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Faith, Identity and
Homicide
Exploring Narratives from
a Therapeutic Prison
Shona Robinson-Edwards
Faith, Identity and Homicide
Faith, Identity
and Homicide
Exploring Narratives
from a Therapeutic Prison
Department of Sociology
University of Warwick
Coventry, UK
ISBN 978-3-030-86218-3 ISBN 978-3-030-86219-0 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86219-0
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Acknowledgements
This book began as doctoral research at the Centre for Applied Crim-
inology, Birmingham City University. I extend sincere thanks to my
supervisors, Dr. Stephanie Kewley for her constant care, support and
encouragement in matters relating to the research and beyond. Professor
Elizabeth Yardley for supporting my vision. I would also like to thank
Professor David Wilson and Professor Imran Awan.
Hard work and dedication saw the successful completion of this book.
I would especially like to thank Professor Shadd Maruna and Dr. Sarah
Pemberton who examined my doctoral thesis; their expertise and insights
are appreciated. I remain sincerely grateful to Dr. Martin Glynn who has
consistently supported me through my undergraduate and postgraduate
years. In addition, a special thanks to my colleagues at the University
of Warwick; thank you for appreciating my academic contributions and
allowing me to flourish.
I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to my inspiring and
loving parents and family and friends who have helped me on this
journey: Nicole, Zahra, Lateasha, Suriya, Zaidat, Ashjan, Ameerah,
v
vi Acknowledgements
Victoria, Craig, Kris-Isa, Esa, Sion, Samantha, Ashley, Rebecca, Serena,

Morag and Dionne.
Finally, I would like to sincerely thank the prison-based therapeutic
community and its residents for allowing this research. I am grateful to all
the residents, participants, research facilitators and members of staff who
welcomed and facilitated the research. Adam, Kai, Lewis, Moosaa and
Reece, your voice is important. Thank you for allowing us to understand
your lived experiences, I am truly grateful.
Key Terms
Faith—The complete trust or confidence in someone or something.1

Faith-based intervention—An intervention based on faith/religious
practices.2
Hajj—The Pilgrimage where one visits Makkah and specified sites
(Alam, 2016).
Five Pillars of Islām—The declaration that there is none worthy of
worship except Allāh and that Muhammad is the Messenger of Allāh;
to establish the Prayers; to pay the Zakāh; to perform Hajj and fasting
in the month of Ramadān.3
1 The term faith is complex and there is not a singular definition. Thin faith, the trust in our
basic epistemic faculties. Thick faith is belief in some comprehensive doctrine, such as some
particular religion or ideology (Smith, 2014, p. 22).
2 Religious/faith-based intervention is not new phenomena (Robinson-Edwards & Kewley,
2018). Faith-based social service programmes have existed long before the term “faith-based”
was coined (Cnaan & Boddie, 2002).
3 See Alam (2016).
vii
viii Key Terms
Religion—The belief in a divine being which is worthy of worship and

obedience (Al Qaradawi, 2010).4
Religiosity—Religiosity is a term researchers use to quantify an indi-
vidual’s commitment to any particular religion (VanVleet et al.,
1999).5
Residents—Refers to prisoners in the Prison-based Democratic Thera-
peutic Community.
Spirituality—A vision of human existence and of how the human spirit
is to achieve its full potential (Sheldrake, 2012).
Zakāh—Obligatory charity which is taken from the wealthy and given
to the needy once a year (Alam, 2016).
References
Alam, A. (2016). Introduction to the five pillars (Islām 2.1). Author Abu
Khadeejah Abdul-Wāh.id Alam. Available at https://www.abukhadeejah.
com/introduction-to-the-five-pillars-islam-2-1/. Accessed January 7, 2021.
Al Qaradawi, Y. (2010). Islam and introduction. Islamic Book Trust Malaysia.
Cnaan, R. A., & Boddie, S. C. (2002). Charitable-choice and faith-based
welfare: A call for social work. Social Work, 47 (3), 224–235. https://doi.
org/10.1093/sw/47.3.224.
Giordano, P. C., Longmore, M. A., Schroeder, R. D., & Seffrin, P. M. (2008).
A life-course perspective on spirituality and desistance from crime. Crimi-
nology, 46 (1), 99–132. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9125.2008.00104.x.
Johnstone, L. R. (2016). Religion in society, a sociology of religion (8th ed.).
Routledge.
Robinson-Edwards, S., & Kewley, S. (2018). Faith-based intervention: Prison,
prayer, and perseverance. Religions, 9 (4), 130. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel
9040130.
Sheldrake, P. (2012). Spirituality: A very short introduction. Oxford University
Press.
4 A set of beliefs and rituals by which individuals seeks to understand, explain and cope with a
world of complexity and uncertainty (Johnstone, 2016., p. 14). The term “religion” also raises
some complexities and within this book the terms faith and religion are used interchangeably
based upon participant’s self-identification.
5 Religiosity within this book refers to both corporate religiosity and private spirituality as two
dimensions of religiosity (Giordano et al., 2008).
Key Terms ix
Smith, P. (2014). Why faith is a virtue. Wibf and Stock.

VanVleet, R., Cockayne, J., & Fowles, T. (1999). Examining religion as
a preventative factor to delinquency. Religion and Delinquency. https://
justice.utah.gov/Documents/Research/Juvenile/Religion.pdf. Accessed April
10, 2018.
Contents
1 Introduction 1
Violence and Masculinity 4
Prison and Rehabilitation 4
Religious Conversions in Prison 6
Individuals Convicted of Homicide Offences 6
Terminology 8
Current Context 8
Structure of the Book 9
Conclusion 11
References 12
2 Approaching Faith Behind the Prison Walls 21
Research Philosophy 23
Ontology, World View and Epistemology 24
Research Design 26
Reflexivity 35
References 37
xi
xii Contents
3 Homicide and Violent Offences 43

Defining Homicide 44
Understanding Homicide 45
Homicide, Identity and Stigma 47
The Impact of Homicide on Identity 51
References 54
4 Prison-Based Democratic Therapeutic Community 63
Experiences Behind the Prison Walls 67
Challenges in Prison 73
Religion and Therapeutic Intervention 76
The Importance of Religious Texts in Prison 80
Bonding with Others Based on Religious and Offence
Similarities 84
References 88
5 Violence in the Life Course 97
Traumatic Experiences 98
“Becoming a Murderer” 102
The Impact of Committing Murder 110
Violence in the Life Course 114
References 118
6 Religion in the Life Course 129
“Religious” Before Conviction 133
Religion a Personal Journey 139
Faith, Forgiveness and Accountability 145
Religion, Hope and a New Identity 150
References 154
7 Faith, Reentry and Desistance 161
Desistance 162
Desistance and Self-Narrative 165
Desistance and Religiosity 166
Desistance, Identity and Generativity 167
Faith-Based Support from Outside the Prison 169
Faith and Religious Communities 175
Faith-Based Communities Outside of Prison 176
Contents xiii
Faith-Based Communities in Prison 178

Practising Religion in the Community 184
Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reentry 185
References 192
8 Moosaa’s Journey 209
“I Was Always Left Behind” 211
Fitnah 212
Astaghfirullah “I Seek Forgiveness from Allāh” 214
Verily, Along with Every Hardship Is Relief 217
References 220
9 Critical Understandings of Faith and Identity 225
Violence in the Life Course to Living a “Good Life” 226
Faith and Forgiveness, Identity Through a Faith-Based
Lens 227
Faith and Therapy, a Harmonious Existence? 229
Finding, Embracing and Maintaining Faith 231
References 233
10 Concluding Thoughts 237
References 239
References 241
Index 305
Abbreviations
ACEs Adverse Childhood Experiences

BAME Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic
CEN Childhood Emotional Neglect
CJS Criminal Justice System
CPS Crown Prosecution Service
CRC Community Rehabilitation Company
DTCs Democratic Therapeutic Communities
FBIs Faith-based Interventions
GLM Good Lives Model
HMP Her Majesty’s Prison
HMPPS Her Majesty’s Prison and Probation Service
HTCs Hierarchical Therapeutic Communities
IFI InnerChange Freedom Initiative
IPP Imprisonment for Public Protection
LDS Liverpool Desistance Study
NRM New Religious Movements
ONS Office for National Statistics
PBR Payment by Result
PDTCs Prison-based Democratic Therapeutic Communities
PFP Prison Fellowship Programmes
xv
xvi Abbreviations
RNR Risk-Need-Responsivity Model

TCs Therapeutic Communities
UK United Kingdom
US United States of America
List of Tables
Table 2.1 Participant sample (interviews) 28

Table 2.2 Participant sample (focus group) 29
xvii
1
Introduction
This book, Faith, Identity and Homicide: Exploring Narratives from a

