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MIGRATION,
PALGRAVE STUDIES IN THE HISTORY
OF CHILDHOOD
DIASPORAS AND CITIZENSHIP
Global Perspectives
on Boarding Schools in
the Nineteenth and
Twentieth Centuries
Edited by
Daniel Gerster · Felicity Jensz
Palgrave Studies in the History of Childhood
Series Editors
George Rousseau, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
Laurence Brockliss, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
Palgrave Studies in the History of Childhood is the first of its kind to
historicise childhood in the English-speaking world; at present no histor-
ical series on children/ childhood exists, despite burgeoning areas within
Child Studies. The series aims to act both as a forum for publishing works
in the history of childhood and a mechanism for consolidating the identity
and attraction of the new discipline.
Editorial Board
Matthew Grenby (Newcastle)
Colin Heywood (Nottingham)
Heather Montgomery (Open)
Hugh Morrison (Otago)
Anja Müller (Siegen, Germany)
Sïan Pooley (Magdalen, Oxford)
Patrick Joseph Ryan (King’s University College at Western University,
Canada)
Lucy Underwood (Warwick)
Karen Vallgårda (Copenhagen)
Daniel Gerster · Felicity Jensz
Editors
Global Perspectives
on Boarding Schools
in the Nineteenth
and Twentieth
Centuries
Editors
Daniel Gerster Felicity Jensz
Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte Cluster of Excellence for Religion
in Hamburg and Politics (2060)
Hamburg, Germany The University of Münster
Münster, Germany
ISSN 2634-6532 ISSN 2634-6540 (electronic)

Palgrave Studies in the History of Childhood
ISBN 978-3-030-99040-4 ISBN 978-3-030-99041-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99041-1
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Acknowledgements
We conceived of the ideas behind this book over many coffees when we
both were still located at the Westfälische-Wilhelms Universität (Univer-
sity of Münster, WWU) Münster, Germany. Our shared interests included
education, religion, and gender as well as local, national, and transnational
histories. After Daniel’s move to the Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte
in Hamburg (FZH), we continued our work on the project receiving
generous funding from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (German
Research Foundation, DFG) for a grant to hold an international confer-
ence. Additional funding for this conference was secured from the Inter-
national Office of the WWU, and further support was offered through
the DFG Excellence Strategy—Cluster of Excellence 2060 “Religion and
Politics. Dynamics of Tradition and Innovation”—390726036. We had
planned to hold the conference in Münster, Germany, in November 2020,
however, the global Corona-19 pandemic hindered this and we were
forced to move to an online conference. One of the benefits of this
format is the ease at which one could bring people from various time-
zone together in one place, ensuring a much wider reach of scholarship.
In our case, we worked over seven time zones in fifteen countries. This
helped ensure that our volume was global in content and perspectives
with chapters examining boarding schools in Africa, Asia, Europe, and
North America. We were not able to include South America or Australasia
in detail, however, we hope that this volume inspires others to fill this
gap. Aside from the people who contributed to this volume, we would
v
vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
also like to acknowledge the scholarly comments and insights from the
following people who also attended the conference: Bettina Blum (Pader-
born, Germany), Esbjörn Larsson (Uppsala, Sweden), Ulrich Leitner
(Innsbruck, Austria), Melissa Parkhurst (Pullman, Washington, USA),
Marleen Reichgelt (Nijmegen, Netherlands), Lena Ruessing (Cologne,
Germany), Waltraud Schütz (Vienna, Austria), Linda Sue Warner and
George S. Briscoe (Comanche Tribe of Oklahoma, USA). Our thanks are
also extended to our editor, Emily Russell, at Palgrave Macmillan and the
series editors of Palgrave Studies in the History of Childhood for ensuring
the smooth completion of this volume. Thanks to Ezra for choosing the
cover art, and to Mark and Tobias for being there for us.
Hamburg Daniel Gerster

Münster Felicity Jensz
Contents
1 Global Perspectives on Boarding Schools

in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries 1
Daniel Gerster and Felicity Jensz
Part I Elites
2 Including Émigrés and Excluding Americans? The
Philadelphia Female Seminary of Madame Marie
Rivardi (aka Maria von Born) 37
Jonathan Singerton
3 Artisans and Aristocracy: Industrial Boarding Schools
for Elite Africans in Mid-Nineteenth Century South
Africa 59
Rebecca Swartz
4 Nazi Elite Boarding Schools and the Attempted
Creation of a New Class System 79
Helen Roche
5 Catholic Boarding Schools and the Re-making
of the Spanish Right, 1900–1939 101
Till Kössler
vii
viii CONTENTS
Part II Marginalised
6 Prisoners of Education: Chiricahua Apaches,
Schooling, and the Lived Experience of Settler
Colonial Inclusion 123
Janne Lahti
7 Recasting Poor Children: Basel Mission Boarding
Schools in Colonial Malabar 145
Divya Kannan
8 Soviet Boarding Schools and the Social
Marginalisation of the Urban Poor, 1958–1991 167
Mirjam Galley
Part III People and Networks

9 Spatiality, Semiotics and the Cultural Shaping
of Children: The Boarding School Experience
in Colonial India, 1790–1955 191
Tim Allender
10 Logics of Immersion: Lake Mohonk and the U.S.
Colonial Boarding School 213
Oli Charbonneau
11 Living on the Fringes: Boarding Secondary Schools
in Nigeria and the Paradox of Colonialism 237
Ngozi Edeagu
Part IV Practices and Processes

12 Girls’ Bodies as a Site of Reform: The Roman
Catholic Boarding Schools in Flores, Colonial
Indonesia, c.1880s–1940s 263
Kirsten Kamphuis
13 ‘Just a Bit of Fun’: Recreation, Ritual, and Masculinity
in Irish Boys’ Boarding Schools, 1800–1880 287
Mary Hatfield
CONTENTS ix
14 Subverting Exclusion and Oppression: Historical

Perspectives of Student Experiences at Boarding
Schools for the Deaf in German-Speaking Counties 305
Anja Werner
15 Bullying in the Name of Care: A Social History
of ‘Homoing’ Among Students in Ghanaian Boarding
Schools 325
De-Valera N. Y. M. Botchway
and Baffour Boaten Boahen-Boaten
Part V Epilogue
16 Epilogue: New Directions in the History of Boarding
Schools 351
David M. Pomfret
Index 361
Notes on Contributors
Tim Allender is Professor and Chair of History and Curriculum at the

University of Sydney, Australia. He has published extensively on colonial
India over the past 20 years. His most recent monograph Learning Femi-
ninity in Colonial India, 1820–1932 (Manchester University Press, 2016)
won the Anne Bloomfield Book Prize, awarded by the History of Educa-
tion Society (UK). Tim has also since published three co-edited books
on History Didactics, Transnational Femininity, and on Visual Educa-
tional History. He is currently writing a monograph on Roman Catholic
Religiosity and Empire.
Baffour Boaten Boahen-Boaten is a Master of Public Health student
at the Brown School, Washington University in St. Louis, USA. He
lectured psychology at Eswatini Medical Christian University, Eswatini
and his interest interface public health and indigenous perspectives. He is
a contributing co-author of Social Psychology. Global and Southern African
Perspectives (2019) and the lead author of Suicide in Low-and Middle-
Income Countries in The Palgrave Handbook of Sociocultural Perspectives
on Global Mental Health (2017).
De-Valera N. Y. M. Botchway is currently the Head of the History
Department at University of Cape Coast, Ghana, and Professor of History
whose eclectic research interests converge in several fields of African and
African Diaspora history and studies. His publications include Boxing is
no Cakewalk! Azumah “Ring Professor” Nelson in the Social History of
xi
xii NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Ghanaian Boxing (NISC, 2019), New Perspectives of African Childhood

(co-ed., Vernon Press, 2019), and Africa and the First World War (co-ed,
Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018).
Oli Charbonneau is Lecturer in American History at the University of
Glasgow, United Kingdom. Their research focuses on colonial empire,
transimperial and transnational exchanges, violence, and American power
in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. They are the author of Civiliza-
tional Imperatives: Americans, Moros, and the Colonial World (Cornell
UP, 2020). Their recent articles appear in Modern American History
(2021), The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era (2019), and
Diplomatic History (2018).
Ngozi Edeagu is a Ph.D. Researcher in African History at Bayreuth
International Graduate School of African Studies (BIGSAS), University of
Bayreuth, Germany. She focuses on African, global and colonial history,
print media, and knowledge-producing institutions. Her latest publication
is, “Educating a Transnational Elite: United States University Scholarships
for Nigerian Students (1960−1975)”, in Diasporas: circulations, migra-
tions, historie, Special Issue: Les étudiantes africaines et la fabrique d’un
monde postcolonial: circulations et transferts, no. 37 (2021): 79−94. For
more see https://www.linkedin.com/in/nedeagu/
Mirjam Galley is a historian from Berlin, Germany. After studying history
and English at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, she worked as a lecturer
at Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg, where she started her Ph.D. on
residential care in the post-Stalinist USSR. She finished her Ph.D. at The
University of Sheffield in 2019 (Routledge, 2021). She currently works
as an editor and project manager for transcript publishing in Bielefeld,
Germany.
Daniel Gerster is a historian and Senior Researcher at the Research
Centre for Contemporary History (Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte)
in Hamburg (FZH). He received his Ph.D. from the European Univer-
sity Institute in Florence, Italy. His main areas of research are the history
of gender, religion, and education in Germany and Europe in nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries. He is author of Friedensdialoge im Kalten
Krieg. Eine Geschichte der Katholiken in der Bundesrepublik, 1957–1983
(Campus Verlag, 2012) and co-editor of God’s Own Gender? Masculin-
ities in World Religions (Nomos, 2018). He is currently working on a
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xiii
comparative study on masculinity in British and German boarding schools

