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PALGRAVE STUDIES ON NORBERT ELIAS
On the Process of
Civilisation in Japan
Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic
Investigations
Wai Lau
Palgrave Studies on Norbert Elias
Series Editor
Tatiana Savoia Landini
Universidade Federal de Sao Paulo
Sao Paulo, Brazil
Editorial Board Members

Marta Bucholc
Kate Hamburger Kolleg, Recht als Kultur
University of Bonn
Bonn, Germany
Florence Delmotte
Université Saint-Louis - Bruxelles
Brussels, Belgium
Fernando Ampudia de Haro

Lisbon University Institute
Lisbon, Portugal
Bernard Lahire
École Normale Supérieure de Lyon
Lyon, France
Stephen Mennell
Department of Sociology
University College Dublin
Dublin 4, Ireland
John Pratt
Institute of Criminology
Victoria University of Wellington
Wellington, New Zealand
Philip Walsh
York University
Toronto, ON, Canada
Norman Gabriel
Plymouth Institute of Education
Plymouth University
Plymouth, Devon, UK
Jurandir Malerba
Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul
Porto Alegre, Brazil
Jason Hughes
University of Leicester
Leicester, UK
Gina Zabludovsky Kuper

Faculty of Social and Political Sciences
National Autonomous University of Mexico
Mexico City, Mexico
Despite growing, widespread appreciation for Norbert Elias’s theoretical
approach—often called figurational or processual sociology—there exist
only a few, specialized publications on Eliasian social theory, and as of yet,
no academic book series.
Palgrave Studies on Norbert Elias will therefore fill a significant gap in
the market, appealing to figurationalists across disciplines: Elias’s social
theory is used not only in Sociology, but also Sports, Psychoanalysis/
Psychology and Social Psychology, Education, Criminology, International
Relations, History, Humanities (Arts, Music, and Cultural Studies),
Political Science, and Public Health. Respecting the multi-disciplinary
Eliasian tradition, the series is open to receiving contributions from aca-
demics outside of Sociology departments, so long as the research is
grounded on Elias’s approach. Publications, which shall range from
Palgrave Pivots to edited collections, can be expected to explore sports,
habits and manners, criminology, violence, group relations, music and
musicians, theory and methods, civilizing and decivilizing processes,
involvement and detachment in social sciences, formation of the modern
state, power relations, and the many dozens of other topics to which
Eliasian theory has been applied.
Wai Lau
On the Process of
Civilisation in Japan
Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic Investigations
Wai Lau
School of Social Sciences
University of Manchester
Manchester, UK
ISSN 2662-3102 ISSN 2662-3110 (electronic)

Palgrave Studies on Norbert Elias
ISBN 978-3-031-11423-6 ISBN 978-3-031-11424-3 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11424-3
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For my friends and teachers, Peter and Penny
Acknowledgements
This book is based on my doctoral research project, The Japanese Civilising