Therapeutic Prison is a product of an empirical project exploring the
narratives of individuals convicted of homicide offences. This book is
not examining why people commit homicide offences as this has been
covered in some detail in other research (see Adams, 2007; Dobash et al.,
2004; Polk, 1994). Rather, it explores the role of religion in the lives of
individuals after conviction from an English and Welsh context. Investi-
gating and exploring the narration of stories, looking at: How storytellers
present stories about their lives and the lives of others? Why do they tell
the stories in the way that they do? What characters do they portray?
For those convicted of homicide offences, labels such as “murderer” and
“killer” are strong ones. For these individuals their experience of faith
will be unique and as such, this group is deserving of specific focus.
Criminology is a rendezvous discipline, held together by a substantive
concern: crime (Walklate, 1998). This book engages with both macro
and micro social phenomena; indeed, religion is both a social institu-
tion and a personal experience. To date criminologists have struggled
to bridge the “epistemological imbalance” between macro and micro
phenomena—where those studying at the macro level have difficulty
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1
Switzerland AG 2022
S. Robinson-Edwards, Faith, Identity and Homicide,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86219-0_1
2 S. Robinson-Edwards
engaging with the micro implications of their work and vice versa
(Messner, 2012). This book is therefore unique in this respect, harnessing
the work of Yardley and Wilson (2015) who established the concept of
institutional mediation—the mediating role of institutions like family,
education, economy, policy and religion and the extent of their influ-
ence upon individual choices and actions. This book aims to create
some clarity of understanding the complex nature of religiosity, narra-
tives, identity, desistanceand rehabilitation. Whilst critically examining
elements of social identity that may restrict or enhance this process. This
book will do the following:
• Identify the nature of religiosity amongst a sample of individuals

convicted of homicide offences;
• Explore the role of religion in the self-narrative of a sample of persons
convicted of homicide offences;
• Develop insights into the lived experience of religion for persons
convicted of homicide offences.
• Critically consider the extent to which religiosity is important in
desisting from crime and building a “Good Life”.
There is a host of literature pertaining to prisons, offender rehabilita-

tion and the role of religion in this context is receiving ever increasing
attention. Becci (2012) explores the transformation of an offender reha-
bilitation programme in Eastern Germany in respect to religion. It is
suggested that the character of prisons are influential to the individuals’
connection to religion and their use of religious sources. Becci (2012)
also highlights the complexities individuals face upon release, although
they adopt religious identities behind the prison walls it is hard for some
to stay focused on their religious “lives” and “selves” upon release. As
noted, criminology is a rendezvous discipline and this book will consider
the work of sociologists of religion and religious studies scholars. Glock
and Stark (1965) have been influential in the understanding of reli-
giosity and contend that with all world religions there are five universal
dimensions.
In a similar vein, we often read about a modern sociology of reli-
gion (Ammerman, 2017) where the function of religion in society and
1 Introduction 3
how this interacts with other intersections is explored. Religion cannot

be viewed as a detached entity, rather the complicated intersections
between religion and social class are often untangled by sociologists
(Ammerman, 2017, p. 9). From a sociological perspective the everyday
practices of lived religion, emotions and religious actions are discussed
(see McGuire, 2008; Mellor, 2007). The nature of religious practices
amongst marginalised groups is considered which provides an under-
standing of the place and role of religion in the “human cultural world”
(Ammerman, 2017).
The right to religion is considered a fundamental human right essen-
tial to protect the freedom of worship and observance (see Barrow
Cadbury, 2020; Equality & Human Rights Commission, 2018). Those
in prison are restricted in various ways, nevertheless, prisons have a duty
to respect the religion of prisoners and meet religious observance needs
(Barrow Cadbury, 2020, p. 33). This book critically discusses the terms
religiosity, religion, faith and spirituality, terms which are frequently
used when discussing the role of religion in prison. Undoubtedly people
may identify and understand these terms differently. There is no univer-
sally agreed definition of the term “religious” (Barker, 2014) and some
elements of religion, faith and spirituality embody several similarities.
According to Al Qaradawi (2010) religion is defined as the belief
in a divine being, which is worthy of worship and obedience (2010,
p. 2). Spirituality on the other hand is described as lifestyles and prac-
tices that embody a vision of human existence (Sheldrake, 2012, p. 1).
The term faith is complex and can be described as the complete trust or
confidence in someone or something (Smith, 2014). To conclude, spir-
ituality and religion are separate but interrelated concepts (see Mattis,
2002). Comparing religion to spirituality illustrates that there are distinct
features of spirituality that are not embodied in religion and vice versa.
Ronel and Yair (2017) assert that religion and spirituality represent
human faith in the Supreme (2017, p. 2). Tart (2012) explores the
importance of a non-material realm, structure, set of values, a supportive
community and rituals of spiritual meaning. Religion usually refers
to a social institute of beliefs, knowledge, norms, rules, customs and
rites (Ronel & Yair, 2017). Schoender and Frana (2009) explain that
religion and spirituality are separate concepts, suggesting careful distinc-

tions must be drawn between the two. Fetzer (1999) viewed religious
participation as an experience that involves a system of worship. Ronel
and Yair (2017) further contribute and argue that spirituality refers to
personal faith, meanings that mostly relates to God with an individual
understanding of God (see James, 1985; Ronel, 2008; Ronel & Yair,
2017).
Violence and Masculinity

Violence, masculinity and homicide are often topics of discussion. There
appears to be a fascination with the reasonings, motives and psychology
of the “violent offender”. This is reflected in academic research that anal-
yses the accounts of “violent offenders”. In a similar vein, alarming rates
of homicide amongst young men in Britain is explored within the media
(see Dearden, 2017; Hirsh, 2019). Undoubtedly homicide figures illus-
trate that men are not only perpetrators but also most likely to be the
victims of homicide. The majority of homicide victims in the year ending
March 2019 were male (64%) and female (36%) (Office for National
Statistics (ONS), 2019a, 2019b, 2019c, p. 6). In the year ending March
2019 25- to 34-year olds (136 victims) were recorded as the most likely
age group to be victims of homicide. Closely followed by 16 to- 24-
year olds (113 victims), 35- to 44-year olds (107 victims) and 45- to
54-year olds (107 victims). Many perpetrators will eventually be released
back into society, consequently provisions need to be in place to help
effectively rehabilitate individuals.
Prison and Rehabilitation

Prison population statistics provide a snapshot into the religious identity
of prisoners in England and Wales. The contrast between the religion of
prisoners and of the general public makes for an interesting discussion.
At the end of March 2020 those who identify as Christian made up
1 Introduction 5
47% of the prison population and 61% of the general population. Inter-
estingly those who identify as Muslim account for 16% of the prison
population and 4% of the general population. The figures for prisoners
and the general population of individuals who identified as Jewish, Sikh,
Hindu and Buddhist were fairly consistent across the board.1 There are
a number of prisoners who do not identify with the above religions and
the number of prisoners in the “other” category stood at 1984 prisoners;
this makes up 2% of the prison population and 1% of the general popu-
lation. Finally, 25,398 prisoners do not identify with any form of religion
which accounts for 31% of the prison population and 24% of the general
population (Sturge, 2020). This is undoubtedly a high figure, however,
the collective numbers of people in prison who identify with some form
of religion is greater than those who do not.
A common goal amongst some academics, practitioners and politi-
cians is to understand the ways in which prison can support the rehabil-
itation process. For nearly a decade the government has announced its
plans to “transform” the CJS in England and Wales. In 2010 the publi-
cation titled “Breaking the cycle: effective punishment, rehabilitation and
sentencing of offenders” was proposed as the start of this process. The
effects of punishment and imprisonment are documented (see Liebling
& Maruna, 2005; Sim, 1994; Toch, 1975). Alongside high prison popu-
lations and overcrowding (see Ministry of Justice, 2018; Howard League
for Penal Reform, 2018), physical health concerns (see Clements, 1979;
Staton-Tindall et al., 2007) and race, ethnicity and the overrepresen-
tation in the CJS (see Earle, 2015; Earle & Phillips, 2015; Phillips &
Bowling, 2003; Sviensson, 2012). There is a consensus for change in the
way our prisons are operated and a body of critique pertaining to impris-
onment has accumulated over the decades (see Burnett & Maruna, 2004;
Davis, 2005; Mathiesen, 2015; Moore et al., 2018; Tombs, 2015). In
some respects a total overhaul and abolishment of prisons is advocated
(see Davis, 2003, 2005).
1 Jewish 1% of the prison population and 1% of the general population; Sikh 1% of the prison
population and 1% of the general population; Hindu 0% of the prison population and 2%
of the general population and Buddhist 2% of the prison population and 1% of the general
population (see Sturge, 2020).
Indeed, there is not only a recognition of the role of religion in

prison by some academics (see Hallett & McCoy, 2015; Maruna et al.,
2006; Schroeder & Frana, 2009), but also from prisoner’s religious self-
identification (see Sturge, 2020). Religious programmes and interven-
tions may hold value within secure settings such as prisons. Importantly
Caulfield (2014) refers to the importance of evidencing the full impact
of work in criminal justice. It is acknowledged that Caulfield’s assertions
refer to the arts in prison, having said this arguably the same sentiments
can be utilised for evidencing the role of religion in the lives of people
in prison. There are clear associations between arts and identity, and reli-
gion and identity. Although prisoners’ experience of religion has been
documented to some extent, there is a need for additional writings and
exploration in this area.
Religious Conversions in Prison

Prison is not a uniform experience (Liebling & Maruna, 2005) and reli-
gious conversion in prisons is not a new concept, in fact a body of
research explores the role of religion in prison (see Beckford, & Gilliat,
1998; Maruna et al., 2006; Thomas & Zaitzow, 2006). The role of reli-
gion in the lives of offenders has been explored to some extent in the
mainstream media (see Beckford, 2012a, 2012b; Easton, 2010). Never-
theless, Maruna et al. (2006) are correct in their assertion that very little
attention has been placed on religion and conversions in prison from
a social science context. It is refreshing to note that in recent years the
exploration of religion in the lives of individuals within and outside of
prison has been explored to some extent by the academy (see Adler et al.,
2008; Hallett & McCoy, 2015; Jensen & Gibbons, 2008; O’Connor &
Perryclear, 2008; Robinson-Edwards & Pinkney, 2018).
Individuals Convicted of Homicide Offences

The link between religion, prison and persons convicted of homicide
offences does not naturally coincide. More often stereotypes associated
1 Introduction 7
with individuals convicted of homicide offences are apparent (see Lester,