between 1870 and 1930.
Mary Hatfield is an Independent Scholar with prior posts held at
the University of Oxford and University College Dublin. Her research
centres on childhood, gender, and class in Ireland with an emphasis on
middle-class education. She is the author of Growing up in Nineteenth-
Century Ireland: A Cultural History of Middle-Class Childhood and
Gender (Oxford University Press, 2019), the editor of Happiness in
Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Liverpool University Press, 2021) and has
published articles in Gender & History, History of Education, and the
Irish Economic and Social History Journal.
Felicity Jensz is a historian, at the Cluster of Excellence for Religion and
Politics at the University of Münster, Germany. She received her Ph.D.
from the University of Melbourne, Australia. Her research includes British
and German colonial history, coloniality, missionary education, and media
history. She has published numerous articles and chapters including arti-
cles in Gender & History, History of Education, and Postcolonial Studies.
Her most recent monograph is Missionaries and Modernity (Manchester
University Press, 2022). Currently, she is working on a monograph on
the afterlives of German colonies.
Kirsten Kamphuis is a Junior Researcher at the Cluster of Excellence for
Religion and Politics at the University of Münster, Germany, where she
studies religious women’s print cultures in Indonesia between the 1920s
and the 1960s. She received her Ph.D. from the European University
Institute in Florence, Italy. She is currently working on a book about
girls’ education in the Dutch East Indies, and has published on this topic
in International Review of Social History (2020), BMGN—Low Countries
Historical Review (2020), and Journal for the History of Childhood and
Youth (2022).
Divya Kannan is Assistant Professor, Department of History, at Shiv
Nadar University Delhi-NCR, India. She completed her M.A. and Ph.D.
at the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University New
Delhi (JNU) and is interested in histories of education, caste, childhood,
gender, and labour. She is also the co-founder and co-convenor of the
online Critical Childhoods and Youth Studies Collective (CCYSC). Her
recent publications include an article in The Journal of the History of
Childhood and Youth (2021). Currently, she is working on a book based
xiv NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
on her doctoral research on evangelical missions and the education of the

poor in colonial Kerala.
Till Kössler is Professor for the History of Education, Childhood, and
Youth at Martin-Luther Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Germany. His
research interests include Spanish History, the History of Childhood,
the History of Authoritarianism and Fascism, History of Time, and the
History of Violence. He is the author of Kinder der Demokratie. Religiöse
Erziehung und urbane Moderne in Spanien, 1890–1939 (Oldenbourg
Wissenschaftsverlag, 2013) and co-editor of Kindheit und soziale Ungle-
ichheit in den langen 1970er Jahren. Special Issue of Geschichte und
Gesellschaft 46 (2) (2020). He is currently working on a biography of
the dictator Francisco Franco.
Janne Lahti is a historian who works at the University of Helsinki,
Finland, as an Academy of Finland Research Fellow. He received his
Ph.D. in 2009. His research focuses on global and transnational histo-
ries of settler colonialism, borderlands, the American West, and Nordic
colonialism. He has published numerous articles and is the author or
editor of six books, including German and United States Colonialism in
a Connected World: Entangled Empires (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021).
David M. Pomfret is Head of the School of Humanities and Professor
of History at The University of Hong Kong. He writes on the history of
childhood and youth in Europe and its colonies using transnational and
comparative methodologies. He is the author or editor of six books and
his most recent monograph Youth and Empire: Trans-Colonial Childhoods
in British and French Asia (Stanford University Press, 2015) won the
Grace Abbott book prize.
Helen Roche is Associate Professor in Modern European Cultural
History at Durham University, having previously held Research Fellow-
ships at the University of Cambridge and UCL. Her key publications
include The Third Reich’s Elite Schools: A History of the Napolas (Oxford
University Press, 2021), Sparta’s German Children (Classical Press of
Wales, 2013), and co-edited Brill’s Companion to the Classics, Fascist Italy
and Nazi Germany (Brill, 2018). She is currently researching the history
of fascism and everyday life in interwar Europe.
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xv
Jonathan Singerton is a Lecturer in European History at the University

of Amsterdam. Prior to this he was a Lecturer at the University of Inns-
bruck, Austria. His research revolves around central European connec-
tions to world history in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. His first
book, The American Revolution and the Habsburg Monarchy, appeared
in 2021 in the University of Virginia Press. He is currently completing
a biography of Marie Rivardi (a.k.a. Maria von Born) as an example of
personal mobility and reinvention in the Age of Revolutions.
Rebecca Swartz is a Senior Lecturer in History at the University of the
Free State, South Africa. She received her Ph.D. from Royal Holloway,
University of London. Her research interests include histories of educa-
tion and childhood in the British Empire during the nineteenth century.
She is currently working on histories of race and childhood in the Cape
colony. Her first monograph Education and Empire: Children, Race
and Humanitarianism in the British Settler Colonies, 1833−1880 was
published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2019.
Anja Werner holds a Ph.D. degree in US history from the University
of Leipzig, Germany. She specialises in transcultural history of knowl-
edge production with a special focus on perspectives of Black and/or
Deaf people on Western knowledges. She is currently finishing her second
book on foreign influences on discourses about deafness in the divided
Germany (1945−2002), including histories of sign language research and
the development of cochlear-implants (CI) besides d/Deaf stakeholders’
perceptions of both.
List of Figures
Fig. 2.1 Report card of Victorine du Pont (Hagley Museum

and Library) 40
Fig. 2.2 The ‘Gothic Mansion’ in Philadelphia (The Port Folio) 45
Fig. 4.1 Percentage distribution of NPEA pupils
and Adolf-Hitler-School pupils according to their fathers’
social station, compared with the social organisation
of the German Reich 88
Fig. 4.2 Careers of fathers of graduands at NPEA Schulpforta
in 1938–1939 92
Fig. 4.3 Career choices of graduands at NPEA Schulpforta
in 1938–1939 93
Fig. 6.1 Chiricahua Apaches as they arrived to Carlisle from Fort
Marion, Florida, April 30, 1887. Jason Betzinez is
probably seated in the lower front, third from the right
(Photo: Wikimedia Commons) 129
Fig. 6.2 Some of the same Chiricahua students as in the previous
picture, now in a “civilized wardrobe” from 1891. Jason
Betzinez is probably back row centre (Photo by John
N. Choate. Cumberland County Historical Society,
CCHS_PA-CH2-064b: https://carlisleindian.dickinson.
edu/images/twenty-three-apache-students-version-2-189
1) 133
xvii
xviii LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 6.3 Jason Betzinez, circa 1900. Studio portrait taken

in Pennsylvania prior to Jason’s departure to Oklahoma
(Photo by John N. Choate. Cumberland County
Historical Society, CCHS_PA-CH2-078f: https://carlis
leindian.dickinson.edu/images/jason-betzinez-c1900) 137
Fig. 9.1 Queen Mary College, Lahore 197
Fig. 9.2 Loreto House, Calcutta, Refractory (© Loreto Archives,
St Stephen’s Green, Dublin) 199
Fig. 12.1 Map of Flores showing the mission stations with churches
and schools. The locations of the mission stations are
marked with the symbol of a church. The mission stations
of Larantuka and Lela, where the girls’ boarding schools
were located, are identified with a circle (Source Taken
from Kleintjens [1928, p. 13]) 266
Fig. 12.2 Schoolgirls in Lela examining each other’s hair, c. 1925
(Source Taken from Hagspiel [1925, p. 128]) 275
Fig. 12.3 Girls from the boarding school in Larantuka performing
manual labour, c. 1925 (Source Taken from Zuster Maria
Eliana [1925, p. 91]) 277
CHAPTER 1
Global Perspectives on Boarding Schools