Process, completed at the University of Manchester in 2020. Over the
course of researching and writing for this book, I have met and worked
with many wonderful people who impacted my personal and professional
life. This book would not have been possible without their critical insights
and constructive comments. Although the list of people is endless, and I
cannot express them all here, a few are owed an outstanding debt of grati-
tude from me.
To begin with, I am incredibly grateful to Tatiana Landini, Editor of
the Palgrave Studies on Norbert Elias, for giving me the incredible oppor-
tunity to publish this book. Also, I would like to express my appreciation
to Elizabeth Graber, Senior Editor for Palgrave Macmillan; Antony Sami,
Production Editor for Springer Nature; Brian Halm, Project Coordinator
for Springer Nature; and Sarulatha Krishnamurthy, Project Manager for
Springer Nature, for their expert advice and assistance throughout the
planning, writing, and publishing stages. Without them, this book would
not have come to fruition.
Second, my deepest gratitude goes to my tutors and friends in aca-
demia. Specifically, to Peter Mcmylor, Penny Tinkler, Stephen Mennell,
and Nick Crossley for extensively reading, scrutinising, and commenting
on my work in the entire doctoral process. Moreover, I would like to
thank Akira Ohira and Abram de Swaan for their constant encouragement
because their kind words have deeply inspired me. Further acknowledge-
ment is given to Stephen for recommending me to publish in the Palgrave
Studies on Norbert Elias series. Otherwise, without his recommendation,
ix
x Acknowledgements
this book would not have been possible. Also, to Penny for reading and
commenting on the new chapter drafts written for this book. As usual, her
professional insights, helpful comments, and attention to detail have been
indispensable.
Third, my thanks go to my close friends. Particularly, to Jonathan
Basilio, Deborah Giustini, Shane Cross, Helen Croft, and Stephen Gaskell
for making my personal life enjoyable through our lengthy conversations
and messages. In particular, I enjoyed sharing research ideas, casual sto-
ries, and hilarious jokes during our Skype and Zoom meetings, which were
a welcome distraction from writing. Additional gratitude is given to
Jonathan for the momentous task of reading the entire manuscript and
providing me with tremendously detailed and productive comments. As
always, I thoroughly enjoyed our intellectually stimulating discussions
on Zoom.
Finally, I am deeply grateful to my family members for their ceaseless
and unyielding devotion. Without my parents and two little sisters for
their continuous support, I would not have had the power and/or will to
push forward beyond my limits into uncharted territories. Therefore, I am
forever thankful.
Here, special acknowledgement is given to the Norbert Elias Foundation
(NEF) for permitting me to use important passages from the collected
works of Norbert Elias in this book. In addition, special credit is given to
the Metropolitan Museum of Art (The MET) for the ability to use public
domain images held in the MET collection in this book in an unrestricted
way for commercial and non-commercial uses as part of their open access
initiative, which provides researchers with the capability to further scholar-
ship in different fields of study.
Wai L. Lau
Manchester, England
March 2021
Notes for Reader
Name
Following traditional convention, Japanese and Chinese names are given with the
surname first and the forename second (e.g., Fukuzawa Yukichi). However, it is
not uncommon to see Japanese names written in the opposite way (e.g., Inazō
Nitobe). Therefore, the traditional Japanese format is used for Japanese names,
the Chinese format is used for Chinese names, and the English format is used for
English names.
Language
The Japanese language is quite simple to pronounce. There are five basic vowels
that form the language:
• A = as in father
• E = eh as in feather
• I = è as in tea
• O = as in boat
• U = as in boot
Macrons will be used to indicate long vowels (e.g., bushidō) and consonants will
remain the same as in English.
xi
Contents
1 Introduction 1
Part I The Theory of Civilising Processes 15
2 The Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’ 19
3 Psychogenetic Developments of the Civilising Process 29
4 Sociogenetic Developments of the Civilising Process 43
5 Criticisms and Counter-Criticisms of the Civilising Process 55
Part II On the Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’ in

Japan 67
6 Japanese Civilisation 71
7 The Dual Lenses of Japanese Civilisation 91
8 The
Japanese Antithesis Between ‘Civilisation’ and
‘Culture’111
xiii
xiv CONTENTS
Part III Towards the Change of Behaviours, Emotions, and

Habitus in Japan 129
9 Medieval Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony133
10 Early Modern Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony147
11 Modern Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony163
Part IV Scenes from Life in the Japanese Court Society 179
12 Scenes of Life in the Imperial Court Society in Kyoto185
13 Scenes of Life in the Warrior Court Society in Edo217
14 Scenes
of Life in the Chrysanthemum Court Society in
Tokyo247
Part V Towards the Process of Pre-Modern and Modern

State Formation in Japan 277
15 Imperial State Formation Processes of Japan283
16 Warrior State Formation Processes of Japan313
17 Modern State Formation Processes of Japan343
18 Conclusion371
Glossary381
References399
Index423
List of Figures
Fig. 1.1 Moon viewing at Takanawa on the night of the twenty-sixth

(Takanawa Nij ūrokuya no Zu). From the series ‘Famous
Places in Edo’ (Edo Meisho) by Utagawa Hiroshige
(1797–1858). Created between 1840 and 1842 during the
Edo Period (1603–1868). Source: The Metropolitan Museum
of Art, New York, Bequest of Joseph Pulitzer (1918), www.
metmuseum.org. Public Domain 3
Fig. 1.2 Illustration of the arrival of the Emperor at Shinbashi Station
following a victory (Gaisen Shinbashi Stēshon Gochaku no Zu)
by Kobayashi Kiyochika (1847–1915). Created in 1895
during the Meiji Period (1868–1912). Source: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of Lincoln
Kirstein (1959), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 5
Fig. 12.1 Chapter 1—Kiritsubo (The Paulownia Court). From the
‘Scenes from The Tale of Genji’ by Tosa Mitsuoki
(1617–1691). Created during the Edo period (1615–1868).
Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Mary
Griggs Burke Collection, Gift of Mary and Jackson Burke
Foundation (2015), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 192
Fig. 12.2 Chapter 7—Momiji no Ga (An Autumn Excursion). From the
‘Scenes from The Tale of Genji’ by Tosa Mitsuoki
(1617–1691). Created during the Edo Period (1615–1868).
Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Mary
Griggs Burke Collection, Gift of Mary and Jackson Burke
Foundation (2015), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 193
xv
xvi LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 12.3 Chapter 17—E-awase (A Picture Contest). From the ‘Scenes