1995; Martinez et al., 2003; Petee et al., 1997). To contextualise, for
individuals convicted of homicide offences, stigma can enhance diffi-
culties in relation to overcoming the label “murderer”. The impact of
homicide is far reaching and the role that religion plays in the construct
of identity and coping mechanism in the lives of individuals, victims
and family members is discussed. In some instances religion is used as a
source of comfort (see Mastrocinque et al., 2020) as well as dealing with
internal challenges as the result of homicide (see Armour & Umbreit,
2012; Sharpe & Boyas, 2011). The provision of religious support by
prison Chaplains and Chaplaincy Teams, as mandated in the Prison
Service Instruction (PSI), supports faith and pastoral care for prisoners.
Faith has always played a key role in the running of the prison (see Prison
Reform Trust, 2016); it has also raised some controversy in relation to
the intentions of prisoners (Thomas & Zaitzow, 2006). One can antic-
ipate that for individuals convicted of homicide offences religiosity is
not simply a tool to prevent reoffending but an integral part of sense-
making around narrative identity—the stories that individuals tell about
their lives.
The importance of self-narratives in relation to desistance is discussed
(see Burnett, 2004; Maruna, 2001; Vaughan, 2011). Desistance from
crime can entail the development of a new identity and life script, a
script which supports a new way of life and a non-offending iden-
tity (Marsh, 2011; Maruna, 2001). Often ex-offenders are required to
illustrate how their “checkered pasts” could led to their “new reformed
identities” (Maruna, 2001, p. 7). The construction of a new script is of
utmost importance. Maruna (2001) explored the perceptions of active
offenders who often expressed rhetoric defined as “condemnation script”,
and life was seen as bleak and a hostile experience. Desisting offenders
had a different outlook, and the”redemption script” saw individuals
create narratives which acknowledged their victimisation which led to
a life of crime. Importantly, the redemption script distanced them from
offending and formed a positive outlook for their future.
Terminology
This book does not seek to excessively define key terms such as faiths or
belief systems; but rather is concerned with the ways in which people
self-identify. Throughout this book the terms religion and faith are
used interchangeably, predominantly the author uses the term religion,
however, past research and commentary may use various terms such as
faith, religion, way of life or belief systems. Knowledge is key and one has
to be aware of the translations of key religious concepts. Often a West-
ernised Christian concept of religion and religiosity is adopted in most
academic books, consequently neglecting the perception of religion from
other viewpoints. There is an impact of “unconsciously importing Chris-
tian notions”. Thus, when writing about religion some of the common
terms used can be described as needing substantial clarification.
Should one write “Allāh” or “God”? (Hinnel, 2005). In a similar
vein, the word prayer/praying are terms used in many religions, faiths
and walks of life. Nevertheless, the activities they refer to are somewhat
different. In Western Christianity prayer is described as a conversation
with God (Goodwyn, 2016); involving praising God in music, speech,
readings from scripture and prayers of various sorts (see Bounds, 2009;
Kelly, 1996; Wilkinson, 2000). Prayer in Islām has a tremendous posi-
tion (Alam, 2015a). Islāmic prayers are conducted five times a day at
fixed times.2 The set prayers are not just phrases to be spoken; Muslims
carrying out these prayers will perform a whole series of set movements
that go with the words of the prayer. Therefore, the perception of prayer
is viewed and practised differently amongst different faiths, religions and
belief systems making generalisations almost impossible.
Current Context
Research suggests that prejudices against Muslims are prevalent in
Western societies (see Burke et al., 2020; de Bruijn et al., 2020; Ogan
et al., 2014; Strabac & Listhaug, 2008). Islam is the most dehumanised
2 “Verily, the prayer is enjoined on the believers at fixed hours”. (The Noble Qur’ān: An-Nisaa
4: 103).
1 Introduction 9
religious group in the United States of America (Kteily et al., 2015)

which presents itself in various forms such as institutional discrimination
(Uenal et al., 2020); the “Muslim Ban” (Khan et al., 2019) and hate
crimes (Elahi & Khan, 2017). There is a tendency to discuss prisoners
who embrace Islām in a negative manner. Earle and Phillips (2013)
paper titled “‘Muslim is the New Black’: New Ethnicities and New Essen-
tialisms in the Prison” eloquently discusses a range of topics pertaining
to evolving racisms, new ethnicities and Islamophobia.
Although some research shows the positive impact of Islām in prisons
(see Kane, 2016; Robinson-Edwards & Pinkney, 2018; Spalek & El-
Hassan, 2007), often Islām is looked upon in a negative manner. Global
terrorism is one of the most important and divisive issues in recent times
(see Beck, 2002; Riedel, 2011; Smith & Zeigler, 2017). Consequently
key questions often centre on the following: why are prisoners converting
to Islām? (see Knaus & Gillani, 2018); Muslims prison populations (see
Manzoor-Khan, 2017; Qasim & Webster, 2020; Shaw, 2015; Sommers,
2017); do prisoners convert to Islām in prison for protection? (see Castle,
2017; Whitehead, 2010). The portrayal of such stories and questions
in the media mean that the general coverage that relates to Muslims is
often framed in negative ways (Ahmed & Matthes, 2016). A variety of
newspaper articles explore Islām, extremism, violence and prison. Often,
specific focus is upon individuals such as Anjem Choudary, Michael
Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale, whilst the speech of Islāmic scholars
and teachers who openly condemn extremism is often overlooked (see
Alam, 2020; Masjid Daar us Sunnah, 2020). Thus, presenting a one-
sided view of Islām and the impact of violence and extremism in society.
Structure of the Book

This chapter provides an introduction to the literature relating to the
topic “Faith, Identity and Homicide: Exploring Narratives from a Ther-
apeutic Prison”. Past and current writings are explored from various
academic disciplines, discussing its relevance and importance. Chapter 2
discusses the research philosophy, research design and fieldwork reflec-
tions. The research aims and objectives, epistemology, ontology, ethics,
data collection and analysis are briefly discussed. This chapter discusses
both enabling and disabling factors. Chapter 3 focuses on homicide
from a UK context with reference to statistics, research and defini-
tions. Importantly the lack of qualitative research in this area of study
is discussed.
Chapter 4 focuses on the nature of the therapeutic prison from resi-
dents’ perspectives. This chapter provides insights into their experiences
and vulnerabilities. The PDTC’s unique positioning as one of the few
institutions within the English and Welsh prison estate to operate as a
therapeutic community will be discussed. In addition, religious services
and support will be explored, including but not limited to religious texts;
religious groups; and bonding with others based on religious or offence
similarities. Importantly faith and therapy will be explored; the two are
not viewed as completely separate entities, rather intertwine and impact
the lives of residents in several ways. Chapter 5 explores violence in
the life course. The impact of life experiences, specifically in relation
to offending behaviour is explored. Information pertaining to family
breakdown, poor educational attainment and a lack of belonging will
be conversed. Chapter 6 looks at religion in the life course, looking
at religion before offence and post-conviction. This chapter will chal-
lenge several stereotypes, one being the assumption that people go into
prison and convert to religion. In fact, all of the respondents identified as
“religious” prior to conviction, rather “embraced” and practised religion
more diligently within prison. Religion in a sense provides individuals
with hope and a new sense of self, one that distances them from the
label murderer, killer or homicide offender. This concept will be critically
discussed in this chapter.
Chapter 7 presents a theoretical discussion into faith, re-entry and
desistance. This chapter is very much future focused, as many envisaged
what life would be like upon release with the intention to cease offending
and continue their religious journey. Chapter 8 focuses on Moosaa’s story
and argues that narratives pertaining to Muslim prisoners are few and
far between, thus Moosaa’s account is deserving of further exploration.
Moosaa is serving a life sentence for murder and his faith, race, gender
and identity are intertwined within his experience.
1 Introduction 11
Chapter 9 argues the ferocity of violence witnessed throughout the life

course and why the absence of positive support mechanisms is impor-
tant. The role of religion both in prison and outside is described as
a positive feature. Although those in this study were aware that their
offence and violence impacted those close to them and things of value in
their life (Bollas, 1995), on some occasions they imagined a life where
they were not judged by their past actions. A life where criminal pasts
were concealed, and these thoughts usually ended with the individual
recognising that although they have adopted a new identity, this may
not be accepted by wider society. It concludes by acknowledging that
some are optimistic about the future and religion in the life course, whilst
others have very little confidence. Chapter 10 looks at new directions in
our understanding of religion, identity and desistance behind the prison
walls. This book acknowledges that individuals strive in their attempts
to unravel the impact of trauma, and are encouraged to value all parts of
their lives in order to move forward. It is intended that scholars who are
looking at the complex, yet, subjective process of desistance will consider
the role of religion and other aspects of individuals’ lives which can have
an impact on the desistance process.
Conclusion
Religion and spirituality can be considered major prosocial capital (Ronel
& Yair, 2017) encompassing wisdom capital (Clute, 2010; Ronel, 2008).
The acknowledgment of faith may reflect the growing role of religion and
spirituality in preventive and rehabilitative initiatives (see Giordano et al.,
2008; O’Connor et al., 2006). Scholars who neglect the understanding
of religion in relation to offenders are in fact excluding a key element
from our overall collective understanding. Working with or conducting
research with persons convicted of homicide offences is crucial, therefore
understanding one’s views, values and beliefs are equally vital. The key
themes in this book coalesce around identity, religion, desistance and
forgiveness. Rich data is provided enabling in depth understanding into
the lives of the respondents.
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2
Approaching Faith Behind the Prison Walls
This chapter identifies the key approaches used to collect data; this
will be done by firstly exploring the research philosophy. Moving on,
ontology and epistemology; research design; and reflexivity are consid-
ered. Prison research is a valuable tool where prisoners provide a valuable
source of information. In some cases research provides a platform for
those incarcerated to express their narratives. A prisoner’s lived experi-
ence will be more vivid than that produced by even the most dedicated
of “academic tourist”. Research within prisons still has a long way
to go and should be used to enhance the understanding of one of
the most vulnerable groups in society. Therapeutic communities have
attracted and sustained academic and practitioner research interest for
some time (Stevens, 2013). Nevertheless, the invisibility of men and
women prisoners in the literature, especially those residing in therapeutic
communities “is surprising” (Stevens, 2013, p. 32).
Persons convicted of homicide offences often start their process
towards desistance whilst serving very lengthy sentences; many are issued
life sentences and in some instances whole life terms. Only in exceptional
cases does a person actually spend their entire natural life behind bars.
Thus, whilst serving a sentence they must obtain the tools needed to
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 21
Switzerland AG 2022
S. Robinson-Edwards, Faith, Identity and Homicide,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86219-0_2
successfully re-enter and reintegrate back into the community (Glynn,

