Hist. Mex., 69.
[278] Cortés, Cartas, 59. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olintetl was persuaded by the
Cempoalans to conciliate Cortés with four slaves, a few paltry pieces of jewelry,
and a load of cloth.
[279] Camargo sends the letter from Cempoala, together with a sword, a
crossbow, and a red silk cap. Hist. Tlax., 145. But it is not probable that Cortés
would deprive himself of such needful articles, not overabundant with him, even if
he had no objection to let Indians examine them. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 42-3,
despatches two Cempoalans from a later station, and this on hearing that the
Tlascaltecs had risen to oppose them.
[280] Still Gomara, in his sweeping way, declares that Cortés ‘puso muchas
cruzes en los templos, derrocãdo los idolos como lo hazia en cada lugar.’ Hist.
Mex., 70; Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 567. Twenty leading
warriors were taken from here, says Bernal Diaz.
[281] Clavigero calls them ‘un competente numero di truppe Messicane del
presidio di Xocotla,’ Storia Mess., iii. 41, which is unlikely.
[282] See Native Races, ii. 568, et seq.
[283] Fifteen leagues from west to east, ten from north to south, says
Torquemada, i. 276. Herrera extends it to 30 leagues in width.
[284] ‘Hay en esta provincia, por visitacion que yo en ella mandé hacer, ciento
cincuenta mil vecinos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 69. In the older edition of these letters by
Lorenzana, it reads, 500,000 families, a figure which in itself indicates an
exaggeration, but has nevertheless been widely copied. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 87.
[285] For further information about Tlascala, see Native Races, ii. and v.
Torquemada gives a detailed history of the state in i. 259-78. See also Prescott’s
Mex., 411-19; Soria, Istoria y Fundacion de la Ciudad de Tlaxcala, MS. in Aztec,
sm. 4o of 48 leaves.
[286] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. iii., confounds the two Xicotencatls, and
Torquemada, in seeking to correct him, applies the title of general to Maxixcatzin,
i. 416, supposing besides, with Clavigero, that Temilotecatl may be another name
for Tlehuexolotl. Storia Mess., iii. 40; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
133. Jealous of the honor of his countrymen, and eager to vindicate them against
the charge of duplicity or enmity toward the Spaniards, Camargo lets the
messengers go back with a friendly invitation. After they had started on this
mission the idols were consulted, but remained mute; the temples were
overthrown by earthquakes, and comets appeared, creating a general panic. Hist.
Tlax., 144-6. The account of the conquest by this author is particularly interesting
since Diego Muñoz Camargo was a native of the valiant little republic of Tlascala,
a mestizo, says Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., ii. 91, who calls him Domingo, while
Clavigero gives him nobility. Storia Mess., i. 10. Born shortly after these events,
and in contact with the very men who figured therein, his stories are reproduced
from their lips, though colored with the spirit of a convert and patriot who, like
nearly all of his countrymen, was only too eager to curry favor with the dominant
race. This is apparent in nearly every line of his text, wherein the terms of praise
bestowed on the conquerors become not unfrequently absurd from the
contradictions implied by other passages. Nor does he neglect to hold forth on his
own people for their bravery and exploits in fighting the detested Aztecs, and their
unswerving devotion to the Spaniards. In the pursuit of this pleasing theme he
scruples not to sacrifice truth when it proves a stumbling-block. He leaves the
impression, for instance, that the Tlascaltecs never raised sword against Cortés.
Many of the misstatements are due to a non-critical acceptance of tales, for
Camargo was as simple and superstitious as any of his contemporaries. Although
acting as interpreter in the province, Torquemada, i. 523, he exhibits a not very
thorough acquaintance with Spanish, which is the cause of errors and repetitions.
The conquest forms but a portion of his narrative, which treats chiefly of aboriginal
history and customs, and touches lightly the events that passed before his eyes. It
was written in 1585, and lay for some time in the Felipe Neri convent archives,
where it was consulted by Torquemada. Taken afterward by Panes to Spain, it was
deposited by Muñoz with the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, from which
source copies were obtained, among others one by Ternaux-Compans, and a
faulty translation was published in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, xcviii.-ix.
[287] A short distance further they passed through a pine grove, wherein threads
and papers were fixed and scattered across the path, the work of Tlascaltec
sorcerers, who thus sought to cast a spell upon the invaders. Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
vi. cap. iv.
[288] ‘Segun algunos que lo vieron, cortaron cercen de vn golpe cada pescueço
con riendas y todo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 71. ‘Io viddi che cõbattẽdosi vn dì, diede
vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo ... nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle
ĩteriora, et cadde icõtanẽte morto, & ... che vn’ altro Indiano diede vn’ altra
cortellata a vn’ altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto.’ Relatione per vn
gentil’huomo, in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 305. According to Duran two warriors
stepped forth from a vast Tlascalan army before the regular battle, and issued a
challenge, which was accepted by two horsemen. After a short combat the
Indians, by deft movements, killed both horses, cutting off the neck of one, and
wounding the other in the pasterns. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-20; Tezozomoc, Hist.
Mex., ii. 255-6. This attack is the only resistance admitted by Camargo. The
assailants were all Otomís, who killed one Spaniard and two horses. Hist. Tlax.,
146.
[289] ‘Hirieron á quatro de los nuestros, y pareceme que desde alli á pocos dias
muriò el vno de las heridas ... quedaron muertos hasta diez y siete dellos.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 43; Cortés, Cartas, 61; Lorenzana calls the scene of this battle
the plain of Quimichoccan. Viage, p. viii.
[290] See Native Races, ii. 413; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 230. According to Bernal Diaz
the messengers are met before the Tlascalan border is reached, and they deliver
the announcement that the Tlascaltecs will kill the Spaniards and eat their flesh, in
order to test their reputed strength. The Cempoalans shall suffer the same fate,
since they are assumed to be plotting in behalf of the Aztecs, loc. cit. Sahagun
supposes that the Cempoalan guide had treacherously led the Spaniards against
the Otomís. Conq. Mex. (ed. 1840), 40; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 42-3.
[291] Bernal Diaz says 6000.