from The Tale of Genji’ by Tosa Mitsuoki (1617–1691).
Created in the Edo Period (1615–1868). Source: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Mary Griggs Burke
Collection, Gift of Mary and Jackson Burke Foundation
(2015), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 194
Fig. 12.4 Chapter 29—Miyuki (The Royal Outing). From the ‘Scenes
Created during the Edo Period (1615–1868). Source: The
Fig. 12.5 Chapter 14—Miotsukushi (Channel Buoys). From the ‘Scenes
Created during the Edo Period (1615–1868). Source: The
Fig. 12.6 Chapter 40—Minori (The Rites). From the ‘Scenes from The
Tale of Genji’ by Tosa Mitsuoki (1617–1691). Created during
the Edo Period (1615–1868). Source: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, Mary Griggs Burke Collection,
Gift of Mary and Jackson Burke Foundation (2015), www.
metmuseum.org. Public Domain 197
Fig. 13.1 An audience with the Shogun. From the ‘Album of Men’ in
the series ‘The Outer Palace of Chiyoda Castle (Chiyoda no on
Omote)’ by Yōshū Chikanobu (1838–1912). Created in 1897
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of Mrs
W. Walton Butterworth (1979), www.metmuseum.org. Public
Domain224
Fig. 13.2 A fencing competition. From the ‘Album of Men’ in the series
‘The Outer Palace of Chiyoda Castle (Chiyoda no on Omote)’
by Yōshū Chikanobu (1838–1912). Created in 1897 during
the Meiji Period (1868–1912). Source: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, Gift of Mrs W. Walton
Butterworth (1979), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 225
Fig. 13.3 An archery contest. From the ‘Album of Men’ in the series
LIST OF FIGURES xvii
Fig. 13.4 A daimyo procession in Edo. From the ‘Album of Men’ in the
series ‘The Outer Palace of Chiyoda Castle (Chiyoda no on
Omote)’ by Yōshū Chikanobu (1838–1912). Created in 1897
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of Mrs
W. Walton Butterworth (1979), www.metmuseum.org. Public
Domain227
Fig. 13.5 A hunting excursion. From the ‘Album of Men’ in the series
Fig. 13.6 A kickball match. From the ‘Album of Men’ in the series ‘The
Outer Palace of Chiyoda Castle (Chiyoda no on Omote)’ by
Yōshū Chikanobu (1838–1912). Created in 1897 during the
Meiji Period (1868–1912). Source: The Metropolitan
Fig. 14.1 Illustration of the Imperial Assembly at the House of Peers
(Teikoku Gikai Kizokuin no Zu) by Yōshū Chikanobu
(1838–1912). Created in 1890 during the Meiji Period
(1868–1912). Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York, Gift of Lincoln Kirstein (1959), www.metmuseum.
org. Public Domain 253
Fig. 14.2 View of the horse track at Shinobazu in Ueno Park (Ueno
Shinobazu Keiba Zu) by Yōshū Chikanobu (1838–1912).
Created in 1885 during the Meiji period (1868–1912).
Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of
Lincoln Kirstein (1959), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 254
Fig. 14.3 A concert of European music (Ōshū Kangengaku Gassō no Zu)
the Meiji Period (1868–1912). Source: The Museum of Art,
Fig. 14.4 A Contest of elegant ladies among the Cherry blossoms
(Kaika Kifujin Kisoi) by Yōshū Chikanobu (1838–1912).
Created in 1887 during the Meiji Period (1868–1912).
Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of
Lincoln Kirstein (1959), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 256
xviii LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 14.5 Children playing in the snow under plum trees in bloom
(Secchū Baisō Gunji Yūgi Zu) by Yōshū Chikanobu
(1838–1912). Created in 1887 during the Meiji Period
(1868–1912). Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Fig. 14.6 Court ladies sewing Western clothing (Jokan Yōfuku Saihō no
Zu) by Yōshū Chikanobu (1838–1912). Created in 1887
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of Lincoln
Kirstein (1959), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain 258
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Japanese civilisation has long been regarded as an enigma. When the