2014, p. 29). It is hoped that they will experience a successful rehabili-
tation process, rebuild their lives and contribute to the fabrics of society,
some key points of discussion are highlighted in the Good Lives Model of
Offender Rehabilitation (GLM). The GLM is a strength-based approach
giving the offender opportunities and the capacity of securing primary
human goods in socially acceptable and personally meaningful ways (see
Purvis, 2006; Ward & Brown, 2004; Ward & Marshall, 2004; Ward &
Stewart, 2003).
Research for this book shows that religion is a vital aspect in an indi-
vidual’s desistance trajectory. The way in which this is measured is by
their function and reform behind the prison walls and their subjective
experience of religion. For these individuals the prospect of re-building
their lives and re-entry into communities is not a clear routeway. It
is right therefore to explore the narratives of individuals convicted of
homicide offences to understand the role of religion as a macro and
micro phenomenon and the impact of this on their journey towards
constructing a new identity and desisting from crime.
Indeed, observations of the construct of religious identities and partic-
ipation in faith-based programmes have influenced the initial desistance
process of individuals convicted of homicide offences. Understanding
the lived experiences of individuals convicted of homicide offences is
important when considering a broader dialogue pertaining to offence
history, religion, self-identity and desistance. This book has intentionally
refrained where possible from referring to the respondents as “murderers,
killers and homicide offenders”; this was a key consideration as they
were keen to move away from these labels. Thus, the phrase individ-
uals/persons convicted of homicide offences was coined. The research
started with several questions:
1. What role does religion play in the lives of individuals convicted of

homicide offences?
2. What religion/ belief system/ faith do individuals identify with?
3. How is religion and therapy important in constructing a new identity?
4. What are the core beliefs, ideologies and practices followed?
5. How is religion important in desisting from crime?
Research Philosophy
Qualitative methods have been the preferred method for many crimi-
nologists (see Clifford, 2010; Kewley et al., 2015; Yardley et al., 2015).
Homicide is rarely explored through qualitative means, in fact Brookman
(2015a, 2015b) asserts that in the journal Homicide Studies over 220
articles on the topic of homicide have been published, but fewer than
10 (4%) have adopted qualitative research methodologies (Brookman,
2015a, 2015b, p. 236). Given the limited access to individuals convicted
of such offences and the absence of the victims, it is not surprising that
qualitative research in relation to homicide has relied upon documen-
tary sources (Brookman, 2015a, 2015b). Our understanding of persons
convicted of offences comes in the many forms, prison writing being
one. Autobiographies especially highlight a number of crucial elements
surrounding life, upbringing, challenges and struggles (see Sam, 2020;
Smith, 2005; X & Haley, 1965). Morgan (1999) gives a critical introduc-
tion to the study of prison writing, specifically prisoner autobiographies.
A question constantly posed is: Are autobiographies which are written
by “offenders” and/ or “ex-offenders” a credible source of data? To clarify
the use of autobiographies within research is not a new concept. The
traditional autobiography is a product of individualism (Gusdorf, 1956),
and a celebration of life usually white and privileged; obscurity to fame
or from adversity to triumph, (Stanley, 1992). A substantive amount of
qualitative accounts come in the form of autobiographical, biographical
accounts and novels—written by journalists, “offenders”, victims’ fami-
lies, alongside those working within the CJS (see Follain, 2012; Harper,
1996; Knox, 2013).
It is anticipated that for persons convicted of homicide offences reli-
gion is not simply a tool to prevent reoffending but an integral part
of sense-making around narrative identity—the stories individuals tell
about their lives. Social scientists exploring narratives are essentially inter-
ested in the narration of stories: How do storytellers present stories about
their lives and the lives of others? Why do they tell the stories in the
way they do? What characters do they portray? For those convicted of
homicide offences the characters or labels such as “murderer” and “killer”
are strong ones, and distinctly at odds with identities usually associated
with faith, religion and spirituality. This book explores the maintenance,
discovery and rediscovery of religion. Engaging with participants who
identified with belief systems before their offence and those who “lapsed”
from religion prior to their offence but “rediscovered” religion following
their conviction. For these individuals their experiences of religiosity will
be unique to others. The theoretical framework for any research makes
an assertion on the nature of reality (ontology); the theory of knowl-
edge (epistemology) thereafter knowledge of the research methodology
is established (Glynn, 2014). Ontology and epistemology undoubtedly
influence the methodological standpoint and thereafter the research and
analysis design.
Ontology, World View and Epistemology

Ontology is concerned with how we see the social world, whether it
is an external, fixed and objective reality, something constantly under
construction by actors interacting and making meaning together, or
something in between. From our view of the social world we develop
an epistemology, the approach that we then take to make sense of the
social world. Exploring lives as detached and impartial scientists in a
laboratory is not ideal; in fact, we must acknowledge that objectivity
is an illusion. We actively are involved in the construction of reality,
exploring, researching and immersing ourselves in the lives of those we
research. Both ontology and epistemology are crucial in determining the
techniques we use to study the social world.
The ontological concern of this study was “what is the role of religion
in the lives of individuals convicted of homicide offences in a system
where your criminal identities render you different?” Similarly if we ask
the questions “Does God exist?” or “Does religion play a significant role
in the lives of individuals convicted of homicide offences?”; these are
questions of ontology. Unlike tangible objects, religion, faith and spiritu-
ality do not exist in a physical entity, consequently our knowledge about
these things can prove challenging. Although some religions may refer to
physical beings, the concept of there being a God, creator or something
above the creation is not entirely agreed upon. Thus, the experiences
and meaning of religion in the lives of individuals convicted of homicide
offences were sought.
World View
“World view” is the English translation of the term Weltanschauung, a

term coined by Immanuel Kant in 1790. Encompassing an individual’s
view about existence and nature of God (Rousseau & Billingham, 2018,
p. 3) and an intellectual conception of the universe from the perspec-
tive of a “human knower” (Naugle, 2002 p. 59). The researcher’s world
view was shaped by the conceptual perspective of Positive Criminology
which focuses on encounters with forces and influences that are expe-
rienced as positive. These often distance the individual from deviance
and crime (see Ronel & Ety, 2010, p. 1). Positive Criminology moves
beyond mainly seeking to understand factors that lead to criminal
offending, rather exploring positive experiences that may potentially
prevent continued criminal behaviour.
Epistemology
Epistemology is concerned with theories of knowledge and how we

know what we know. This study’s interpretivist paradigm comprises
constructionist ontology, interpretivist epistemology and a qualitative
methodology. The epistemological question is asking how we know
if and/or how religion plays a role in individuals lives. The world is
constantly changing, so are people, arguably there is no objective truth
relating to this topic, therefore meanings, opinions and perceptions of
religion are constructed. This research required the exploration of this
topic to seek primary data on this phenomenon. This entailed emerging
oneself in the research, collecting data and analysing findings. A key
point is to grasp the understanding of the world from the subjective
perspective of the individual concerned.
Research Design
This research utilised an interpretivist perspective where the social world
is constructed through meaning. The question “What constitutes reality
and how can we understand existence?” was addressed using semi-
structured in-depth interviews, and these were utilised to understand
the persons narrative and the meaning of faith, religion and conver-
sions in their lives. According to Staples and Mauss (1987) conversion
can be viewed as a subjective phenomenon, therefore only the individual
concerned is qualified to tell us who they are (p. 138). This research
focused on the meaning that persons convicted of homicide offences gave
to their experience of religion.
The Study Sample: The Participants
This book is based exclusively on the narratives of 5 residents from a

prison-based therapeutic community (Tables 2.1, 2.2). When this study
commenced in 2014 the prison-based therapeutic community had an
operational capacity of approximately 235 residents, including poten-
tially 10 persons convicted of homicide offences, who identified with
some form of religion. Access to the Category B prison was subject to
this study being solely conducted within this establishment. The total
prison population at the time of research was relatively small, standing
at just over 200 prisoners, thus, the number of residents who had
been convicted of a homicide offence whom also identified with some
form of religion was limited. All participants had to get “backing”1 from
their wing, which meant the entire wing had to give their support and
approval for the resident to partake in the research. A total of six resi-
dents received backing from their communities; however, after further
consideration one resident withdrew from the study.
This study solely focused on the experiences of individuals convicted
of homicide offences, all of whom resided at the PDTC at the time of
interview. The prison-based therapeutic community is unique in the fact
1 All residents must receive “backing” (support) from their communities to partake in research
projects.
that it is one of the few institutions within the English and Welsh prison
estate to operate as a therapeutic community. Therefore, the prison set-
up and ethos is somewhat different to most prisons in England and
Wales. Potential residents must apply to go to PDTC and demonstrate a
significant commitment to change. Successful applicants then spend an
initial period in the induction unit and are observed by staff who decide
either to progress the applicant onto the main wing, or in some cases
applicants are returned to their sending institution (see Brookes, 2010;
Yardley et al., 2018).
Additionally, applicants must be serving sentences where they can
spend a minimum of 24 months at prison-based therapeutic community.
Participants in this study present both complex needs and psycholog-
ical disturbance (Yardley et al., 2018). Some have engaged in self-harm
and have suicidal tendencies. The PDTC provides a supportive envi-
ronment towards change (see Shuker, 2010, p. 463). Residents partake
in approximately three small therapy groups per week; groups consist
of up to eight people where a range of topics are discussed. Commu-
nity meetings take place twice a week where residents’ progress in small
therapy groups is communicated to other staff. Other issues pertaining
to community life, jobs and research are also discussed and importantly
voted upon. Residents all take on responsibilities relating to their phys-
ical environment and undertake a series of jobs which range from roles
focused on health and safety and research. Prisons are complex environ-
ments impacting those confined within them (Sykes, 1958; Clemmer,
1958). Conducting research in prisons is challenging (Bertrand-Godfrey
& Loewenthal, 2011; Pratt, 2015) and few people have a lived experience
of the realities of prison life (Allen, 2002).
Access
The PDTC was critical to the research process. To discover the role of
religion in the lives of individuals convicted of homicide offences and
what role the therapeutic environment had (if any) on this process. As
Glynn (2014) notes there is a contrast in difference between traditional
mainstream prisons and prison-based therapeutic communities. Access
28
Table 2.1 Participant sample (interviews)