[292] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. v. A pious conquistador who was present, says
Duran, told me that many wept, wishing they had never been born, and cursing
the marquis for having led them into such danger. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 417.
[293] Tapia gives the higher and Herrera the lower figure, while Ixtlilxochitl makes
it 80,000.
[294] During the battle one of the late Cempoalan envoys recognized the captain
who had bound him for sacrifice, and with Cortés’ permission he sent him a
challenge. The duel was held in front of the armies, and after a tough struggle the
Cempoalan, with a feint, threw his opponent off guard, and secured his head,
which served as a centre-piece during the Cempoalan victory celebration. Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. This author also relates that one of the final acts of the battle
was the capture by Ordaz, with 60 men, of a pass. ‘Les matamos muchos Indios, y
entre ellos ocho Capitanes muy principales, hijos de los viejos Caciques.’ Five
horses were wounded and fifteen soldiers, of whom one died. The other chronicles
admit of no dead. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44.
[295] Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 38-9; Wilson’s Conq. Mex., 360-70; Benzoni, Hist.
Mondo Nvovo, 51. It is seldom that I encounter a book which I am forced to regard
as beneath censure. He who prints and pays the printer generally has something
to say, and generally believes something of what he says to be true. An idiot may
have honest convictions, and a knave may have talents, but where a book carries
to the mind of the reader that its author is both fool and knave, that is, that he
writes only foolishness and does not himself believe what he says, I have not the
time to waste in condemning such a work. And yet here is a volume purporting to
be A New History of the Conquest of Mexico, written by Robert Anderson Wilson,
and bearing date Philadelphia, 1859, which one would think a writer on the same
subject should at least mention. The many and magnificent monuments which to
the present day attest the great number and high culture of the Nahua race, and
the testimony to this effect offered by witnesses on all sides, are ignored by him
with a contempt that becomes amusing as the pages reveal his lack of
investigation and culture. Indeed, the reader need go no further than the
introduction to be convinced on the latter point. Another amusing feature is that
the work pretends to vindicate the assertions of Las Casas, who, in truth, extols
more than other Spanish author the vast number and advanced culture of the
natives. In addition to this mistaken assumption, which takes away his main
support, he states that Prescott worked in ignorance of his subject and his
authorities, and to prove the assertion he produces wrongly applied or distorted
quotations from different authors, or assumes meanings that were never intended,
and draws erroneous conclusions. Thus it is he proves to his own satisfaction that
Mexico City was but a village occupied by savages of the Iroquois stamp, and that
Cortés was the boastful victor over little bands of naked red men. As for the ruins,
they were founded by Phœnician colonists in remote ages. Another tissue of
superficial observations, shaped by bigotry and credulous ignorance, was issued
by the same author under the title of Mexico and its Religion, New York, 1855,
most enterprisingly reprinted in the disguise of Mexico: its Peasants and its
Priests, New York, 1856. In common with Mr Morgan, and others of that stamp, Mr
Wilson seems to have deemed it incumbent on him to traduce Mr Prescott and his
work, apparently with the view of thereby attracting attention to himself. Such men
are not worthy to touch the hem of Mr Prescott’s garment; they are not worthy of
mention in the same category with him.
[296] Lorenzana, Viage, ix., wherein the appearance of the hill is described as the
bishop saw it. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 292; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 146. Other
authors differ. ‘Teoatzinco, cioè il luogo dell’acqua divina.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess.,
iii. 44. Duran assumes that the battle was for the possession of this place, which
he calls Tecoac. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 418, 422; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 256. ‘Aldea
de pocas casas, que tenia vna torrezilla y tẽplo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 74.
[297] So Cortés distinctly says. Bernal Diaz writes, however, that this day was
devoted to rest. Still, a later observation indicates that Cortés is right.
[298] Id. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44, admits only twenty captives, and blames
the allies for firing the villages; but Cortés is frank enough about it.
[299] Prescott, Mex., 438-42, gives a pretty description of the army, but is so
carried away that he dons it with helmets glittering with gold and precious stones,
etc.; and this in spite of the efforts of the chroniclers to exhibit the Tlascaltecs as
very poor in anything but rude comforts.
[300] Under five captains, to whom he applies the names of the four lords, as he
understands them, and of the ruler of Huexotzinco. Hist. Verdad., 45; Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 75. 149,000 men, says Cortés, in his second letter, 62, but this
exactness is probably due to a printer’s mistake.
[301] For colors and banners, and how carried, see Native Races, ii. 411-12, and
Torquemada, i. 436.
[302] He was detected in this trick afterward. ‘Lo qual fue gran refrigerio y socorro
para la necesidad que tenian.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 76. Oviedo increases the gift
to 700 baskets. iii. 495. Gomara proceeds to relate that in sign of contempt for the
small number of the enemy, whom it could be no honor for his large army to
overcome, Xicotencatl detached 2000 warriors—200 says Oviedo—to seize and
bring him the strangers bound. They attacked, and were routed with an almost
total destruction of their number. ‘No escapo hombre dellos, sino los q̄ acertaron el
passo de la barranca.’ loc. cit. 76.
[303] Bernal Diaz states that they did not wait for the enemy to attack, but
marched forth and met them one eighth of a league from camp. Hist. Verdad., 45.
But Cortés says distinctly, ‘Otro dia en amaneciendo dan sobre nuestro real mas
de ciento y cuarenta y nueve mil hombres.’ Cartas, 62. Gomara and Herrera also
allow Indians to attack the camp first. Cortés is too fond of announcing when he
takes the initiative to have failed to say so had he done it in this case.
[304] ‘Son of Chichimeclatecle,’ says Bernal Diaz, a name which should read
Chichimeca-tecuhtli.
[305] That of Guaxolcingo—meaning Huexotzinco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 45.