country was opened to the West during the nineteenth century, Western
explorers and visitors were presented with a very perplexing view of its
society. Within just 40 years, the country had significantly transformed
from a feudal to a capitalist society through a rapid process of modernisa-
tion and industrialisation. This development delighted and surprised
Western explorers and visitors. They lauded Japan as the only non-Western
society to become fully modernised and industrialised. More importantly,
they proclaimed that the Japanese had created a country on par with the
West. Since this time, scholars have attempted to explain the distinctive-
ness of Japanese society. Two main approaches have emerged—one focus-
ing on structural features and the other on cultural aspects—but both have
been limited and at loggerheads: scholarship has reached an impasse. This
book develops a new way of approaching the puzzle of Japanese moderni-
sation and establishes new insights into Japanese history and society that
moves scholarship beyond this impasse.
To appreciate the significance of the change that occurred before and
after the process of modernisation during the nineteenth century in Japan,
it is helpful to turn to historical artworks and accounts. By examining tra-
ditional woodblock paintings, it provides a rough guide to key character-
istics of Japanese life. Coupled with historical written accounts, it presents
a detailed description of the changes that occurred. Both sources are
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2022
W. Lau, On the Process of Civilisation in Japan, Palgrave Studies on
Norbert Elias, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11424-3_1
2 W. LAU
relatively reliable because they were produced by renown Japanese artists

and Western writers during the nineteenth century who experienced and
witnessed first-hand changes in the shift from a pre-modern to modern
society in Japan. Although these sources portray the changes that trans-
pired, they can be somewhat exaggerated because artists and writers were
greatly captivated by the immense changes around them. Nonetheless,
these sources do present a vivid representation of society during the nine-
teenth century.
Before the process of modernisation (1800–1867), the country was
feudalistic. Under the rule of the warrior class, the country remained rela-
tively unchanged for 700 years. A woodblock painting of Japanese society
during the early nineteenth century portrays a traditional environment
(Fig. 1.1) and illustrates the conditions that were commonplace before
modernisation. In the background of this woodblock painting, large
wooden ships are moored in the water and silhouettes of fishermen can be
seen standing on the numerous smaller wooden ships near the shoreline.
In the middle ground, several small stalls with seating can be seen on the
left. Samurai warriors and commoners are walking in the street wearing
attire befitting their status, while workers are transporting people and
goods from one side to another. As for the foreground, there is a building
made of wood and bamboo, and outside this sit two women. A man with
a fan is observing the people below from the window on the right. The
scene presents a strictly organised society. When early Western missionar-
ies and traders came to the country, however, they perceived these condi-
tions as evidence of a very ‘uncivilised’ society because they did not fit into
their preconceived notions of ‘civility’. Many of them, in fact, perceived
the country as relatively ‘barbaric’ because the Japanese acted differently
from Westerners.
During the process of modernisation (1868–1889), the country was
steadily industrialised. Carried out with aid from the West, the country
underwent massive changes. As documented in her visit to Tokyo in 1878,
the renowned English female explorer, Isabella Bird (1831–1904),1
recalled the following:
1
From her journey into the ‘interior’ of Japan, Isabella Bird documented the stark contrast
between the ‘new’ and ‘old’ Japan. Specifically, she documented the architecture, fashion,
and customs of the Japanese in areas that few Western visitors ventured.
1
Fig. 1.1 Moon viewing at Takanawa on the night of the twenty-sixth (Takanawa Nijūrokuya no Zu). From the series
INTRODUCTION
‘Famous Places in Edo’ (Edo Meisho) by Utagawa Hiroshige (1797–1858). Created between 1840 and 1842 during the
Edo Period (1603–1868). Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Bequest of Joseph Pulitzer (1918), www.
3
metmuseum.org. Public Domain