Length of
Index Past sentence Religious
Participant Age Race/ethnicity offence convictions Sentence serveda identity
S. Robinson-Edwards
Adam 54 White Murder Undisclosed Life (18-year 22 years Christian

tariff)
Kai 48 White Murder Undisclosed 10 years 4 years Christian
Lewis undisclosed White Murder Sexual Life Undisclosed Evangelical
offence Christian
Moosaa 43 Asian Murder Drug related Life 7 years Muslim
offences
Reece 49 White Murder Undisclosed Life (13-year 7.5 years Born again
tariff) Christian
a Thelength of sentence served at the prison-based therapeutic community is the following: Adam 2 years, Kai 2 years,
Lewis 2.5 years, Moosaa 1 year and Reece 3 years
Table 2.2 Participant sample (focus group)

Index Length of Religious
Participant Race/ethnicity offence sentence identity
Andre Undisclosed Undisclosed Undisclosed Undisclosed
Daniel White Murder Life Christian
Jerome White Undisclosed Undisclosed None
Kevin White Undisclosed Undisclosed None
Peter White Murder Life Born again
Christian
Timothy White Undisclosed Undisclosed Agnostic
was very much dependent on the prisons’ ethics committee and the resi-
dents’ views. Research of this nature is a complex and multifaceted task.
While conducting the research the prison contact2 and prison officers
were present to ensure that timing, location and safety measures were
adhered to and assisted in the management and schedule of the research.
The Interviews
Semi-structured interview was the method used to gather data.

Life histories, past trauma, victimisation, childhood experiences, reli-
gious identities and offence histories were discussed. Interviews were
conducted over a period of 3 days according to the rule of the institution
and availability of the prison contact and prison officers. All participants
had an index offence of murder and/or manslaughter and identified with
a belief system. The rights of the participants were brokered throughout
and constantly re-negotiated. The participants had a level of control, all
parties were informed that their participation was voluntary and they
could withdraw from the study at any time within the process. This was
demonstrated in their ability to (or not) participate in the study. In fact,
one participant declined to partake in the study a few minutes before the
scheduled interview. Although it was hoped that all those who agreed to
take part would, it was also refreshing to see the freedom to withdraw
utilised when individuals saw fit. The prison officers were at hand to
2The prison contact is a person who communicates with the researcher and residents, someone
who organised the prison research meetings, focus groups and interviews.
facilitate when/if the residents expressed their will to withdraw from the
process.
Each participant was interviewed separately at a venue agreed by the
resident and prison officers. Each interview was scheduled to last approx-
imately one hour, with none going over this time due to the strict prison
regime and the time of prison officers who facilitated this. Permission was
granted to allow all interviews to be recorded, thus permission to bring
in a recording device into the establishment was organised. The Dicta-
phone and other resources such as pens, book and batteries were checked
upon entry each day. Sensitivity in regards to the nature of the study and
the identity of the participants was key. Care was taken and pseudonyms
are used for the PDTC and participants. Attention was paid to detail to
ensure that participants’ names were not associated with details which
may reveal their identity.
Although one focus group with research representatives and informal
discussions with prison staff took place this was not an ethnographic
study and was not a central aspect of the research design, rather a require-
ment from the PDTC which saw the collaboration of the gatekeeper,
residents and researcher in a formal setting. This does not form part of
the findings, rather is discussed in the form of reflexive analysis. Due
to the sensitive nature of the study a condition of conducting research
at this establishment was based on the agreement that the name of
the establishment would be anonymised. This was in part due to the
participants offences which could have potentially revealed their iden-
tities. Some participants did not want their name and accounts to be
anonymised which echoes some similarities to Miller (2015) study. A
question constantly posed is how to anonymise research material to
conceal the participants’ identity without undermining data quality and
integrity (see Corti et al., 2000; Slavnic, 2013).
Within the field of academic research there appears to be a fixation on
the number of interviews that form the basis of a study, journal article,
book and the like thereof. Often studies that utilise smaller populations
have to rigorously justify the nature and validity. The need for academic
rigour is welcomed, nevertheless, qualitative studies are generally smaller.
Sample size is elastic and fluid during the field work process (Benner,
1994). Notable, there are a range of criminological monographs that
were based on a small number of research participants of these Clif-

ford Shaw’s 1930 study, Stanley in The Jack-Roller: A Delinquent Boy’s
Own Story, remains perhaps the best known but more recently, James
Messerschmidt’s (2000) Nine Lives: Adolescent Masculinities, The Body,
and Violence. Thus, this study is also able to add to the criminological
research base.
Creating a Safe Space
It was important to create a “safe space” (Spence, 2010) for partici-

pants to discuss their lived experiences. Many expressed concerns in how
they would be identified and wanted the basis of the research to explore
their religious identities rather than criminal offences. Participants also
expressed the importance of having a researcher who was aware of reli-
gion and “religiousness” whether they personally identified with the same
religion or otherwise. During the interview process participants expressed
an appreciation of study into this area of their lives. Understanding
pertaining to race, culture and religion was sought and the phrase consis-
tently used to embody the nature of this was the following “Religion, it’s
my life”.
“Religion, It’s My Life”
The phrase “Religion, it’s my life” was echoed by participants; it validated

the status of religion in their lives and was influential in the construct
of a new identity and raised self-esteem. The prison-based therapeutic
community is described as a “safe space”, nevertheless, personal differ-
ences in terms of race, culture and religion were recognised as elements
which meant that at times a safe space was needed to discuss specific
issues. Thus, this was a consideration for all participants as they wanted
a “safe space” to discuss the role of religion in their lives. All partici-
pants expressed or alluded to the fact that religion was an influential part
of their life and sense of being. In the prison environment some resi-
dents did appreciate the importance of religious discourse and influence
Another random document with
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— Huomaan, ettei sinulla ole vatsaa tunteille, sanoi Bosambo ja
meni kanoottiinsa.
Päästyään Akasavasta Bosambo sai tuulensa takaisin, vaikka yö

oli myrskyinen ja rankkoja sadekuuroja putoili lyhyin väliajoin.
Mitä kauemmas Akasavasta hän tuli, sitä iloisemmaksi hän tuli, ja

hän lauloi laulun.
— Metsässä on hulluja, pauhasi hän rytmillisesti, — sellaisia kuin

ingonona, joka kulkee silmät hupussa; mutta hän ei ole niin suuri
hullu kuin Sekedimi. — Hän on kuin valkea mies, joka on juuri tullut
tähän maahan. — Hän on kuin sormensa polttanut lapsi. — Hän on
yksinkertainen ja suuren madon kaltainen.
Näin hän lauloi lisäillen vapaamielisiä ja kuvaavia yksityiskohtia.
— Herra päällikkö, sanoi päämies äkkiä keskeyttäen hänen

laulunsa, — luulen, että meidän on mentävä rannalle.
Oikean rannan puitten latvojen yllä leimahtelivat salamat taajaan,

ja ukkonen jyrähteli yhtämittaa.
— Saarelle joen keskelle, komensi Bosambo.
Päämies värisi.
— Herra, saari on täynnä henkiä, sanoi hän.
— Olet hullu, totesi Bosambo, mutta käski soutaa vasemmalle

rannalle.
Salamain leimahtelu kävi kirkkaammaksi ja tiheämmäksi, ukkosen

jyrinä voimakkaammaksi ja pauhaavammaksi. Suuret sadepisarat
putosivat taajaan.
Sitten kuului yli ukkosen äänen uusi melu — kumea kohina, joka
pani soutajat melomaan tiheämmin.
— Huu-u-u!
Kamala meteli teki heidät kuuroiksi. Lähinnä Bosamboa oleva

mies pudotti melan, ja Bosambo otti sen.
— Melokaa, koirat! jyrisi hän.
He olivat parinkymmenen jaardin päässä rannasta, kun salaman

äkillisessä valaistuksessa heidän silmiinsä osui edessä olevaan
metsään raivautuva tie.
Näytti kuin suuret kädet olisivat repineet puita. Ne taipuivat ja

heiluivat kuin juopuneet miehet — ryskyivät ja kaatuivat.
— Melokaa!
Sitten jokin tarttui Bosamboon ja kohotti hänet kanootista. Hän

kohosi, kohosi; sitten putosi veteen, kohosi taas, ja taas putosi. Hän
tuli rannalle peloissaan ja puolitajuttomana.
Hänen sormensa tarttuivat taittuneen puun oksiin, ja hän kiskoi

itsensä maalle. Hän ryömi eteenpäin nelinkontan huohottaen
raskaasti.
Ylhäällä raivosi myrsky, mutta Bosambo ei kuullut sitä. Hänen

neljäkymmentä soutajaansa, jotka pyörretuuli oli ihmeellisesti
heittänyt maalle, makasivat hänen ympärillään nauraen ja kiroillen,
kukin mielenlaatunsa mukaan.
Mutta hän unohti heidät.
Sillä hän rukoili kiireesti ja palavasti Msimba Msambaa, Nopeaa

kävelijää, Vihreää.
NAISLÄHETYSSAARNAAJAN JUTTU
Kauppahuone De Silva, Mackiney & Co. ei ole yhtä tunnettu kuin

sanoisimmeko Rockefeller tai lontoolainen tavaratalo Marshall Field,
eikä sillä myöskään ole samanlaista kantavuutta liikemaailman
piireissä kuin esimerkiksi Rotschildin tai Pierpont Morganin nimillä.
Mutta Rannikolla De Silva ja Mackiney (en tiedä, mistä he olivat
kaivaneet toiminimensä viimeisen sanan) vallitsivat samassa
merkityksessä kuin mainitut toiminimet. He olivat tämän rannikon
Rotschildit, Marshal Fieldtit ja Pierpont Morganit. Kerrotaan heidän
esittäneen, että he saisivat lyödä omaa rahaansa, mutta vanhoillinen
hallitus — ei kylläkään puoluekannaltaan vanhoillinen — kohteliaasti
kieltäytyi esitystä hyväksymästä.
Heidän sormensa olivat jokaisessa taikinassa, joka Rannikolla