in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
Daniel Gerster and Felicity Jensz
In early 1879, the young Edmund F.E. Wigram started attending the
prestigious Harrow School, a fee-paying boarding school for boys in the
South of England. Edmund was the oldest child of Reverend Frederic E.
Wigram, who had himself attended Harrow between 1848 and 1853.1
Edmund Wigram boarded at Harrow until the midterm of 1883. In
terms of social background, at the time students at this boarding school
primarily hailed from the British upper middle and upper classes, with
graduates later taking on some of the most responsible and privileged
positions in British society.2 In order to maintain their class-consciousness
D. Gerster
Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte in Hamburg (FZH), Hamburg, Germany
e-mail: gerster@zeitgeschichte-hamburg.de
F. Jensz (B)
Cluster of Excellence for Religion and Politics (2060), The University of
Münster, Münster, Germany
e-mail: felicity.jensz@uni-muenster.defe
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2022
D. Gerster and F. Jensz (eds.), Global Perspectives on Boarding Schools
in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Palgrave Studies in the History
of Childhood, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99041-1_1
2 D. GERSTER AND F. JENSZ
and become ‘leading men’ of the British Empire, the students at Harrow,
as in all English public schools at the time, were instructed in the Classics
and in Protestant religiosity, and underwent a comprehensive programme
of physical education, with a strong emphasis on team-games. Through
this programme, combined with the formal prefect and fagging system as
well as informal forms of bullying, pupils learnt to obey, but also to lead.3
At the time that Wigram was a student, pupils at public schools
were not only of British descent, but might also come from continental
families and distant locations in the Empire, including British India.
The extended Apcar family of Arminian merchants from Calcutta, for
example, sent at least ten of their sons to Harrow during the 1860s and
1870s.4 Such instances were not unusual, as British—and more broadly
European—education was considered a means for intermediaries of the
empires to become ‘Western-educated respectables ’,5 who engaged with
cosmopolitan ideals, taking on aspects of British and European culture as
well as their own culture, as it suited them. Four of the Harrow-educated
Apcar men, for example, subsequently became members of the Calcutta
bar, each demonstrating their respectable position as an attorney in British
Indian society.6
Edmund F.E. Wigram, similar to many of his contemporaries who
attended boarding school, continued his education at Trinity College
Cambridge, where he obtained a Bachelor of Arts and subsequently a
Master of Arts, before becoming a curate of St. James’s in Hatcham
(1889–1891). In November 1891, he was accepted as a Church Mission
Society (CMS) missionary and was consequently sent to Lahore, in the
Punjab, British India.7 His work there centred on education, including a
position from 1893 as the temporary master at the Baring High School
in Batala, which was also a boys’ boarding school.8 At the beginning of
1893, Edmund Wigram wrote of the work that he and his sister, Ellenor
Selina Wigram, had before them in Batala, noting that: “The school
motto translated into English is, ‘Light in the Punjab’. The motto of
ourselves and our fellow-workers must therefore be, ‘Light in the School’,
or in other words, ‘Christ’s Light in us’”.9
Unlike Harrow, which focused on shaping young British men for
leading roles in Britain and its Empire, the Baring Boarding High School
focused upon converting local pupils into Christians, in the hope that
they might help convert other local people to Christianity. For example,
Bhagwan Dass, a student of the school who was on his way home
for the holidays in the late 1880s, wrote to his teacher Miss Charlotte
1 GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON BOARDING SCHOOLS … 3
M. Tucker, an honorary missionary for the Church of England Zenana

Society, stating that: “God gave us the power to preach at nearly every
place on our journey”.10 Yet, conversion was not an easy step to take, as
Khair Ullah, another student, found. His relatives were disappointed in
his decision to convert to Christianity, and he was subsequently rejected
from his broader Muslim community.11 Thus, his decision to convert to
Christianity while attending a Christian boarding school and subsequently
to seek inclusion in a Christian community excluded him from his own
religious and broader community.
Khair Ullah, Bhagwan Dass, Edmund F.E. Wigram, and the Apcar sons
are just a few examples from the many thousands of pupils attending
boarding schools in various places across the globe during the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. Their experiences were vastly different, yet they
shared the experience of being separated from their families and child-
hood friends in order to sleep, eat, learn, and move within the boarding
school’s limited spatial sites. This edited collection frames these boarding
schools as a global and transcultural phenomenon of the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries. We examine the ways in which these schools, which
became popular in the late eighteenth century and continue until today,
extracted, and at times excluded, pupils from their original social back-
ground in order to train, mould, and shape them so that they could fit
into their perceived position in broader society—a form of inclusion. Here
we are interested in the concepts of inclusion and of exclusion in order
to describe a historical process and the slippages between such categories,
rather than assuming a normative understanding of these terms. At times,
the projected notions of a pupil’s position in society reflected those of
the parents, and in other places, the imagined future for the child was
vastly different, and the pupil was rejected from the community from
which they originated, falling between the gaps of societies. In this way,
boarding schools predominantly affected the education of two particular
groups: the children of underprivileged classes and those of the ‘elite’,
with these groups widespread around the (European dominated) world.
Boarding schools, like education institutions more broadly, utilised global
and transnational networks and interdependences of ideas, practices, and
people—as exemplified in the cases of Bhagwan Dass, Khair Ullah, and
the larger Wigram and Apcar families.12
This edited volume brings together detailed case studies dealing with
various aspects of the issues raised above. The historians writing these
case studies of boarding schools in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
come from a wide range of countries. In this volume, they focus on the
transnational and global similarities and interdependences, but also on
the local and temporal differences and particularities of boarding schools.
Within our collection, we are particularly interested in the experiences of
people either at boarding schools or affected by these institutions, the
global networks which they form, as well as the processes and practices
that boarding schools both engage in and help to create. In this introduc-
tion, we outline some commonalities of the case studies, but also some
differences and contradictions. We begin by attempting to define what
exactly we understand as a boarding school, sketching very briefly the
history of the phenomenon as such, as well as the varied forms of insti-
tution which existed throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
In a second section, we situate our collection within the broader histor-
ical research that has been undertaken on boarding schools, as well as
within research on global and transnational entanglements in education.
In a third step, we introduce the structure of the volume and its chapters
in more detail.
A Word on ‘Boarding Schools’: Common

Features and Different Purposes
We take boarding schools here to be discrete sites where the school’s
pupils are educated on the property, eat meals in a common space, and
sleep exclusively on the school property during term time. The admission
to boarding schools is limited by means of social and group selection, by
entrance exams, or costs, and their internal structure is characterised by
specific power relations between pupils and teachers, but also amongst
pupils, by timetables that regulate the students’ lives as well as by cohe-
sion or fragmentation of social networks within the schools. We include
in our analysis boarding schools for the elite and those for children from
low socio-economic backgrounds, or children considered ‘at risk’ and
subsequently extracted from their birth families and primary social back-
ground by the broader society. The majority of our case studies examine
schools exclusively for boarding pupils. Some of the schools in our collec-
tion could also be termed residential homes, for the children were not
allowed to return to their families before finishing school, or were consid-
ered not to have a family to whom they could return. Generally speaking,
boarding schools for ‘at risk’ pupils were funded by the state or benevo-
lent supporters, compared to elite schools which often had high tuition,
boarding costs, and entrance exams associated with them. Indeed, as the
case studies in our volume demonstrate, boarding schools were institu-
tions that mostly targeted the elite and the abject, as ways of shaping
national and colonial subjects. Increasingly from the eighteenth century,
these subjects were created as waves of globalisation and ensuing colonial-
isation engulfed much of the world. Histories of boarding schools have
tended to focus on either elite schools or on schools for marginalised
sectors of the population. In bringing the histories of these together in
a transnational perspective, we open up the conversation between various
types of schools.
In his seminal study on asylums, Erving Goffman categorised boarding
schools as one kind of “total institution”, arguing that they were similar
to army barracks, work camps, and colonial compounds. As such, they
belonged to one group of such institutions which were “purportedly
established the better to pursue some worklike [sic] task and justifying
themselves only on these instrumental grounds”.13 Even though Goff-
man’s categorisation might plausibly be criticised due to its ahistorical
assumption that boarding schools were totally “cut off from the wider
society for an appreciable period of time”14 —a criticism that we also
make—his concept provides valuable guidance for navigating the ‘inner
world’ of boarding schools. His concept emphasises how groups of
teachers, students, and house staff15 played different roles within the
school community, how they were related to each other in formal and
informal power structures, as well as the tensions which could exist within
these groups—for example, between headmasters and ordinary teachers,
or between older and younger pupils. Goffman’s concept also suggests
ways in which different social actors tried to make sense of their life in
boarding schools, including through everyday practices and rituals that
were guided by tradition and house rules, and enforced by rewards as
well as (corporal) punishment.
Goffman’s concept succinctly encapsulates the world into which a
student entered when she or he first went to boarding school. Having
successfully applied, or being forcibly sent there, the pupils regularly went
through a series of formal and informal initiation rituals that signalled
their admission into the school community. Such rites de passage could
be a simple handshake between parent and schoolmaster, symbolising the
official handover of the children, or more physically extreme experiences,
such as when the child’s hair was cut to normative cultural standards,
or when they were dressed in the school uniform. Commonly, admis-