That of Tlehuexolotzin. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 46. Solis exaggerates this into
an actual battle between the leaders and their followers. Hist. Mex., i. 255-8.
Herrera intimates that a secret arrangement had been formed between Cortés and
the seceding captain, the latter appearing with his officers at the camp, the
evening after the previous battle, and, declaring himself convinced that the
Spaniards were invincible, offered not only to remain neutral, but to aid them in
entering Tlascala. Cortés agreed. When the captain returned to Xicotencatl’s
camp he was so badly beaten that he came back to Cortés for medical treatment.
Certain signs were to be worn, so that the Spaniards might respect the neutral
troops. dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. He also relates that one Tlascaltec maintained
himself so long and bravely against two Spanish soldiers that Láres, the smith,
rushed up, cried shame upon the twain, and lanced the warrior. Id., cap. vii.
[306] This soldier himself received two wounds, which did not prevent him from
fighting, however. ‘Nos mataron vn soldado,’ he says, and a few lines further
down, ‘y enterramos los muertos ... porque no viessen los Indios que eramos
mortales.’ Hist. Verdad., 45. Thus even the ‘True Historian’ reveals the common
weakness. Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 512-14; West-Indische Spieghel, 224-
35; Franck, Weltbuch, ccxxix.
CHAPTER XIII.
ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.
September, 1519.
Native Chiefs Sent as Envoys to the Tlascalan Capital—Their Favorable