leivottiin. Heillä oli osuuksia höyrylaivayhtiöissä, he johtivat pankkeja,
rahoittivat teollisuus- ja kauppayhtiöitä, avustivat rautateiden
rakentamista, olivat mukana kullankaivamisyrityksissä, mutta ennen
ja yli kaiken he myivät alkuasukkaille tavaraa ja saivat maksuksi
toisia ja paljon arvokkaampia tavaroita kuin he olivat antaneet.
Kauppavarasto ja kauppakaravaani olivat De Silvan ja Mackineyn
toiminimen perus — De Silva oli kauan aikaa sitten luopunut
liikkeestä ja oli nykyään markiisi Sejase Portugalissa — ja myöskin
sen loistoaikoina oli alkuasukkaiden kanssa käyty kauppa sen
parhain avu.
Pieni höyrylaiva saapui hitaasti hiekkaiselle rannikolle, jossa

ainoana sivistyksen merkkinä oli sinkkipeltikattoinen koju ja
lipputanko. Isoja yhteensidottuja tynnyreitä heitettiin veteen, ja pieni
höyrypursi hinasi ne maihin.
Sitten saapui lotja lotjan jälkeen täynnä olkiin pakattuja laatikoita,

jotka yksinäinen, aurinkohatun alla hikoileva valkea mies otti vastaan
De Silvan ja Mackineyn nimiin ja siirsi huolellisesti De Silvan ja
Mackineyn varastoihin, kunnes mustiin erämaihin lähetetyt
karavaanit palasivat. Sitten kantajille maksettiin palkat — viinassa.
Jotkut harvat ottivat mieluummin rommia, ja näitä varten iskettiin
isoihin tynnyreihin tappi, mutta palkan suosituin muoto oli hyvin
pakatuissa laatikoissa, joissa olkien sisällä oli nelikulmaisia
parrunpäitä saksalaista pirtua.
Emanuel Mackiney oli, jos huhuissa on perää, miljoonan punnan

arvoinen, ja niin kuin oli laita John Brightin vieraan, siinä olikin koko
hänen arvonsa. Hän oli äärettömän rikas ja äärettömän
vastenmielinen, niin että kun hänen sekkejään kunnioitettiin Ranskan
Dakarista Portugalin Benguelaan, niin häntä itseään ei kunnioitettu
missään.
Vaikka hän puhui kehnoa englantia ja vaikka hänen sukuperänsä

oli tuntematon, hän puhui Englannista aina »kotina».
Tässä on kaikki, mitä on kerrottavaa Emanuel Mackineystä.

Hänen poikansa on oikeutettu saamaan oman kuvauksensa.
Burney Mackiney oli saanut kasvatuksensa Englannissa ja oli
keinotellut sen pienemmällä voitolla kuin mitä hänen isänsä yleensä
sai rannikkokaupassa.
Hän oli iso ja karkea ja vahva. Hän oli elänyt kyllin kauan
Englannissa luopuakseen Rannikolla oppimistaan paheista — sillä
hän oli kasvanut liikemaailmassa, osasi tusinan verran
alkuasukaskieliä ja tunsi jokaisen kansan tavat Dahomeystä
Angolaan. Pitkä mies, pulleaposkinen, kasvoilla pronssin puna,
huulet täyteläiset ja iho mehevä, ja hänellä oli koko se itseluottamus,
jonka rajaton rikkaus antaa.
Ja Burney oli rakastunut.
Hän oli tullut tytön tutuksi, ennen kuin laiva, joka vei häntä takaisin
Sierra Leoneen, oli tullut Teneriffaan.
Sorja tyttö, viisaat, surumieliset kasvot, hienosti muovaillut. Se oli

Ruth Glandynne.
*****
— Lähetyssaarnaajaksi, heh? — Burneyn hyväntahtoinen

halveksuminen niin kuin Burneyn rikkauskin oli helposti
havaittavissa, — Afrikka ei ole sopiva paikka tytöille.
— Tiedän pahempaakin, sanoi tyttö hymyillen.
— Ja minne päin aiotte mennä?
— Aion avata lähetysaseman Isisi-joella, vastasi tyttö.
— Yksin?
Tyttö nyökkäsi.
— Se ei ole kovin harvinaista, niin kuin tiedätte, sanoi hän. —

Kaksi lähetyssaarnaajaa oli aikomus lähettää, mutta toverini tuli
sairaaksi — hän tulee myöhemmin, nainen hänkin.
— Hm! sanoi Burney. — Isisi-joelle, heh?
— Tunnetteko paikan?
Tytön mielenkiinto heräsi. Harmaat silmät, jotka olivat tarkastelleet

miestä epäluuloisesti ja kylmästi, olivat nyt täynnä mielenkiintoa.
— Enpä juuri, emme ole milloinkaan päässeet sinne. Minun isäni

hallussa on koko rannikon kauppa, mutta Isisi-joelta on meidät
pidetty poissa. Siellä on muuan komissaari, oikea koira mieheksi,
nimeltä Sanders. Opitte vihaamaan häntä. Hän kiroaa
lähetyssaarnaajia ja kauppiaita ja kaikkea sellaista.
Tämä oli alkuna tutustumiseen, joka johti kahden päivän kuluttua

kosintaan.
Suureksi hämmästyksekseen Burney sai kirkkaat rukkaset.
— On sangen miellyttävää, että ajattelette noin, sanoi tyttö

kohdaten hänen katseensa yhtään arkailematta, — mutta minua ei
haluta mennä naimisiin — kenenkään kanssa.
— Hetki vain, neiti Glandynne, sanoi mies töykeästi, — älkää

tehkö virhettä. Luulette esteeksi sitä, että minä olen rikas ja te köyhä.
Isäni ei välitä…
— En ole teidän taloudelliselle asemallenne omistanut hetkenkään
ajatusta, sanoi tyttö nousten, — ettekä te voi arvioida minun
omaisuuttani.
— Rakastan teitä, mutisi Burney. — En ole milloinkaan tavannut

viehättävämpää tyttöä kuin te. Katsokaas, — hän laski kätensä tytön
käsivarrelle, — olisin kotona voinut valita naisia, vakuutan, että olisin
voinut. Korkea-arvoisia naisia, joitakuita, mutta teissä on jotakin…
He olivat kahden kävelykannella, ja Burney oli syönyt, ja hän oli

täynnä itseluottamusta.
— Teissä on jotakin — hän lujensi otettaan, — joka menee minun

vereeni,
Ruth.
Seuraavassa hetkessä oli taisteleva tyttö joutunut syleilyyn.
— Päästäkää minut! huusi hän.
Vastaukseksi Burney kumartui ja suuteli häntä tulisesti.
Yli-inhimillisellä ponnistuksella tyttö vapautti itsensä ja hoiperteli

taaksepäin parrasta kohti kalpeana ja vavisten.
— Roisto! hengähti hän.
— Pyydän anteeksi, mutisi mies. — Olen hullu — olen hieman

ryypännyt…
Tyttö käveli nopeasti perään ja katosi seurusteluhyttiin, ja kolmeen

päivään Burney ei nähnyt häntä.
Joku toinen mies olisi häveten karttanut tyttöä, mutta Burney
Mackiney ei ollut sellainen mies. Hänellä oli käsityksensä naisista
eikä hän katunut muuta kuin sitä, että oli pyytänyt anteeksi. Se oli
heikkoutta, tunsi hän. Mitä voimakkaampi, mitä lujatahtoisempi olet
naisille, sen enemmän he siitä pitävät. Hän odotti tilaisuuttaan.
Illalla ennen Sierra Leoneen tuloa hän tapasi tytön istumasta

kävelykannen etuosassa yksinään.
— Neiti Glandynne, tervehti hän, ja tyttö nosti silmänsä kylmästi

tuijottaen. — Katsokaas, mitä hyötyä on murjottamisesta? Olen
päättänyt mennä naimisiin teidän kanssanne.
Tyttö olisi noussut, mutta pelkäsi sen näytelmän toisintoa, jossa

hän oli tahtomattaan joutunut esiintymään. Niin hän istui vaiteliaana,
ja Burney käsitti väärin hänen käytöksensä.
— En voi saada teitä mielestäni, jatkoi hän. — On kirottua ajatella

teidän joutuvan Isisi-joelle ainoana seurananne ihmissyöjät ja
raakimukset.
— Kaikenlainen raakalaisuus on parempaa kuin teidän seuranne,

sanoi tyttö, ja loukkaus tunnettiin.
Hetken mies seisoi ymmällä raivoissaan, sitten hän vuodatti tytön

yli herjaustulvan.
Tyttö käytti hyväkseen Burneyn häväistystä paetakseen. Burney ei

nähnyt häntä enää, vaikka tyttö näki hänet, sillä hän katseli venettä,
jolla Burney vietiin Sierra Leonessa maihin, sydämensä
kevennykseksi.
*****
Komissaari Sanders tuli rannalle kohtaamaan tyttöä, eikä hän
mitenkään ollut oivallisella tuulella.
Tyttö näki keskikokoisen miehen, jolla oli yllään tahrattoman

valkea puku ja suuri valkea hellekypärä varjostamassa teakpuun
värisiksi päivettyneitä kasvoja. Hänen kasvonsa olivat pehmeäihoiset
ja leuka hyvin ajeltu, hänen silmänsä vakavat ja kysyvät, hänen
jokainen liikkeensä kuvasti reipasta elinvoimaa.
— Luullakseni minun pitäisi iloita tavatessani teidät, sanoi

komissaari pudistaen päätänsä torjuvasti. — Olette ensimmäinen
valkea nainen, jonka olen nähnyt moneen sadekauteen, mutta olette
minun vastuussani.
Tyttö nauroi ja ojensi hänen puristettavakseen kylmän, pehmeän

käden.
— Ette pidä lähetyssaarnaajista, vai mitä? hymyili hän.
— En, sanoi Sanders, — mutta olen saanut kaikenlaisia käskyjä