4 W. LAU
The Yokohama station is a handsome and suitable stone building, with a

spacious approach, ticket offices on our plan, roomy waiting rooms for dif-
ferent classes—uncarpeted, however, in consideration of Japanese clogs—
and supplied with the daily papers. There is a department for the weighing
and labelling of luggage, and on the broad, covered, stone platform at both
termini, a barrier with turnstiles, through which, except by special favour,
no ticketless person can pass. Except the ticket-clerks, who are Chinese, and
the guards and engine-drivers, who are English, the officials are Japanese in
European dress. Outside the stations, instead of cabs, there are kurumas,
which carry luggage as well as people. Only luggage in the hand is allowed
to go free, the rest is weighed, numbered, and charged for, a corresponding
number being given to its owner to present at his destination. The fares are,
3d class, an ichibu, or about 1s. [one shilling]; 2d class, 60 sen, or about 2s.
4d. [two shillings and four pence]; and 1st class, a yen, or about 3s. 8d.
[three shillings and eight pence]. The tickets are collected as the passengers
pass through the barrier at the end of the journey. The English-built cars
differ from ours in having seats along the sides, and doors opening on plat-
forms at both ends. On the whole, the arrangements are Continental rather
than British. The first-class cars are expensively fitted up with deeply cush-
ioned, red morocco seats, but carry very few passengers, and the comfort-
able seats, covered with fine matting, of the 2d class are very scantily
occupied, but the 3d class vans are crowded with Japanese, who have taken
to railroads as readily as to kurumas. (Bird, 1880, pp. 26–27)
This account vividly portrays a society that was heavily modernised along
Western lines. When Western explorers and visitors arrived in the country,
such as that of English diplomat Ernest Satow (1843–1929) from 1862 to
1883 and English interpreter Algernon Mitford (1837–1916) from 1866
to 1870, they were astonished by the level of industrial development that
had occurred in the city of Tokyo. More importantly, they no longer felt
alienated because their Western preconceptions of ‘civilised’ society were
reflected in the Japanese. Although these developments appeared on the
surface, Westerners did perceive the Japanese as ‘civilised’.
After the process of modernisation (1890–1912), the country emerged
as a completely functioning modern society. Believing in their superiority
over neighbouring countries, the Japanese openly displayed their modern
prowess. A woodblock painting of Japanese society during the late nine-
teenth century portrays a modern environment (Fig. 1.2) and demon-
strates the surroundings that were familiar after modernisation. In the
background of this woodblock painting, a collection of Western buildings
1
Fig. 1.2 Illustration of the arrival of the Emperor at Shinbashi Station following a victory (Gaisen Shinbashi Stēshon
INTRODUCTION
Gochaku no Zu) by Kobayashi Kiyochika (1847–1915). Created in 1895 during the Meiji Period (1868–1912). Source:
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Gift of Lincoln Kirstein (1959), www.metmuseum.org. Public Domain
5
6 W. LAU
can be seen faintly in the distance, with a group of people standing or run-
ning around trying to catch a glimpse of the emperor. As for the middle
ground, the steam train and carriages are prominently stopped on train
tracks with the conductor’s face looking at the front and black smoke bil-
lowing out from the chimney. In the foreground, on the right, Emperor
Meiji (1852–1912) and a group of military generals wearing their military
uniforms are seen standing on the platform. On the left, wearing French
mantelet dresses of various pastel colours, the woman near the centre is
approaching the emperor while two women closely follow behind her,
with the woman wearing a green French mantelet dress holding a gift on
top of a piece of red cloth. Directly behind them, a group of military offi-
cers wearing their military uniforms are seen standing on the platform,
looking at the emperor. This woodblock painting conveys a society confi-
dent in its powers. When later Western travellers and observers arrived in
the country, after hearing stories about Japan’s remarkable transformation
to a modern society, they saw that it was becoming increasingly milita-
rised. Also, they noted a resemblance with other European countries (e.g.,
Britain, France, and Germany).
Japanese society became a source of fascination, admiration, and revul-
sion for Western explorers and visitors. Especially in the West, scholars
were interested in understanding the pattern of development in Japan that
led the population to develop a modernised state that was on a par with
the West. Western scholars were surprised and delighted to discover that
Japan was not a ‘primitive’ or ‘esoteric’ society, but they also found a soci-
ety well organised differently from the West. Western scholars assumed
that the country’s rapid embrace of change could only be explained by the
seemingly mysterious characteristics of the Japanese, effectively marking
Japan as a civilisation sui generis. Western scholars became intrigued by the
Japanese, which led to a quest to unravel and explain Japan’s unique civili-
sation and culture.
The initial wave of Western studies focused on a range of ‘exotic’ fea-
tures presented by the Japanese. Many of these ‘exotic’ features were gen-
eralised to all areas of Japanese society. An example of these ‘exotic’
features included the Japanese approach to loyalty and commitment, their
group life, their cultural and religious values, and their sense of nation-
hood, harmony, and consensus (see, for example, Bird, 1880; Hearn,
1894; Mitford, 1876; Satow, 1921; Silver, 1867; von Siebold, 1841).
Western scholars explicitly and implicitly compared these ‘exotic’ features
to characteristics found in the West. In doing this, they attempted to tease
1 INTRODUCTION 7
out the similarities and differences between Japan and the West and under-
stand the distinct characteristics that turned Japan into a modernised soci-
ety that was on a par with the West and greater than that of its neighbouring
states. The quest to understand the patterns of development in Japan sub-
sequently led to two main approaches: the structuralist approach and the
culturalist approach.
The structuralist approach focuses on the wider aspects of Japanese
society. Sociologists and historians, in particular, research many structural
aspects, including clanship ties, household estate organisations, the role of
the emperor, state formation processes, cultural values, religious values,
moral and ethical codes, laws and policies, and so forth (see, for example,
Anderson, 1996; Bendix, 1967, 1978; Duus, 1969; Moore, 1966;
Norman, 1940; Reischauer, 1956, 1970, 1977; Smith, 1959). Using this
particular approach, Western scholars explain various organisations and
institutions that accounted for the different patterns of change that
occurred in Japanese society. Furthermore, these scholars argue that
Japan’s social, political, cultural, and economic changes were linked to
macro-developments. Therefore, structuralist scholars argue that Japan’s
development can be explained using a historical perspective.
The culturalist approach, popular among anthropologists and archae-
ologists, focuses on specific aspects of Japanese society. For example,
Western scholars who work within this approach examine important art-
works or writings, the influences of certain individual intellectuals or
thinkers, aspects of moral and ethical codes, the role of certain cultural
norms, and so forth (see, for example, Bellah, 1985; Benedict, 1946;
Benesch, 2014; Cross, 2009; Paramore, 2016a, 2016b; Starrs, 2011).
Using this specific approach, Western scholars explain the different pat-
terns of cultural behaviour and personality traits that characterised the
change that affected Japanese society. Stressing the importance of various
subtle changes that affect individual persons, culturalist scholars attribute
the development of Japanese society to changes in personality.
Both structuralist and culturalist approaches seek to generalise a range
of structures on the Japanese. This generalisation, however, presented a
significant dilemma. With a lack of unity, each approach pursued a differ-
ent line of thought, which led to the emergence of conflicts and tensions.
Recent research has attempted to reconcile these tensions and bridge the
various approaches by combining macro- and micro-structures and argu-
ing that there are no single causes but different dimensions in Japanese
society (see, for example, Arnason, 1997; Eisenstadt, 1996; Ikegami,
8 W. LAU
1995; van Wolferen, 1989). These revisionist accounts, however, remain