sion also included an informal initiation ritual, such as when older and
more experienced students forced the newcomers to drink repulsive bever-
ages or abused them with physical violence.16 Such informal initiation
rituals also had the intention of showing the younger students where
they stood within the hierarchy of the school. The power structure within
boarding schools was of course first and foremost moulded by the rela-
tionship between pupils and teachers; the latter often trying to enforce
their position through a meticulous disciplinary regime of observation
and supervision, of gratification and punishment.17 Headmasters often
played a prominent role within the hierarchy, as did older pupils who as
prefects were entrusted with the power to oversee younger students and
to discipline them to a certain extent. In addition to the formal disparity
between pupils—nowhere more obvious than in the fagging system of
the Victorian public school—there frequently existed informal hierarchies
amongst students, established by means of reputation and bullying.18
Mary Hatfield in her chapter describes how the practice of fagging was
evident in nineteenth century Ireland, whereas in their chapter, De-Valera
N.Y.M. Botchway and Baffour Boaten Boahen-Boaten demonstrate how
these European-inspired traditions were transferred to colonial spaces,
such as Ghana, and became part of the boarding school culture.
Power structures and disciplinary regimes substantially predetermine
everyday life in boarding schools, but they only partly determine the
aims and purpose of the school. Focusing only on these power structures
and disciplinary regimes overlooks other experiences, such as commu-
nity building, support structures, and entanglements with communities
external to the school. Nevertheless, spatial regimes did determine how
teachers and students could make use of space, that is, in setting bound-
aries to activities outside and inside of the school, and in establishing
rules regarding where the pupils had to learn, play games, and sleep.
Spatial regimes also overlapped with temporal regimes in the form of
daily timetables and weekly schedules which the teachers regulated. These
temporal regimes determined when students (and teachers) had to wake
up, be in class or have lunch, and one might enjoy leisure time and join in
activities such as singing and dancing.19 Yet power structures and disci-
plinary regimes could only marginally determine curricular content and
the subjects taught at the boarding schools in question. Structures and
regimes differed largely from school to school, depending on the student
body, which was mostly either composed of the children of marginalised
classes or those of the leading strata. Practices and rituals in both kinds of
boarding schools varied. Schools for the underprivileged mainly focused
on the instruction of basic knowledge, manual labour, and simple pious-
ness to form the children into diligent workers, faithful believers, and
loyal citizens. Those for upper-class children offered ambitious courses
in classics and modern languages, and encouraged independency through
games and debating classes.20
Such examples underscore the importance of placing boarding schools,
their participants, and their practices within their historical and cultural
context. In this regard, Pierre Bourdieu’s idea of a close entanglement
between a society, its elites, and hegemonic cultural ideas and the educa-
tional institutions of the time clearly surpasses the generic concept of
boarding schools as ‘total institutions’, as outlined by Goffman.21 Michel
Foucault also provides us with ways of thinking about boarding schools,
along with other institutions such as army barracks, as ways in which
‘modern’ societies can discipline individuals through uses of time, space,
examinations, and hierarchies.22 The disciplining of time and space are
a continuum between European convent schools in the Middle Ages
and present-day boarding schools. Nevertheless, what differentiates our
‘modern’ boarding schools from the former are integrated pedagogical
concepts and the overwhelming function of the schools as a conduit
which guides the majority of the pupils into their prescribed place in
society after the termination of their education. This sits in contrast
with the European convent schools of the Middle Ages, which, although
commonly considered the origin of ‘modern’ boarding schools, had a
different educational focus, primarily in their training for religious orders.
Outside of Europe, religious schools, such as the Buddhist temples
and monastic colleges called Pirivena in Sri Lanka, also boarded young
scholars and similarly provided a mostly religious education.23
Religious education was also a significant aspect of the first ‘modern’
European boarding schools. Especially during the Age of Reformation,
Protestants and Catholics alike founded new schools to educate their chil-
dren. These schools often offered boarding options.24 One well-known
example is the Franckesche Stiftung in Halle which was established and
directed by the Protestant pedagogue and theologian August Hermann
Francke (1663–1737). The Franckesche Stiftung in Halle is recognised
as one of the first ‘modern’ boarding schools in continental Europe. It
provided a day school, but also a boarding school for orphans, as well
as one for members of nobility.25 While contemporaries identified these
institutions as ‘schools’ focusing on the education of young children and

youth alone, secondary and tertiary education have long been a part of the
higher education system. Thus, universities can also be deemed another
important inspiration of the ‘modern’ boarding school system. This is
evident in relation to the German ‘Bursen’ as well as to the fact that
in the British case the public school system had its origin partly in the
Oxbridge tutorial system.26
Another point of origin of boarding schools as we recognise them
today is to be found during the time of the European Enlightenment
in the second half of the eighteenth century. Since then, and espe-
cially during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the system of
boarding schools was successfully spread around the globe—as we argue
in this volume. Underlying the transformation of boarding schools was
the fundamental idea that education was the appropriate means for all
men—in the thinking of the European Enlightenment not uncommonly
understood as male persons only—to become (self-)critical and respon-
sible citizens. A common belief held that universal education had to begin
at a young age and be as distant as possible from the ‘wrong’ type of
social influence in order that education would be successful. Boarding
schools were able to provide exclusion from some aspects of society as
they separated pupils from their local environments. The French philoso-
pher Jean-Jacques Rousseau elaborated on these thoughts most broadly in
his treatise Émile, or On Education, which was first published in French in
1762. The work is divided into five books that correspond to five different
periods of a person’s life. It follows the education of the young Émile,
who is predominantly raised far away from society and its apparently bad
influence, in order to develop his own mental and physical strengths and
grow into an independent ‘new’ citizen and man.27 The ideas of Rousseau
and other thinkers of the Enlightenment resulted in the foundation of a
number of experimental boarding schools in different European coun-
tries, such as the institute established by Christian Gotthilf Salzmann in
Schnepfenthal in Thuringia in 1784.28 More generally, Rousseau’s trea-
tise encouraged the belief that every human being could be transformed
by means of a general European-inspired education.
The idea that children—especially boys—should receive systematic and
extensive education from an early age prevailed in European societies in
the aftermath of the Enlightenment and inspired many attempts to intro-
duce compulsory schooling in various European locations. Yet, although
some educational ‘reformers’ of the nineteenth century shared the general
conclusions of Rousseau and his contemporaries, others did not follow

their positive perception of the child as an innocent being which had to
be nurtured and enabled. On the contrary, they—many of whom were
Protestant theologians—doubted their innocent nature and stressed that
“education’s chief end was to rectify the ‘corrupt nature and evil dispo-
sition’” of children.29 Increasingly such ideas were levelled at the poor,
with the writings of the early nineteenth-century British pedagogue and
instigator of popular education, Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth, illustrating
the need for education for the children of the poor working class in order
for the betterment of self and society.30
Apart from attempts to ‘reform’ the offspring of poor and socially
disadvantaged families in social homes, until the end of the nineteenth
century it was generally believed that the best education a child could
receive was at home. Yet solutions had to be found when home-education
was impossible. For children of the upper classes, this was often the case
when they had to attend (secondary) schools in specific locations. In
Germany, for example, in order to attend further schooling (Gymnasium)
older boys often needed to be sent away from home, stay in foreign
cities and live in private pensions, many with dubious reputations.31
In England, where boys from upper-class families traditionally attended
preparatory and public boarding schools from the age of six, they were
generally without supervision when not in class. This changed in the early
nineteenth century, starting with educators such as Thomas Arnold, who
as Headmaster of the elite school Rugby introduced the housing system
to the English public school, assigning every boy to a ‘house’ over which
a master presided.32 Although newer research has critically examined the
actual impact of Arnold’s ‘reforms’ and has emphasised the importance of
other reformers such as Edward Thring of Uppingham,33 together these
initiatives led to a partial familiarisation of public boarding schools—for
boys as well as girls34 —and their close entanglement with the leading
families of their countries, their ideas and traditions.
While educationalists, headmasters, and teachers tried hard to include
parents and families of upper-class children in boarding school education,
this was not at all the case with the education of children from under-
privileged families. Attempts to ‘rescue’ children from poor and under-
privileged backgrounds are common throughout history. Yet, following
the Enlightenment idea that education could help all people to become
better individuals, boarding schools became especially popular with social
reformers from the first half of the nineteenth century. Coupled with
the semantics of charity and brotherhood, which accompanied religious

sentiments in many European societies at the time, there was a tremen-
dous growth in children’s homes such as orphanages, ragged schools,
and training ships.35 Mostly established by Christians with middle- and
upper-class backgrounds, these institutions were intended to teach chil-
dren basic knowledge, manual skills, and moral values to enable them to
gain respectability in their stations in life. Yet, even though parents and
families often sent their children willingly to such institutions, there are
also many reported examples of “philanthropic kidnapping”.36 In these
cases, children were forcefully taken away from their parents under the
presumption that the parents could not care for their own children, or
under the presumption that the families of the children could not uphold
(Protestant) family values. While parents often had little chance to contra-
dict such decisions and children did not enjoy the same liberties as the
upper-class offspring in their boarding schools, children in both residen-
tial homes and elite boarding schools had opportunities to adapt and
integrate, or resist and oppose the exclusionary environment in which
they were willingly or forcibly placed.
It is thus the residential children’s homes, rather than the elite public
schools for upper-class children, that serve as the primary example for the
global spread of the boarding school in the time of Empire. From the
turn of the nineteenth century, at a heightened period of British humani-
tarianism, there was a concerted effort to provide for children of the poor
and children in the colonies, partly as a form of care and partly as a means
of disciplining society.37 Men such as Andrew Bell, a chaplain in Madras,
India, adapted monitorial systems for British schools, demonstrating the
entwined connection between multiple spatial ties and also across socially
constructed categories such as race and class.38 Simultaneously, Joseph
Lancaster developed a monitorial system, which was used by the British
and Foreign School Society (BFSS) for the poor in England and the
colonised throughout the Empire. These two examples are paradigmatic
of the ways in which pedagogical concepts such as the monitoring system
spread throughout the British Empire, including into boarding schools
in the colonies. Such schools harboured similar world-views, based upon
British nineteenth-century notions of liberalism, humanitarianism, and
racial hierarchies. The curricula of the BFSS schools were heavily Bible-
based and infused with British ideas of morality, demonstrating a close
link between Enlightenment education, social reform, and evangelism.39
The boarding school was an important form of schooling in the colonies
which was used to spread Christian morality, especially amongst children