Reception—Xicotencatl Plans Resistance to Cortés—Sends out Spies
—Cortés Sends them back Mutilated—The Spaniards Attack and Defeat
Xicotencatl—Night Encounters—General Dissatisfaction and a Desire
to Return to Villa Rica—Envoys Arrive from Montezuma—Cortés
Receives Xicotencatl and the Tlascalan Lords—Peace Concluded—
Tlascala—Festivities and Rejoicings—Mass Celebrated—Cortés
Inclined to Extreme Religious Zeal—Brides Presented to the Spaniards
—Appropriate Ceremonies—Preparing to Leave Tlascala for Cholula—
Communications with the Cholultecs.
In the late battle three chiefs had been captured, and they
together with two others were sent, this time to the Tlascalan capital
direct, to carry an offer of peace, and to explain that the Spaniards
would not have harmed their warriors had they not been obliged to
do so. If peace was still declined they would come and destroy them
all. Meanwhile Cortés set out on another foraging and raiding
expedition, and “burned more than ten towns, one exceeding three
thousand houses,” retiring by the early afternoon, when the Indians
began to gather in aid of the raided neighbors.[307]
Tired of the fruitless fighting, attended with loss of life and
property only to themselves as it appeared, the peace party in
Tlascala had been gaining the ascendancy, with the efforts of
Maxixcatzin, supported as he now was by the powerful factions
which had quarrelled with the general. When the peace messengers
of Cortés arrived they were therefore received with favor. His
previous friendly offers were considered, also his kind treatment of
captives, so unusual with the natives, and the oracles and signs of a
coming race of rulers. Whether gods or men, they were evidently
invincible, and the friendship and alliance held out by them must be
desirable, and ought to be secured before the strangers, embittered
by further resistance, should pass on to join their enemies. An
embassy, headed by Costomatl and Tolinpanecatl,[308] was
accordingly despatched with provisions and some other trifling gifts
to open negotiations for peace. Humbly these men appeared before
Cortés, expressing the sorrow of the lords for the hostility shown,
and their desire for peace. With a grave reproval for their obstinacy,
Cortés said that he would admit their apology, and the envoys
departed, after leaving beside the other gifts a number of male and
female slaves.[309]
Smarting under the disgrace of his defeats, Xicotencatl had
meanwhile been laying plans to retrieve himself. Among other
counsellors he had summoned diviners to his aid, and they, calling to
mind the assumption that the Spaniards were children of the sun,
declared that as such the new-comers were invincible only when
animated by its beams, and at night, when deprived of this
invigorating power, they became mortals, who must bow to superior
force. Knowing the strength of the party opposed to him in the
Tlascalan capital, he does not appear to have submitted his projects
there, but to have ventured upon detaining the envoys as they were
returning from the Spanish camp until the result of his plans should
have been ascertained; and this in face of the command to desist
from hostility.[310] In order to make everything as sure as possible for
the intended blow, Xicotencatl sent fifty Indians to the camp, with
instructions to gather information concerning the approaches, the
condition of the soldiers, and other points. They appeared before
Cortés with the usual demonstrations of respect, and, placing before
him five female slaves, a quantity of food, and other presents, they
said: “Lord, behold these slaves! If you are fierce gods, eat their
flesh and blood, and more shall be brought; if gentle gods, take
these feathers and incense; if men, here are fowl, bread, and fruit.”
Cortés answered that they required no sacrifices of men. Had they
desired such they could have taken by force all the victims needed.
He rebuked their obstinacy and advised submission.[311] They were
then taken aside to receive the hospitalities of the camp, after which
they dispersed to satisfy their curiosity, and to question the allies.
This aroused the suspicions of Teuch, the Cempoalan chief, who
warned the general. Seizing the men he examined them singly, and
soon ascertained that their object was not only to spy, but to fire the
huts, and otherwise to aid the attack which would be made upon the
camp that very night. Finding that his friendly advances had been
scorned, Cortés resolved to inflict a lesson that would be understood
by a people so deeply intent upon war and sacrifices. This was to cut
off the hands of the leading spies, and the thumbs of others, and to
send them back with the message that this would be the punishment
of spies, and that the Spaniards were prepared, night or day, to face
their enemies.[312]
Fearing the confusion and danger of a night attack, when the
artillery and other means would be less effective, Cortés resolved to
anticipate the enemy by a counter charge, wherein the cavalry might
render particular service. Learning that Xicotencatl was hidden with
ten thousand or twenty thousand men behind a hill not far off, Cortés
did not despatch the mutilated spies till after dusk, in order to let him
approach nearer to camp.[313] When his messengers returned to
Xicotencatl and displayed their bleeding stumps, the general was
troubled, and throughout his army there was consternation, and

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SECTION I Cells and Their Nourishment

SECTION II Macronutrients and Their Metabolism

SECTION III The Regulatory Nutrients

Preface xvii Regulatory Peptides 57

CHAPTER 1 The Cell: A Microcosm of Life 1 SECTION II

Enzyme Translocation 104 Phospholipid Digestion 148

6.4 Absorption 193 6.11 Catabolism of Tissue/Cell Proteins and

Other Roles 222 Glucagon 280

Indirect Calorimetry 294 Deficiency: Beriberi 344

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CHAPTER 10 Fat-Soluble Vitamins 401 CHAPTER 11 Major Minerals 463

As the Spaniards halted before the great wall, speculating on the

[268] Identified with Naulinco. Lorenzana, Viage, p. ii.

[271] ‘Hoy se nombra Ixhuacán de los Reyes.’ Lorenzana, Viage.

[276] ‘Tenia Montezuma en este pueblo, y su comarca, cinco mil soldados de

[282] See Native Races, ii. 568, et seq.

[291] Bernal Diaz says 6000.

[305] That of Guaxolcingo—meaning Huexotzinco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 45.

Native Chiefs Sent as Envoys to the Tlascalan Capital—Their Favorable

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