inadequate because their explanations still favour either a structuralist or
culturalist approach. In addition, there is no general model to fully explain
the development of Japan and the Japanese themselves, which added to
the complexities. To resolve this dilemma surrounding Japanese society, a
meticulous processual and relational model that considers the connections
between macro- and micro-patterns of progress is needed to understand
the development of the Japanese.
This book proposes a novel methodology to the resolution of tensions
between structuralist and culturalist approaches, and the macro and micro;
specifically, the value of employing the theory of civilising processes devel-
oped by Norbert Elias.2 The basic feature of Elias’s theory is that there is
a link between the structural developments of societies and changes in
people’s social behaviours and emotions. This connection was made by
looking at the everyday behaviours and emotions of people associated
with various codes of conduct to the formation of states associated with
the attainment of effective monopolies of violence and taxation. As a
model concentrated on long-term processes, which are unplanned and
unintended, Elias has shown how the various strands of development are
interconnected in society (see, further, Elias, 2012). Rather than looking
at the pattern of development in a unilinear way, a pattern characteristic in
other models, Elias considers the constant fluctuations between various
psychological and structural shifts and counter-shifts in a multi-linear way.
As a result, Elias arguably presents a suitable model for understanding the
various connections between the development of human behaviours and
societal changes over time.
The aim of this book is to understand the patterns of development
found in Japanese society to establish how structural and psychological
changes led the Japanese to see themselves as ‘more civilised’ than their
forebears and neighbouring countries during the nineteenth century that
contributed to the breakdown of their civilisation during the twentieth
2
Although the theory of civilising processes underpins Elias’s work, decivilising processes
and civilising offensives also contribute towards figurational sociology. Although it is beyond
this book to examine them in detail, decivilising processes happen when the civilising process
goes into reverse (see Elias, 2013; Fletcher, 1995, 1997; Mennell, 1989, 1990, 1996, 2001,
2015; Mennell & Goudsblom, 1998; van Benthem van den Bergh, 2003; van Krieken, 1998;
Zwaan, 2003), and civilising offensives are processes that are planned, intended, and organ-
ised (see de Regt, 2015; Flint et al., 2015; Kruithof, 2015; Mennell, 2015; Mitzman, 1987;
Powell, 2013; van Ginkel, 2015).
1 INTRODUCTION 9
century. Using the theory of civilising processes as the foundations of this