considered to be orphans or children of ‘heathen’ mothers. In British
India, boarding schools were also used to provide education to children
of army personnel and their local Indian partners, as Tim Allender has
demonstrated.40 They thus represented sites which were used to mitigate
anxieties about race, religion, gender, and class.
Within other (post)colonial settings, such as Australia, Canada, and
the United States, boarding schools were used by governments, often
with the collaboration of religious groups, to break children’s connec-
tion with their communities and to force European episteme upon them
as a way to “kill the Indian, and save the child”.41 After attending
boarding schools, Indigenous pupils were expected to be integrated into
settler colonial society, with new notions of their place within society
drawn from European episteme. The employment opportunities predom-
inantly available to former Indigenous pupils in settler colonies and in
the African colonies were low-status and low-paid manual or domestic
roles. These, as Rebecca Swartz demonstrates in her chapter, were not
the roles that African elites envisaged for themselves. Through instruc-
tion and indoctrination in (often) Christian boarding (and residential)
schools in settler colonial spaces, under the logic of elimination, Indige-
nous pupils were actively denied access to Indigenous land, culture, and
language.42 Although there were some cases in which Indigenous people
actively used boarding-school education to integrate into settler colonial
society, as Janne Lahti demonstrates in his chapter on the Chiricahua
Apache Jason Betzinez, the more common experience was marginalisation
from both their culture of origin as well as settler colonial society.43 The
ubiquitous marginalisation of Indigenous peoples from settler societies
provided structural inequalities that consequently concealed the physical,
emotional, and sexual abuse of children at the hands of those who were
meant to be protecting them, and precluded discussion of such topics in
mainstream debate.44 In Canada, a government commission has exam-
ined the legacies of Canada’s Residential Schools and noted the litany
of abuse to which First Nations peoples were subjected.45 In Australia,
a National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander children from their families, known as the Bringing Them Home
Report, highlighted the forced removal of Aboriginal children and the
abuse that many children were subjected to in institutional homes and
training schools.46
The abuse of children under care in boarding schools was, and is,
tragically not limited by class, race, space, or time.47 Such abuse can
disturbingly be found in boarding schools across the globe and across
the socially constructed categories of class and race. That said, the
marginalisation of Indigenous people from settler society compounded
the silencing of victims and facilitated the continuation of abusive prac-
tices. Within boarding schools not all children were victims, nor were all
teachers perpetrators. The chapters in our collection describe abuse and
violence, but also resistance and resilience to boarding-school violence.
This was expressed in many ways, from passive to active resistance, with
children, parents, and also teachers engaging in various acts. By placing
various forms of boarding schools in the same framework we do not
intend to diminish or relativise traumatic experiences of children, their
parents or communities, nor are we suggesting that the strict discipline
of an elite boarding school is comparable to the cultural genocidal prac-
tices of boarding schools for Indigenous peoples. Rather what we hope
to highlight by examining various forms of boarding schools within the
same frame is to show both that exclusionary practices may have under-
scored inclusionary ideologies, and the ways in which external influences
seeped into the allegedly exclusive space of the boarding school.
Research on Boarding Schools:

State of the Art and Our Approach
Our edited collection is one of the first to produce a global and transna-
tional history of boarding schools. It focuses more on the people involved
and their practices and networks than the history of a single institution
or one particular ‘system’. Studies of boarding schools, particularly those
with a narrow focus on elite schools in Europe and the United States,
often focus on structural aspects of the schools, with many studies on
contemporaneous boarding schools having an ideological agenda, such as
to defend the privatisation of education. Such studies commonly either
deal with the idea of a generalised system of elite boarding schools or
focus on the peculiarities of singular schools.48 Since the late nineteenth
century, former students, teachers, and admirers of European and Amer-
ican boarding schools have published recollections of their alma mater
to praise its achievements and highlight its many famous alumni. These
laudatory histories have often neglected the many other pupils who lived
a ‘normal life’. They have also often failed to address critical questions
of physical and sexual abuse and of class, gender, and racial bias. In
the early twentieth century, the genre of school memoirs was profession-
alised, which led to numerous monographs that uncritically recounted the
history of a single elite boarding school. It was also around this time that
academics began to examine elite boarding schools as a generalised system
of elite education. The English public schools were of special interest in
this regard, with historians and sociologists exploring their political func-
tion in elite formation and policy-making in the British Empire during
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.49 With the rise of social history
in the 1960s and 1970s, experts increasingly examined the social func-
tion of such schools and extended their scope beyond Great Britain to
the United States and beyond.50
Following the trends in other historiographies, historical research on
boarding schools went through a major shift in the 1980s when cultural
historians began asking questions about everyday life, various types of
practices; gender; class; and—still very marginally—about transnational
and global entanglements. The development can be illustrated with regard
to the historiography on British elite boarding schools. Books such as
John Chandos’ Boys Together (1984) or Christine Heward’s Making a
Man of Him (1988) strongly focus on the everyday life of boys in
English public schools during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
These books demonstrated the large discrepancy between the ideology
of elite education and its quotidian practices, which included physical
abuse in the form of fagging and bullying and sexual misconduct from
pupils and teachers, as well as intimate friendships and alternative mascu-
line behaviour. In order to come to their conclusions, cultural historians
turned to non-traditional sources such as diaries, letters, and punishment
books, and read traditional sources such as pupils’ registers against the
grain.51 One of the most prominent researchers on British public schools
from the perceptive of cultural history has been James A. Mangan. In his
many publications on Athleticism and the British Empire, he has demon-
strated how the cult of games increasingly prevailed in everyday life in
British public schools since the 1860s, evolving into its own ideology that
shaped the image of the public school boy by the end of the nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries.52 Mangan was also a pioneer in exploring
the expansive connections between public schools, their elite ideology,
and its impact on the British Empire. He elucidated how the pupils in
these schools learnt to use instruments of power and persuasion, which
they later used when they served as civil service officials or military officers
in the British colonies.53
Mangan’s studies are examples of how to draw out the transnational
and global dimensions of historical research on boarding schools.54 As
such, his work is a form of global entangled history, which examines the
cultural transfers of ideas, people, and things through space and time.55
Global studies of education have demonstrated how ideas, pedagogies,
people, textbooks, and instruments have travelled the globe, replicating
old practices and creating new ones. One of the first studies to attempt
to examine a central aspect of education transnationally was Laurence
Brockliss’ and Nicola Sheldon’s 2012 Mass Education and the Limits
of State Building, c. 1870–1930, with many other studies following.56
Esther Möller and Johannes Wischmeyer have argued for three intercon-
nected aspects of transnational educational spaces, namely: organisations
and actors, ideologies and discourses, and spaces.57 These three inter-
connected aspects are also reflected in many of the contributions in
our volume. Commonly within the framework of transnational or global
histories, British India has been a focus of British Imperial historians
and boarding schools. One reason for the intense focus on India is
due to the transfer of knowledge and educational ideologies between
Britain and India, with the aforementioned studies of Tim Allender and
Jana Tschurenev demonstrating the productive nature of this research
approach. Beyond the confines of the British World, there have been many
fruitful examinations of German-American, French-Arabic, and French-
British imperial transnational spaces of education.58 These transnational
studies contribute to a new approach in the history of education, yet one
that has not yet been fully taken up in the history of boarding schools,
which is the one that we follow here.
In countries with settler colonial histories, there has been increased
scrutiny on the role of boarding schools as institutions of cultural destruc-
tion and genocide. Particularly in light of the Australian Bringing Them
Home Report, and the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission,
which considered residential schools to be a means of (cultural) genocide
of First Nations peoples, there has been a focus upon these schools within
both a national and transnational context.59 In the national context,
studies include both overviews of the system of residential/boarding
schools as well as the histories of individual schools. In this literature,
there are also a growing number of histories that draw upon oral histo-
ries and autobiographies to detail individual experiences. The experiences
described are often related to the trauma that boarding schools influenced
and the intergenerational trauma that they generated.60 Increasingly,
there has been an attempt to place studies of residential schools for
Indigenous students in a comparative framework by contrasting the
experiences of children in various residential schools for Indigenous
peoples. This is the framework of a 2019 collection edited by Stephan
James Minton, which brought together scholars examining the devas-
tating histories of residential schools for Indigenous peoples, and which
focused upon the genocidal aspects of the schools.61 That book focused
mainly on how abusive systems were characterised and legitimised as
benevolent within the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Our collection
also contains case studies of boarding schools for Indigenous students;
however, we have not tried to replicate the work of Minton by attempting
to include case studies from all settler colonial spaces. Rather we see our
collection as complementing the work of scholars such as the authors in
Minton’s collection, since the case studies in our collection place boarding
schools for Indigenous peoples within broader global developments in the
sphere of boarding schools, simultaneously demonstrating the connec-
tions between and comparisons beyond the settler colonial setting. This
is critical, given the growing importance of connected or entangled histo-
ries within history of education. Such ideas run throughout the following
case studies, with our contribution here being to bring together a global
history of boarding schools that is limited neither to one region, nor to
one institutional group.
One innovative contribution of our volume to expanding the history
of boarding schools is to bring together various case studies that examine
institutions in a transnational and global history framework. We do this
by focusing on two key aspects: people and networks, as well as practices
and processes. Our case studies concentrate on people who participated
in experiences of exclusion and the inclusion of children from broader
society. A second area of interest is connected to the processes and
practices of boarding schools, particularly in contrast and in relation to
ideas and ideology. As the nineteenth century progressed, the formali-
sation and professionalisation of teaching resulted in increasing amounts
of material that was subsequently archived. The case studies here draw
on traditional sources such as school registers and ‘official’ publications
such as school magazines and yearbooks. However, they also use archival
sources in innovative ways to uncover personal histories beyond the offi-
cial register. Beyond traditional sources, the authors in this collection also
use non-traditional sources such as student writings, autobiographies, oral