tehdä olonne mukavaksi; ja Joella on tosiaankin paljon työtä —
sairaanhoitotyötä naisten keskuudessa. Tehän olette kai lääkäri?
Tyttö pudisti päätään.
— Olen hoitajatar, sanoi hän. — Lääkäri sairastui juuri ennen

matkalle lähtöä.
— Hmh! sanoi Sanders.
Hänellä oli tyttöä varten maja valmiina ja kaksi neekerinaista

opetettuina palvelemaan häntä valkoihoisten tapaan. Hän tarjosi sinä
iltana tytölle päivällisen omassa bungaloossaan ja kutsui
hausakapteenin myöskin päivälliselle. Se oli lähin holhuutehtävä,
jonka hän saattoi havaita.
— Olen rakennuttanut teille majan, sanoi hän, — ja teitä varten

saapuneet huonekalut ja tavarat olen lähettänyt sinne. Maassa on
kolme muuta lähetyssaarnaajaa. Kosumkusussa tapaatte isä
O'Learyn — sadan mailin päässä asemaltanne. Hän on säädyllinen
mies. Siellä on Boyton-niminen mies — hän on baptisti tai jotakin
sentapaista, ja hän on aina sotajalalla isää vastaan käännyttämässä
hänen laumaansa. Boyton asuu sadanviidenkymmenen mailin
päässä teistä. He ovat huomattavimmat lähetyssaarnaajat.
Hän kuvasi lyhyesti seudun, jonne tytön piti mennä asumaan; hän
kertoi enemmänkin kuin oli aikonut, mutta nuo harmaat silmät olivat
hyvin kehoittavat ja huulet niin valmiit hymyilemään.
Tyttö viipyi pari päivää päämajassa, ja kolmannen aamuna hänen

tavaransa olivat sälytetyt »Zairelle».
Sitä ennen hän tapasi Monrovian Bosambon, joka oli vasiten

kutsuttu.
— Tämä mies on sen alueen päällikkö, joka on lähinnä

asemaanne, sanoi Sanders, — vaikka te itse asiassa olettekin
Isisissä. Olen lähettänyt hakemaan häntä — hakemaan häntä…
— Kehoittaaksenne häntä kaitsemaan minua, hymyili tyttö, ja

Sanders hymyili myöskin.
— Suunnilleen niin. Pääasia on, että halusin hänen tapaavan

teidät täällä, jotta hän tietäisi teidän olevan minun vieraani ja
ystäväni.
Hän sammalsi vähän, sillä Sanders ei ollut tottunut sanomaan
kauniita asioita.
Saatettuaan tytön laivaan hän lähetti hakemaan Bosamboa.
— Bosambo, sanoi hän, — tämä nainen on minun heimoani, ja

hän tahtoo elää yksin kansasi keskuudessa, joka on kavalaa ja
viekasta ja koettaa tuhota hänet, sillä hän on jumalanainen, vaikka
hän on myöskin tohtori. Sinulle sanon, että sinun tulee häntä
vartioida viimeiseen hengenvetoosi asti ja olla minun sijassani, aivan
kuin minä, kaikissa häntä koskevissa asioissa.
Bosambo ojensi kätensä kämmenet ylöspäin.
— Herra, sanoi hän vakavasti, — jos vannoisin Siunatun Neitsyen

kautta, jota Liberiassa palvelin, niin en tietäisi, kenen nimessä
vannon, sillä olen unohtanut ne pyhät asiat, joita isät opettivat
minulle. Mutta pääni ja sieluni kautta ja elämänhaltiani kautta teen
niin kuin sanot.
Hän kääntyi ja käveli majesteetillisena laivaan. Puolitiestä hän

kääntyi ja palasi Sandersin luo.
— Herra, kun olen uskollisesti palvellut sinun ylhäisyytesi

tyydytykseksi, niin ostatko minulle Sierra Leonesta sellaisen palan
kultakangasta, jota päällikkö voisi pitää?
— Mene, tinkivä lapsi! sanoi Sanders ärtymättä.
Hän katseli pientä laivaa, kunnes se kääntyi joen mutkasta

näkymättömiin, ja meni sitten bungaloohonsa — se tunnustettakoon
— huoaten.
*****
Sierra Leonessa Burney Mackiney oli tähän aikaan toimissa

isänsä kanssa.
Vanhempi Mackiney ei ollut hupaisa nähdä, sillä hän oli julman

paksu, ryppyinen ja keltakasvoinen ja hengitti työläästi.
— Sitä voi koettaa, sanoi hän oltuaan kauan vaiti, — maa on

täynnä kumia, eikä mikään laki estä väkijuomien tuontia — paitsi se
laki, joka kantaa komissaareille vallan säätää omia lakejaan. Kuinka
aiot päästä maahan?
— Ranskan alueen läpi, vastasi hänen poikansa, — se on aivan

helppoa.
Tuli taas pitkä äänettömyys.
— Mutta miksi haluat mennä? kysyi vanhempi. — Sinun tapaistasi

ei ole hakea vaikeuksia.
— Haluan nähdä maata, sanoi toinen huolettomasti. Hän halusi

enemmän kuin sitä. Päiväkausia hän oli hautonut mustaa aiettansa
— arabialaiset olivat tehneet sellaisia tekoja, eikä se ollut vaikeata.
Kun hän olisi poissa sivistyksen rajoilta, tulisi hänestä arabialainen
— hän puhui Rannikon arabiaa mainiosti.
Hän saattoi maksaa matkansa heimojen alueiden läpi; pikamarssi

Ranskan rajan yli, ja hän tulisi Isisi-joelle — jossa hän voisi viipyä
kyllin kauan saadakseen kaikki uskomaan, että arabialainen
kauppias oli syyllinen. Sitten voisi hän naida tytön.
Tämä oli hänen suunnitelmansa lyhykäisyydessään.

Hän valikoi karavaaninsa huolellisesti, ja myöhemmin hän läksi
Sierra
Leonesta »S.&M.»-laivalla tuntemattomaan suuntaan.
*****
Tasan kolme kuukautta sen jälkeen, kun komissaari Sanders oli

jättänyt hyvästi lähetyssaarnaajalle, hän oli hiljoilleen ja rauhassa
kulkemassa pikku jokea, joka vie Pikku Isisin kaukaisille perukoille,
kun hän tapasi rahvaan miehen, jonka nimi oli Ifambi Mwaka —
häntä sanottiin Mwafambaksi.
Sanders käytti nyt pientä höyrypurtta, sillä »Zaire» oli »telakalla»

— toisin sanoen se oli vedetty maalle.
Komissaari nousi virtaa, Mwafamba oli laskemassa

rautapuukanootillaan, ja Sanders silmäili miestä kuin havaiten jotain
outoa.
Kun he tulivat toistensa rinnalle, Mwafamba nousi pystyyn ja

käänsi kasvonsa.
— Ho, Sandi! huudahti hän meluisasti.
— Ho, mies! huudahti Sanders. — Vie kanoottisi lähemmä rantaa,

sillä minun nopea veneeni panee veden tanssimaan ja sinä voit
joutua veteen.
Vastaukseksi tuli naurunrähäkkä.
— Ho, Sandi! huikkasi Mwafamba. — Valkea mies, porsaan syöjä,

valkea marakatti!
Sanders oli kääntänyt ruoriratasta ja pursi teki kaaren ja saavutti
kanootin.
Eräs hausa tarttui kanoottiin haalla, toinen ojensi kätensä ja

sieppasi julkeaa Mwafambaa käsivarresta.
Hieman ällistynyt hän oli ja kömpelösti vastusteli, kun hänet

vedettiin purteen.
— Sinä olet jompikumpi, sanoi Sanders, — joko mongotautinen tai

suuri roisto.
— Sinä olet valehtelija ja valehtelijani syöjä, sanoi uhmaileva

Mwafamba, ja kun Sanders ojensi kätensä tunnustellakseen, olisiko
hänen niskassaan juoruavia pöhöttymiä, Mwafamba koetti purra sitä.
Sanders peräytyi äkkiä, ei puremisen pelosta, vaan toisesta

syystä.
Kahden miehen istuessa kiemurtelevan vangin vatsalla hän ohjasi

purren rantaan.
— Viekää hänet maihin, sanoi komissaari, ja onneton uhri

raahattiin maihin siekailuitta.
— Sitokaa hänet puuhun ja valmistautukaa ruoskimaan, käski

Sanders.
He sitoivat hänen kätensä nuoren kumipuun ympäri ja paljastivat

olkapäät. Sanders seurasi heitä kädet taskuissa, pää rinnalle
painuneena, sillä yht'äkkiä oli aurinkoiselle taivaalle noussut pilvi,
joka riisti kaiken valoisuuden hänen virallisesta elämästään.
Miesten lopetettua valmistelunsa Sanders läheni vankia, joka oli
nyt hieman peloissaan ja sammalsi puhuessaan.
— Miksi sinua sanotaan mies? kysyi komissaari.
— Ifambi Mwakaksi, uikutti sidottu mies, — tavallisesti

Mwafambaksi —
Paholaisten putouksen kylästä.
— Mwafamba, sanoi Sanders, — kun olet isisiläisiä, niin tiedät

jotakin minusta ja tavoistani.
— Herra, olen nähnyt sinut ja tunnen tapasi, sanoi mies.
— Ja kun minä sanon: »Kuolema», niin mitä minä tarkoitan?
— Herra, tarkoitat kuolemaa, niin kuin kaikki jokivarren ihmiset

tietävät, sanoi Mwafamba.
Sanders nyökkäsi.
— Niin, aion ruoskituttaa sinua, kunnes kuolet, sanoi hän irvistäen,