study, the long-term developments are traced from the early seventh cen-
tury to the mid-twentieth century in Japan by looking at the underlying
processes like those traced in European societies by Elias. Although Elias’s
theory outlined in On the Process of Civilisation (2012) is the single most
important reference point for this study, other parts of his writings are
also drawn upon. Moreover, to address some of the inadequacies the the-
ory presents when examining Japanese society, writings from other schol-
ars are drawn on that are built on a partial scholarly consensus on the
historical experience of the Japanese.
The structure of this book is composed of five parts that broadly fol-
lowing that of On the Process of Civilisation (2012). Within them, these
different parts deal with particular themes found in the civilising process
conceptualised by Elias. At first glance, these various parts may seem
divorced because they contend with different themes that may seem
unconnected because they focus on either structuralist or culturalist ele-
ments. These five parts, however, interconnect with each other in a four-
dimensional way by engaging with a series of complex longitudinal and
latitudinal movements as well as macro- and micro-features to present the
civilising process in Japan.
Part One of this book outlines the theory of civilising processes by
examining various psychogenetic and sociogenetic features that will pre-
pare the foundations for an extended investigation of how far it can help
account for the development of Japanese society. Because Elias’s theory
was developed by studying European societies, some scholars have criti-
cised the theory. Most importantly, these scholars argue that there are
problems in the application of the theory to a non-European context
because of its Eurocentric characteristics. As part of the outline, the vari-
ous criticisms and counter-criticisms levelled against the theory are pre-
sented and assessed. In this way, the challenges that arise in the application
of the theory in a Japanese context are identified.
Part Two of this book examines the complex development of Japanese
‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’. Since the mid-twentieth century, Western
scholarship has perceived Japan as a ‘satellite’ civilisation to China. This
perception is incorrect because the Japanese have developed a ‘unique’
civilisation and culture different from the Chinese. Throughout their his-
tory, the Japanese experienced encounters with two different civilisations
that contributed to the formation of their civilisational and cultural trajec-
tories. These encounters led to an important development because they
10 W. LAU
created an antithesis between the notions of ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ that

altered how the Japanese perceived themselves and others between the late
nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries.
Part Three of this book traces the long-term development of Japanese
manners and etiquette. Until the early twentieth century, Western explor-
ers and visitors were perplexed by the everyday behaviours and emotions
of the Japanese. Even though the manners of the Japanese are documented
in observations made by Westerners, there is a problem. Without concrete
manners books written by the Japanese, tracing the development of man-
ners and etiquette and determining their effects on the population poses a
significant challenge. To compensate for this disadvantage, a part of
Japanese culture that is underdeveloped is suggested and examined. By
looking at the development of particular cultural forms, it presents an
alternative way to study the change of behaviours and emotions to under-
stand the formation of the Japanese habitus on a psychological level.
Part Four of this book examines the everyday lives of the civil aristoc-
racy, military aristocracy, and hereditary aristocracy in the court society to
establish how these groups were instrumental in creating and disseminat-
ing changes found in Parts Three and Five. Before 1868, the court society
was separated into two competing centres of power that influenced the
development of a ‘pre-modern’ Japanese habitus. After 1868, both court
societies were combined into one that influenced the development of a
‘modern’ Japanese habitus. This part discusses how various court societies
played a crucial role in the courtisation or aristocratisation of their mem-
bers and how specific behavioural and emotional changes occurred with
the formation of a particular code of conduct created by the civil, military,
and hereditary aristocracy that eventually diffused into other parts of
society.
Part Five of this book charts the state formation processes of Japan to
discuss how the Japanese state experienced cycles of integration and disin-
tegration that affected the development of the Japanese habitus on a struc-
tural level. Between the early seventh century and mid-twentieth century,
the state continuously fluctuated between centrifugal and centripetal
forces in control over the monopolies of violence and taxation. Unlike
other state formation processes found in European or East Asian coun-
tries, the Japanese experienced a different state formation process because
two states co-existed simultaneously: the imperial state and the warrior
state. Though these two states were eventually merged into one during
the late nineteenth century, their formation processes shaped the direction
1 INTRODUCTION 11
of the state and population. To successfully tease out the complexities