histories, photographs, and sources external to the schools to elucidate the
experiences of exclusion and inclusion of children from broader society
within the global boarding-school context.
People involved in the boarding-school experience included the pupils
themselves, both girls and boys, who came from various social, religious,
national, and ethnic backgrounds. Such heterogeneous backgrounds
present their own challenges when examining the history of boarding
schools in a global perspective. Teachers, educators, and founders of
boarding schools were also involved in creating pupil’s experiences as well
as their own, as too were missionaries and civil servants in the colonial
context, who themselves often worked within a boarding-school setting.
In most cases, non-teaching staff such as nurses, cooks, groundsmen,
and service staff were also engaged in processes of inclusion and exclu-
sion. In the case of elite boarding schools, the non-teaching staff had
different social backgrounds from the pupils, underscoring social differ-
ences.62 Unfortunately, the voices of these people are often unrecorded.
In examining the personal life stories of different actors and the ways
in which they were involved in facilitating inclusion and exclusion in
the experiences of boarding schools, we are interested in examining the
social, ethical, religious, and gendered backgrounds of the participants
in the boarding school experience, and how these affected the ways
that various people operated within the confines of the schools. For
example, Edmund F.E. Wigram, who was born into a family of Anglican
missionaries, had an upper-middle-class background and was raised in
the tradition of the English gentleman at the public school of Harrow.
He went to the colonies, convinced that he would ‘bring light’ to the
people there. In doing so, the differing background and different inten-
tions and reasons which led boys such as Khair Ullah and Bhagwan Dass
to attend boarding schools were mostly irrelevant to Wigram’s aim of
‘enlightening’ people, reflecting broader notions of contemptuousness for
non-Europeans embedded in late nineteenth century European imperi-
alism.63 Our case studies are interested in analysing similar encounters
between people of different backgrounds in boarding schools around the
globe, particularly those of a transnational character.
People’s encounters took place through different processes. In the
case of boarding schools, processes were aimed to exclude the pupils
from their primary social environment in order that they might later be
included into society more broadly. Although the processes may have
been similar, individuals experienced their time at boarding school in

different ways, with some of them gaining larger networks through their
participation, and others being isolated from many aspects of society
through their attending such schools. Our case studies thus use the
concept of exclusion and inclusion not in a normative way, but rather
to describe processes underlying the history of boarding schools in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. These included the creation and
maintenance of networks in the larger spheres around boarding schools.
These networks included, for example, community groups, colonial offi-
cers, military personnel, missionary personnel, and civil servants, who
in turn linked the schools and their participants into broader religious,
secular, governmental, community, and imperial networks. As such, the
people involved outside the immediate boarding school setting helped to
shape and form the context in which the boarding schools were able to
perform (or not).
Through focusing upon people, and the broader networks and
communities with which they were engaged, we demonstrate that
boarding schools in their capacity to exclude children from society were
more porous than some scholars have suggested.64 Regardless of how
geographically and socially isolated a boarding school may have been from
society, it was always embedded in some local networks—and through its
ideologies, histories, and political structures and funding arrangements,
into facets of the broader community. The latter allowed, or hindered,
the reintegration of children after they left the school. Once pupils left
the boarding school, however, it was not always possible for their schools
to know what had happened to them. While elite boarding schools in
England and elsewhere create registers of ‘old boys’ in later years as a
means to maintain contact and facilitate old boys’ networks, allowing
historians to reconstruct the lives of graduates such as Edmund F.E.
Wigram, not all boarding schools had the funding or the impetus to track
former pupils.65 Although our case studies focus mostly upon the expe-
riences of the child in the boarding schools, the focus upon the broader
networks of the schools help us better to contextualise and understand
the processes that lead to inclusion and exclusion from broader society.
The focus on children in boarding schools is also further informed by
concepts such as ‘childism’, which, as Ngozi Edeagu details in her chapter
on boarding schools in colonial Nigeria, is a concept introduced into
scholarship to insert the voices of children, and shed light on their agency
in historical process.66 Reading sources with critical attention to childism
provides insights into the experiences of children beyond the official

narratives. Similarly, paying attention to the emotions of children provides
fruitful insights into how children responded to the processes of inclu-
sion and exclusion facilitated by the boarding school trajectory. Various
chapters in this volume, for example those from Rebecca Swartz, Divya
Kannan, Tim Allender, and Anja Werner, draw on concepts of emotional
practices and emotional frontiers from the history of emotions to help
inform their analysis of how children employed emotional practices to
assert themselves and navigate their difficult life. Such methodological
frameworks have the potential to provide fruitful insight into both the
experiences of children and of those whose duty it was to care for them
within boarding schools.67
The question of how pupils reacted to and experienced their time
at boarding school depended on many different factors, including the
admission process and the duration of their school experience. The time
the children spent at boarding schools differed, as too did the age at
which a child first attended, with these factors influencing how chil-
dren reacted to being at boarding school, and how they were able to
adapt to their changed living situation. For some pupils, such as Edmund
F.E. Wigram, attending boarding school was part of the family tradi-
tion, and undoubtedly his experiences in England shaped the way that
he taught in an imperial environment. For other boarding-school pupils,
like Khair Ullah, attending boarding school created at least a momen-
tary break with his community and provided him one access point
into a global network of educational ideas and Western notions. For
other students, such as First Nations children forced to attend Residen-
tial Schools in Canada, the complete breaking of ties with community
was a governmental aim of the boarding school experience, which has
caused intergenerational trauma and contributed to cultural genocide.68
Through this complete break, First Nations children were considered able
to be ‘reset’ to Western norms instilled through education. For other chil-
dren, the boarding-school experience provided them with new identities
that could be integrated with existing community ideas, but which could
also include ‘new’ Western/cosmopolitan identities.
As these studies demonstrate, reactions to boarding schools differed
between individuals, as well as with time and space; cooperation and adap-
tion could occur more readily in situations in which students had a vested
interest in attending boarding school, with opposition and resistance to
boarding schools occurring more commonly within systems where the
child had few alternative outlets to vent their dissatisfaction. As with any
period of life, in remembering the experience, some pupils are indifferent,
whereas for others the experience of boarding school was foundational in
a positive way and allowed for reintegration into their original community,
while for many unfortunate others the experience was devastating, leading
these ‘survivors’ to embark upon a difficult life without the tools that they
needed to navigate the social inequalities which they encountered.
The boarding schools in our case studies had different routines that
facilitated the process of inclusion and exclusion of children in different
ways, both within the school and within the broader community context.
Such processes were facilitated through the curricula, and expectations on
the child’s time, as well as their engagement in institutional structures.
For example, elite schools across the globe commonly taught classics
as a form of cultural capital for elite formation.69 In boarding schools
for perceived abject members of society, the daily routines commonly
included an amount of manual labour that was intended to reduce the
expenditure of the schools, as well as to provide the pupils with skills
considered suitable to their perceived place in society. Yet, as Rebecca
Swartz in her case study demonstrates, there was disgruntlement when
manual skills were taught to the children of African elites in the nineteenth
century, reflecting conflicting notions of the needs of pupils. The freedom
that children were allowed at school also affected their experiences. In
some schools, leisure time was highly regulated through engaging with
sport. Sports, as Mary Hatfield demonstrates in her contribution, were
a non-academic means of shaping the boys in Irish boarding schools
in the nineteenth century to fulfil contemporary notions of masculinity
and Britishness. The spaces in which children were taught and slept also
affected their experiences, with ideas of privacy and entitlement reflected
in these public and private spaces. As Anja Werner elucidates in her study
of boarding schools for the deaf in German-speaking countries during the
nineteenth and into the twentieth century, space could be delineated into
‘official oral spaces’ such as classrooms, as well as ‘illicit sign spaces’ like
living quarters, with punishment being given for the transgression of such
spaces. Punishments, as a form of power relations, were a central aspect of
the boarding-school experience, and, as many of our case studies demon-
strate, contributed to the process of inclusion and exclusion of children
in the boarding-school setting and beyond.
Transnational Boarding Schools: Structure

of the Volume and the Case Studies
This edited collection is dived into four sections. Part I: Elites examines
boarding schools for various groups of elite students in the United States,
South Africa, Nazi Germany, and Spain, and in doing so demonstrates the
political and social functions of promoting different notions of ‘elites’ in
boarding schools. In his contribution, Jonathan Singerton discusses the
role of Madame Rivardi’s Seminary for Young Women in Philadelphia as a
site for creating exclusionary spaces for daughters of elite aristocrats, espe-
cially European émigrés, amid a growing egalitarian movement in early
American society. In this example, Singerton demonstrates how boarding
schools for females could construct multiple inclusionary spaces, including
for European refugees such as Rivardi, and how boarding schools played
an imprint role within the transatlantic transfer of cultures and peoples
during the revolutionary age. Rebecca Swartz complicates the notion
of elite by examining some of the tensions around the meanings of
‘elite’ status in a settler colonial context. In her examination of indus-
trial boarding schools for elite Africans in mid-nineteenth century South
Africa, she demonstrates the overtly political function of these schools as
tools of the colonial government to ensure the loyalty of the African elite,
and ultimately, to ‘pacify’ the ‘tribes’ in this region. Yet, this was not easily
done, as pupils, parents, and some teachers had different ideas about the
function of these boarding schools, and thus more broadly questioned the
perceived position of elite Africans in the expanding settler-colonist domi-
nated space. In her chapter, Helen Roche also focuses upon the political
function of a system of boarding schools known as the Nationalpolitische
Erziehungsanstalten (Napolas/NPEA). These particular boarding schools
were established by the National Socialist government during the Third
Reich in order to train future elites for the Nazi regime. Her contribution
further complicates the notion of elite boarding schools, as the children
at these schools were drawn from all classes, rather than only serving
the needs of a largely aristocratic elite. Through being educated in the
Napola system, children were socially engineered to become elites within
the Nazi political system. However, as Roche demonstrates, exclusionary
class tensions were still manifest within the Napola system, indicating that
political ideologies were not always easily able to translate into inclu-
sionary practices. Till Kössler also takes up the concept of political elites
in his work on Catholic boarding schools in Spain in the early twentieth
century. He argues that, rather than being dark and archaic institutions
firmly rooted in a pre-modern, traditionalist Spain, Catholic boarding
schools were highly important spaces and laboratories for a new, albeit
contradictory, authoritarian social order. Their importance derived from
the fact that they were important meeting spaces between the Catholic
Church, the Spanish (conservative) middle classes, and right-wing polit-
ical movements. Together, these chapters further complicate the notion of
an elite boarding school. Moreover, these case studies link elite boarding
schools into a broader framework of social and political mobility in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries to reveal conflicting notions of what
inclusion might entail after students had left the boarding school system.
In Part II: Marginalised, three chapters focus upon boarding schools
that were established for children deemed to be marginalised, and
through doing so shed light on the construction of ‘marginal’ sections
of society and structural inequalities in cross-cultural encounters, as well
as between classes within a society. Through case studies from North
America, British India, and Soviet Russia, the chapters demonstrate
various political and social ideologies behind educating marginalised chil-
dren to be (re-)integrated into mainstream society. Janne Lahti examines
the lived experiences of the Chiricahua Apaches at the Carlisle Indian
Industrial School in Pennsylvania around the late nineteenth century. As
prisoners of war, Chiricahua Apaches were removed from their homelands
in Arizona and New Mexico, with some being sent to a purpose-built
boarding school, Carlisle. The school tried to mould the Chiricahuas
into loyal subjects of the settler state by making them into ‘clones’
of whites; by renaming them with Christian names, and altering their
behaviour, appearance, and sense of self, thus fundamentally changing
what it meant to be a Chiricahua. Through using Apache oral testimonies,
memoirs, and school records, Lahti discusses these changing and ambiva-
lent notions of indigeneity, belonging, and participation, asking what it
meant to be an Apache at Carlisle. The chapter highlights the experiences
of a Chiricahua student, Jason Betzinez, who gradually embraced white-
ness, in contrast to other Chiricahua who rejected the school and saw
its goals as genocidal, exploring various life trajectories for survivors of
the Carlisle Indian Industrial School. In Divya Kannan’s case study, the
marginalised children were local children in south India who were taken
into missionary boarding schools to be educated as the foundations of
‘model’ Christian communities. In nineteenth-century Malabar (northern
districts of present-day Kerala) the establishment of boarding schools by
missionaries led to varying contentious ideas of childhood and orphans.