— ellet kerro, mistä olet saanut väkijuomaa — sillä sinä olet erään
pahan myrkyn juovuttama, jota myrkkyä sanotaan viinaksi, ja laissa
on kielletty viinan tuonti tähän maahan.
Mies pyöritti päätään juopuneen tavoin.
— Lyö, siansyöjä, hän sanoi urhoollisesti, — sillä olen vannonut

valan, etten kerro kenellekään.
— Olkoon niin, sanoi Sanders, — sinun valasi minun ruoskimistani

vastaan.
Abibu, hausakersantti, pitkä ja kovakätinen, tarttui lujasti
virtahevonnahasta tehtyyn ruoskaansa, astui hieman syrjään, pyöritti
sitä vinkuen päänsä ympäri, ja sitten…
— Lyö!
Mwafamba herätti ulvonnallaan koko metsän.
— Riittää! karjui hän. — Minä puhun!
He päästivät hänet.
— Herra, itki hän, — eräs arabialainen tuli Ranskan alueen rajan

yli. Hän antoi sitä vettä kumista, jota olin koonnut ja sanoi, että se
panisi minuun valkoisten miesten hengen ja tekisi minut
rohkeudessa urhoollisimman vertaiseksi. Ja niin se tekikin, mutta nyt
se on minusta mennyt, ja minun sydämeni on kuin vettä.
— Minkälainen arabialainen se oli? kysyi Sanders.
— Herra, hän oli suuri ja vahva, ja hänellä oli lihavat kasvot kuin
sialla ja sormus.
— Milloin näit hänet?
— Kahden päivänmatkan päässä täältä, herra. Mutta hän on

mennyt, sillä hänellä oli tekeillä suuria asioita — niin eräs minun
serkkuni kertoi minulle — sillä hän oli matkalla Ochoriin anastamaan
valkeaa naista, joka antaa meille juotavaksi pahoja vesiä, kun
olemme sairaita.
Puut näyttivät äkkiä pyörivän ja maa kohoavan komissaarin

jalkojen alla. Hän horjahti, ja epäillen kuumetta Abibu juoksi hänen
luokseen ja laski vahvan kätensä hänen olalleen. Vain sekunnin
Sanders seisoi niin, valkeana kuin kuollut. Sitten:
— Purteen, sanoi hän.
Puita oli kuuden tunnin matkaa varten — lähetysasemalle kesti

ainakin kaksitoista tuntia.
Hän laski pientä jokea nopeasti ja kääntyi halkomaan Isisin

vahvaa virtaa. Puut kestivät melkein minuutilleen kuusi tuntia. Silloin
hän oli kalastajakylässä, jossa oli valtion puuvarasto.
Mutta »arabialaisella» oli kahden päivän etumatka.
Mackiney oli ostanut ja taistellut tiensä englantilaisten ja

ranskalaisten välisen puskurialueen nusadombi-heimon maan kautta
(noiden ihmisten-jotka-eivät-ole-kaikki-samanlaisia, joista minun
täytyy kertoa teille); hän oli päässyt Isisiin ja kulki nyt oppaan —
samaisen Mwafamban serkun — ohjaamana lähetysasemaa kohti.
Se oli rakennettu kahden joen yhtymäkohtaan, samaan paikkaan,

jossa
Sanders vuotta aikaisemmin oli ollut »vaiteliaana».
Mackineylla oli mukanaan viisikymmentä miestä, suurimmaksi

osaksi krulaisia. Hänen suunnitelmanaan oli päästä eräälle
pienemmälle joelle, joka laskee vetensä Isisiin. Sitä voi kulkea
kahdeksankymmentä mailia ja sitten saattoi kuukaudessa mennä
karavaanitietä Lagosiin — siellä hän toivoi tytön jo suostuvan.
Hänen joukkonsa pääsi päämääräänsä tarpeeksi lähelle myöhään

iltapäivällä.
Lähetystalo oli puolen mailin päässä kylästä, ja hän lähetti kaksi
vakoojaa, jotka toivat sellaisen tiedon, että lukuunottamatta kahta
alkuasukasvaimoa ja paria miestä siellä ei ollut odotettavissa
vastarintaa.
Hän istui miestensä keittäessä illallistaan erillään joukosta, ja

pitkässä valkeassa kauhtanassaan, päässä koristeltu päähine hän
muistutti elävästi arabialaista.
Kun yö tuli, hänen päämiehensä läheni häntä.
— Herra, kysyi hän, — entä tämä kafferi?
Hän puhui oppaasta.
— Hänet sinä tapat, sanoi Mackiney arabiaksi, — sillä minä en

tiedä, miten paljon hän arvaa.
-— Hän arvaa liiaksi, sanoi päämies, — sillä hän sanoo, että sinä
et ole arabialainen, vaan valkoihoinen.
— Sinä et saa tuhlata aikaa, virkahti Mackiney lyhyesti.
Hän istui odottaen tulen ääressä, jonka he olivat virittäneet. Pian

hän kuuli kahinaa, ja päätään kääntäessään hän näki joukon miehiä
ja oli kuulevinaan kuin miehen karjuvan kasvoille asetetun vaatteen
läpi.
Joukko painui sekavana ryhmänä metsään ja hävisi yön

pimeyteen.
Heti se tuli takaisin miehet naureskellen keskenään. Mwafamban

serkku, joka oli mennyt heidän matkassaan, ei palannut.
— Aika on tullut, sanoi päämies. — Kahden tunnin kuluttua kuu
nousee.
Nopeasti tulet sammutettiin ja keittoastiat työnnettiin suuren

kanootin keulaan, ja ääneti, vain melojen loiskahdellessa, he
liukuivat joen yli.
Kanootti laski rantaan parin sadan jaardin päähän

lähetysasemalta, lähelle pensasryteikköä.
Siitä oli polulle muutamia askelia.
Yhdessä rivissä, valkeaviittainen arabialainen etunenässä, joukko

hiipi mutkaista polkua. Molemmilla puolin kohosivat korkeat puut, ja
yölinnun ääntä lukuunottamatta ei kuulunut hisaustakaan.
Metsä loppui äkkiä. Heidän edessään oli pieni aukeama ja sen

keskessä lähetysaseman tumma maja.
— Allah suokoon meille siunauksensa, huokasi Mackiney ja astui

askelen eteenpäin.
Maasta, melkein hänen jalkojensa juuresta, kohosi tumma olento.
— Kuka kulkee yössä? kysyi varjo.
— Piru vieköön! kirosi Mackiney englanniksi.
Olento liikahti vähän.
— Herra, sanoi se, — tuo on valkean miehen puhetta, mutta

kuitenkin olet puettu kuin arabialainen.
Mackiney sai malttinsa takaisin.

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Faith, Identity and Homicide: Exploring

Narratives from a Therapeutic Prison

ISBN 978-3-030-86218-3 ISBN 978-3-030-86219-0 (eBook)

Cover credit: Diptesh Patel/EyeEm

Victoria, Craig, Kris-Isa, Esa, Sion, Samantha, Ashley, Rebecca, Serena,

Faith—The complete trust or confidence in someone or something.1

Religion—The belief in a divine being which is worthy of worship and

Smith, P. (2014). Why faith is a virtue. Wibf and Stock.

3 Homicide and Violent Offences 43

Faith-Based Communities in Prison 178

ACEs Adverse Childhood Experiences

RNR Risk-Need-Responsivity Model

Table 2.1 Participant sample (interviews) 28

This book, Faith, Identity and Homicide: Exploring Narratives from a

• Identify the nature of religiosity amongst a sample of individuals

There is a host of literature pertaining to prisons, offender rehabilita-

how this interacts with other intersections is explored. Religion cannot

religion and spirituality are separate concepts, suggesting careful distinc-

Violence and Masculinity

Prison and Rehabilitation

Indeed, there is not only a recognition of the role of religion in

Religious Conversions in Prison

Individuals Convicted of Homicide Offences

with individuals convicted of homicide offences are apparent (see Lester,

religious group in the United States of America (Kteily et al., 2015)

Structure of the Book

Chapter 9 argues the ferocity of violence witnessed throughout the life

Hallett, M., & McCoy, S. J. (2015). Religiously motivated desistance: An

O’Connor, P. T., & Perreyclear, M. (2008). Prison religion in action and

incarcerated women. Women’s Health Issues, 17 , 183–192. https://doi.org/

successfully re-enter and reintegrate back into the community (Glynn,

1. What role does religion play in the lives of individuals convicted of

Ontology, World View and Epistemology

“World view” is the English translation of the term Weltanschauung, a

Epistemology is concerned with theories of knowledge and how we

The Study Sample: The Participants

This book is based exclusively on the narratives of 5 residents from a

Table 2.1 Participant sample (interviews)

Adam 54 White Murder Undisclosed Life (18-year 22 years Christian

Table 2.2 Participant sample (focus group)

Semi-structured interview was the method used to gather data.

were based on a small number of research participants of these Clif-

Creating a Safe Space

It was important to create a “safe space” (Spence, 2010) for partici-

“Religion, It’s My Life”

The phrase “Religion, it’s my life” was echoed by participants; it validated

Päästyään Akasavasta Bosambo sai tuulensa takaisin, vaikka yö

Mitä kauemmas Akasavasta hän tuli, sitä iloisemmaksi hän tuli, ja

— Metsässä on hulluja, pauhasi hän rytmillisesti, — sellaisia kuin

Näin hän lauloi lisäillen vapaamielisiä ja kuvaavia yksityiskohtia.

— Herra päällikkö, sanoi päämies äkkiä keskeyttäen hänen

Oikean rannan puitten latvojen yllä leimahtelivat salamat taajaan,

— Saarelle joen keskelle, komensi Bosambo.

— Herra, saari on täynnä henkiä, sanoi hän.

— Olet hullu, totesi Bosambo, mutta käski soutaa vasemmalle

Salamain leimahtelu kävi kirkkaammaksi ja tiheämmäksi, ukkosen

Kamala meteli teki heidät kuuroiksi. Lähinnä Bosamboa oleva

— Melokaa, koirat! jyrisi hän.

He olivat parinkymmenen jaardin päässä rannasta, kun salaman

Näytti kuin suuret kädet olisivat repineet puita. Ne taipuivat ja

Sitten jokin tarttui Bosamboon ja kohotti hänet kanootista. Hän

Hänen sormensa tarttuivat taittuneen puun oksiin, ja hän kiskoi

Ylhäällä raivosi myrsky, mutta Bosambo ei kuullut sitä. Hänen