Kannan demonstrates how missionaries employed coercive measures to
admit poor children into their orphanages, arguing against the ‘barbar-
ity’ of Indian parenting and norms of childhood. Her chapter traces
the politics of these secluded institutions and argues that the missionary
project of schooling poor children in colonial south India was marked by
ambiguity and racial tension arising from colonial encounters. Class was,
and remains, a reason for marginalisation, as Mirjam Galley demonstrates
in her case study on Soviet residential schools. A network of boarding
schools was established in the late 1950s to raise ‘the builders of commu-
nism’ and thus support those parents who struggled to bring up their
children. The network ended up disproportionately targeting children
from socially marginal families. Gallery’s chapter demonstrates how the
criminalisation of poverty, and, later, a medicalisation of deviance through
residential childcare led to the spatial and consequently social isolation of
such children. These three chapters demonstrate that, despite the hope
of boarding school administrators that this type of school would act as a
conduit to ‘better’ lives for the students after they left, the experience of
boarding school marginalised some children even further from the society
into which they were meant to be included, and created deeper divisions
between them and their communities.
The ideologies behind boarding schools could connect schools over
time and space, as demonstrated in the three chapters in Part III: People
and Networks. In his contribution, Tim Allender examines the exper-
imental characteristics of Indian boarding schools over two centuries.
The chapter takes a broad view of the different mentalities that drove
Indian colonial boarding schools, with some being transnational in their
formation, while others were India-specific. He follows the trajectories of
humanitarian benevolent organisations which propagated strong religious
Christian ideologies with the drive of changing the children’s outlook,
to more recent boarding school movements that are perceived as inclu-
sive sites of foundational social outreach. In doing so, he also charts the
interaction between global moments and local initiatives. In his contribu-
tion, Oli Charbonneau charts the development of boarding schools as an
American imperial project through the lens of the Lake Mohonk confer-
ences which were held from the 1880s until the First World War. This
period saw the expansion of American imperialism into the Caribbean
and Pacific, and with it the belief that reform projects such as boarding
schools could facilitate acculturation and national citizen-making. Char-

bonneau examines these Mohonk meetings, which drew together the
operators and overseers of a network of boarding schools in the American
empire, to demonstrate how they contributed to the creation of a racially
inflected grammar of national inclusion and imperial exclusion. As he
further argues, these boarding school served as circulatory nodes for peda-
gogical developments from other imperial terrains, demonstrating the
entangled nature of boarding school mentalities and ideologies around
the turn of the nineteenth century. The idea of boarding schools as sites of
alternative as well as complimentary voices is taken up by Ngozi Edeagu
in her case study on boarding secondary schools in colonial Nigeria in the
twentieth century. At this period of Nigeria’s history, secondary-school
education was available only to a privileged few in institutions estab-
lished by European missionary societies and functioned primarily as a
training ground for pupils wishing to become local teachers, commercial
clerks, and civil servants. Yet these institutions were criticised for being
too deeply embedded in Christian ideologies. Edeagu argues that partic-
ipants in the Nigerian colonial boarding school system were “living on
the fringes” of both African societies and European colonial ideals, but
were immersed in wider anti-colonial processes, with curricular and extra-
curricular activities helping to produce a fertile milieu for the creation of
agitators and non-conformists beyond the local boundaries of the schools.
These chapters together illustrate tensions between colonial and imperial
ideologies and local realities, while simultaneously demonstrating some of
the commonalities in discourses about boarding-school inmates in periods
of heightened imperialism and racial marginalisation.
The last section of cases studies, Part IV: Practices and Processes, exam-
ines how concepts of gender and the body were used to discipline children
within boarding schools. Kirsten Kamphuis examines discourses around
expected gender norms in elite Roman Catholic missionary boarding
schools for girls on the island of Flores in Dutch East Indies at the end
of the nineteenth century. The Catholic sisters were very critical of local
cultural practices surrounding gender relations and marriage. Kamphuis
argues that everyday educational practice at the girls’ schools, while aimed
towards the teaching of Christian domesticity, hinged on a conception of
indigenous girls’ bodies as a site of moral reform. Girls were subjected
to a disciplinary regime that focused heavily on religious instruction and
domestic labour. Religious sisters paid much attention to the outward
appearance of their pupils, such as their hair and clothing. This scrutiny
was underwritten by both Roman Catholic doctrine, which emphasised

modesty, and by a racist ideology that dismissed people from Flores as
evolutionarily backward. Local girls and their families, however, did not
always accept the strict disciplinary regime at the schools, with Kamphuis
also elucidating moments when this external discipline was actively
resisted. In a further contribution, Mary Hatfield examines the physicality
of boy’s bodies in Irish boys’ boarding schools during the nineteenth
century. She argues that the movement of boys’ bodies in regulated ways
through physical activity was an important aspect of boarding-school life,
and ranged from sanctioned forms of sport and recreation to more aggres-
sive and disruptive forms of protest, bullying, and fighting. The case study
thus considers how schools differentiated between healthy forms of phys-
ical competitiveness and other unsanctioned acts of student violence. The
differentiation between sanctioned and non-sanctioned use of the male
body provides us with an institutional construction of masculine success
and failure, and suggests how adult projections of boyhood shaped chil-
dren’s experience of a boarding school education. Far from being ‘just a
bit of fun’, Hatfield argues that the physicality of a boarding school educa-
tion allowed boys to imagine and act out ideas about their position in
society, and to defend the rights and independence which they envisioned
as their natural inheritance. Anja Werner examines boarding schools for
the deaf in German-speaking countries as sites of both inclusion and
exclusion. She argues that boarding schools for the deaf contained ‘offi-
cial oral spaces’ such as classrooms where students had to communicate
in spoken language, as well as ‘illicit sign spaces’ such as living quar-
ters, in which they would use forbidden sign language with each other.
These attributes were not fixed and could change depending on who
commanded them (hearing teachers or deaf students). The proclaimed
inclusionary goal actually served as an exclusionary mechanism, for it
encouraged students to develop a negative self-image as defective hearing
persons, and also prohibited the exploration of Deaf Culture. In the final
chapter, De-Valera N.Y.M Botchway and Baffour Boaten Boahen-Boaten
examine the bullying praxis of ‘homoing’ in Ghanaian boarding schools.
Through uncovering the colonial roots of this contemporary practice,
they argue that the practice is a colonial vestige of the British fagging
system, and an ancillary of home-grown traditional beliefs and attitudes
in Ghana linked to the use of corporal punishment to discipline the bodies
of students in schools. Botchway and Boahen-Boaten’s case study reminds
us, as do the contributions from Kamphuis, Hatfield, and Werner, that the
experiences of the physical self in the physical space of a boarding school

had ramifications for the life trajectories of pupils and their understanding
of self and their place in society long after their schooldays were finished.
In an epilogue, historian of childhood David Pomfret offers a succinct
overview of the ways in which these chapters contribute to the history
of boarding schools, and highlights the new agendas in boarding school
history which this volume forges.
Boarding schools which have the purpose of excluding children and
youth from their primary social settings to educate them as wholesomely
as possible in order to that they be included into the broader society
originate from the Age of Enlightenment, a period which is considered
the foundational age of ‘modern’ education. The foundation of ‘modern’
education was based on the belief that all people are born equal, and that
each child should have the chance to become a ‘good citizen’, indepen-
dent of its social and racial background, gender, and religion. In order to
do so, educators, statesmen (and seldom women) as well as many parents
supported the expansion of a general school system. School education was
complemented by boarding where it was otherwise impossible or difficult
for children to attend school, or where it seemed wise to politicians and
educators to separate them from their primary environment, especially
if they were from socially underprivileged or marginalised backgrounds.
Consequently, the studies within this volume demonstrate in detail how
boarding schools relate to progressive ideals of equality and freedom, and
how they became instruments of social suppression as well as political
oppression. This is especially true in relation to the colonial context, as
well as in the history of First Nations and Indigenous peoples, but it can
also be seen in connection with the education of underprivileged classes
in European countries. Yet even though it becomes incontrovertibly clear
that the experiences of boarding school differed greatly, depending on
the social and cultural background of the pupils, the studies within this
volume also found commonalities in practices such as the prefect and
fagging systems, or a strict timetable. These can be explained partly by
the fact that all of the institutions examined had a common origin, and
partly by their shared transnational history—a fact which has to date been
largely overlooked, and which the studies in this volume have begun to
explore.
Notes
1. Stogdon (1925, p. 32 and p. 359).
2. Within the British context, ‘public schools’ were fee paying schools that
were for those who could afford to pay for them and predominantly had
a boarding component. This is in contrast with the notion of ‘public
schools’ often used in the United States and elsewhere to describe schools
offering universal free education.
3. For the public school world in general, see Chandos (1984). For Harrow,
see Tyerman (2000, esp. pp. 302–402) for Harrow and its connection to
imperialism.
4. According to the Harrow printed records, there were six sons of A.A.
Apcar’s alone: Thomas A. (1861–1865), Apcar A. (1865–1869), John
A. (1966–1971), Seth A. (1870–1872), Alexander A. (1871–1874), and
Joseph A. (1877–1878). See Stogdon (1925, pp. 147, 191, 201, 248,
265, and 331). There were four more Apcar boys from other relatives,
being: Seth T. (1862–1866), Alexander A. (1864–1866), John A. (1865–
1868), and Gregory (1869–1871). See Stogdon (1925, p. 157, p. 180,
p. 185, and p. 235).
5. See, for example, discussions of such men in Reed (2016, esp. Ch. 4).
6. Foster (1885, p. 10).
7. Subsequently, he held the role of principal of the Divinity School
at Lahore (1896–1907) and was later an honorary fellow of Lahore
University (from 1902). See Stogdon (1925, p. 162).
8. Church Missionary Society [CMS], Proceedings of the Church Missionary
Society for Africa and the East Ninety-Fifth Year, 1893–1894 (London:
Church Missionary House: 1894), p. 123.
9. CMS (1894, p. 119).
10. The Church Missionary Gleaner, vol. 14/15 (December 1888), p. 183.
11. The Church Missionary Gleaner, vol. 14/15 (December 1888), p. 183.
12. See, for example, Fuchs (2007), Fuchs (2012), Popkewitz (2013), Caruso
et al. (2014), Swartz and Kallaway (2018).
13. Goffman (1970, orig. 1961, p. 16).
14. Goffman (1970, orig. 1961, p. 11).
15. Goffman himself stresses the importance of house-staff with regard to
English public schools, see Goffman (1970, orig. 1961, p. 107).
16. For initiation rituals in British public schools, see De Symons Honey
(1977, pp. 219–222), and Chandos (1984, pp. 63–85). Goffman (1970,
orig. 1961, pp. 26–27) also emphasises the important role of rite de
passage.
17. Foucault (1975).
18. The earliest and most famous description of power structures in boarding
schools is of course found in the novel Tom Brown’s Schooldays by
Thomas Hughes (1857). See also Garthorne-Hardy (1977, pp. 181–183),

Chandos (1984, pp. 63–85).
19. On the scheduling of activities see Goffman (1970, orig. 1961, p. 17). On
the spatial regime of boarding schools, see Hamlett (2015a, pp. 62–110),
and ibid. (2015b).
20. On the influence of games, see Mangan (1981), Mangan and McKenzie
(2000), Dishon (2017).
21. Bourdieu (1989).
22. Foucault (1975).
23. Ruberu (2007, orig. 1967).
24. Synders (1965).
25. Jacobi (1976).
26. Stichweh (1991).
27. Rousseau (1762). See as well Bloch (1995).
28. Benner and Kemper (2001, pp. 137–187).
29. Fletcher (2008, p. 8).
30. Kay-Shuttleworth (1868), Kay-Shuttleworth (1832).
31. Groppe (2021).
32. For an introduction on Arnold, see Bamford (1975), Gathorne-Hardy
(1977, pp. 70–79). On criticism of Arnold, see Neddam (2004).
33. Tozer (2015).
34. De Bellaigue (2007).
35. Higginbotham (2017).
36. Murdoch (2006, p. 79).
37. Bellenoit (2007), May et al. (2014), Mangan (1988), Swartz (2019),
Jensz (2022), Manktelow (2018).
38. Tschurenev (2019).
39. Sedra (2011).
40. Allender (2016).
41. There is a growing literature on the legacies of boarding and residential
schools for Indigenous peoples. See, for example, Haebich (2000), Miller
(2009), Adams (1995), Fear-Segal (1999).
42. See, for example, Wolfe (1999), Kaomea (2014).
43. See, for example, Edmonds (2010), Minton (2019).
44. Milloy (1999).
45. The reports are available through the National Centre for Truth
and Reconciliation website https://nctr.ca/reports2.php (last accessed
13.3.2021).
46. Commonwealth of Australia, Bringing Them Home Report, 1997:
https://humanrights.gov.au/sites/default/files/content/pdf/social_jus
tice/bringing_them_home_report.pdf (last accessed 9.3.2021).
47. Mak et al. (2020).
48. Gaztambide-Fernández (2009).
49. See Mack (1973, orig. 1938), Bamford (1967), Gathorne-Hardy (1977).
50. For Britain, see Simon and Bradley (1975), De Symons Honey (1977).
For the United States, see McLachlan (1970), Levine (1980).
51. Chandos (1984), Heward (1988).
52. Mangan (1981), Mangan and McKenzie (2000).
53. Mangan (2014).
54. See, for example, the contributions in the edited collection by Mangan
(1988).
55. See Fuchs and Stuchtey (2002), Budde et al. (2006). See lately, for
example, on the global history of the middle class: Dejung et al. (2019);
and on education: Fuchs and Vera (2019).
56. Brockliss and Sheldon (2012). See also, Fuchs (2007), Fuchs (2012):
Swartz and Kallaway (2018), Tschurenev (2019). See also Möller and
Wischmeyer (2013), May et al. (2014), McLeod and Paisley (2016),
Kallaway and Swartz (2016), Swartz (2019), Fuchs and Vera (2019).
57. Möller and Wischmeyer (2013, p. 20).
58. Hauser et al. (2016), Möller (2013), Isensee et al. (2020), Pomfret
(2016).
59. Minton (2019, esp. Ch. 2). See also National Centre for Truth and
Reconciliation: https://nctr.ca/map.php (last accessed 10 March 2021).
60. See, for example, Fear-Segal and Rose (2016).
61. Minton (2019).
62. See Goffman (1970, orig. 1961, p. 107).
63. See Stogdon (1925); The Church Missionary Gleaner, vol. 14–15
(December 1888), p. 183.
64. Goffman (1970, orig. 1961, p. 16).
65. Stogdon (1925, p. 359).
66. Wall (2022).
67. See also Hamlett (2015b), McListy et al. (2015), Vallgårda et al (2015),
Vallgårda (2015).
68. See, for example, Milloy (1999), Minton (2019).
69. See, for example, Gathorne-Hardy (1977, pp. 136–143), Chandos (1984,
pp. 30–47, pp. 247–267).
Bibliography
Adams, David Wallace. 1995. Education for Extinction: American Indians and
the Boarding School Experience, 1875–1928. Lawrence: University Press of
Kansas.
Allender, Tim. 2016. Learning Femininity in Colonial India, 1820–1932.
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
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Global Perspectives on Boarding

Schools in the Nineteenth and

ISSN 2634-6532 ISSN 2634-6540 (electronic)

Cover credit: clu

Hamburg Daniel Gerster

1 Global Perspectives on Boarding Schools

Part III People and Networks

Part IV Practices and Processes

14 Subverting Exclusion and Oppression: Historical

Tim Allender is Professor and Chair of History and Curriculum at the

Ghanaian Boxing (NISC, 2019), New Perspectives of African Childhood

comparative study on masculinity in British and German boarding schools

on her doctoral research on evangelical missions and the education of the

Jonathan Singerton is a Lecturer in European History at the University

Fig. 2.1 Report card of Victorine du Pont (Hagley Museum

Fig. 6.3 Jason Betzinez, circa 1900. Studio portrait taken

Global Perspectives on Boarding Schools

Daniel Gerster and Felicity Jensz

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

M. Tucker, an honorary missionary for the Church of England Zenana

A Word on ‘Boarding Schools’: Common

or when they were dressed in the school uniform. Commonly, admis-

institutions as ‘schools’ focusing on the education of young children and

conclusions of Rousseau and his contemporaries, others did not follow

the semantics of charity and brotherhood, which accompanied religious

which was used to spread Christian morality, especially amongst children

Research on Boarding Schools:

use non-traditional sources such as student writings, autobiographies, oral

been similar, individuals experienced their time at boarding school in

provides insights into the experiences of children beyond the official

Transnational Boarding Schools: Structure

missionaries led to varying contentious ideas of childhood and orphans.

schools could facilitate acculturation and national citizen-making. Char-

was underwritten by both Roman Catholic doctrine, which emphasised

experiences of the physical self in the physical space of a boarding school

Thomas Hughes (1857). See also Garthorne-Hardy (1977, pp. 181–183),

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