associated with the state formation processes in Japan, a different approach
to examine the Japanese state is introduced to look at how the impe-
rial state, warrior state, and modern state developed various mechanisms
to form monopolies over the means of violence and taxation.
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PART I
The Theory of Civilising Processes
For Norbert Elias, the theory of civilising processes underpins the entire
corpus of figurational sociology. To present the basic underlying argument
of the theory, he found a link between the structural development of soci-
eties and changes in people’s social behaviours, emotions, and habitus in
the long term. By using concrete and vivid historical data, in particular, he
traces the development of European societies in England, France, and
Germany from the thirteenth century to the nineteenth century.
As a brief summary of the theory, the first feature emphasises on the
psychogenetic changes by examining the change in habitus with reference
to various ‘manners books’ from the thirteenth to the eighteenth centu-
ries, and the second feature concentrates on the sociogenetic changes by
examining the wider societal changes of power with reference to the state
formation process that has occurred since the Middle Ages. Without pay-
ing reference to the elements presented in each volume in unison, confu-
sions arise in understanding the changes in behaviours, power, and habitus
from a long-term perspective, which renders the theory one-dimensional.
When viewed together, however, the theory becomes clearer, and a pow-
erful theoretical tool to understand the development of modern societies
emerges that concentrates on multiple complex layers.
As the theory presents a framework for understanding the development
of modern societies, it has attracted supporters and critics. Both groups
debated the applicability of the theory. Supporters of Elias argue the
civilising process can apply to various societies because it has established a
framework capable of examining the development of other complex
16 The Theory of Civilising Processes
societies. In contrast, critics of Elias argue that the civilising process can-
not apply to different societies because it is unilinear, progressive, and
Eurocentric. Each argument presented by supporters and critics differs in
size and scope, but the general consensus is for the pressing need to exten-
sively apply, test, and develop the theory in various contexts.
Based on this need for extensive development, the most direct way to
apply, test, and develop the theory is by tracing the civilising process of
non-European societies. Because the theory’s focus is on European devel-
opments, it will be useful to examine how far it operates outside its native
zone. Even though studies have been made in that direction, such as in
America, the study here contributes to that direction to trace the civilising
process in a Japanese context. By examining the development of Japanese
society from the early seventh century to the mid-twentieth century, the
intention is to establish how the Japanese came to see themselves as ‘more
civilised’ than their forebears and neighbouring countries, leading them
towards the breakdown of their civilisation. Even though Eiko Ikegami
has previously examined the Japanese context in The Taming of the
Samurai (1995) with loose references made to Elias’s theory, a compre-
hensive investigation into the development of Japanese society can help
expand the theory. Through this study, a framework for understanding the
complexities surrounding Japanese society and studying other complex
non-European societies (e.g., China and Korea) is developed.
This part of the book introduces the theory of civilising processes.
Although Elias has further developed and refined key ideas in other works,
this part concentrates on the relevant elements found in On the Process of
Civilisation (2012). By using this approach, the intention is to sketch the
main concepts of Elias to prepare the foundations for the prolonged inves-
tigation of how far it can help to account for the character and develop-
ment of Japanese society. Within Part One, Chaps. 2, 3, 4, and 5 outline
the central concepts that form the theory of civilising processes and the
theoretical foundations of this study.
Chapter 2 outlines the concept of ‘civilisation’ because this occupies a
central position in Elias’s theory. After tracing the conceptual develop-
ment from the thirteenth century to the eighteenth century, he found that
what people regard as ‘civilisation’ is found in a particular habitus. In par-
ticular, he examined how various European societies associated with the
concept differed from each other. Eventually, he found that the English
and French association with ‘civilisation’ greatly differs from their German
counterparts. By examining the concept of ‘civilisation’, it traces the
The Theory of Civilising Processes 17
development of ‘civilisation’ as a concept that will aid examination from a

Japanese context.
Chapter 3 sketches out the psychogenetic elements found in the theory.
Elias understood that ‘civilisation’ is founded on a specific transformation
of human behaviours. Using a range of empirical data, he traces the
changes in human conduct and mentality. In particular, the aspect of
human conduct and mentality he centres on is the basic human functions
because human beings cannot avoid performing regardless of the societ-
ies, cultures, or epochs people lived in. By examining these psychogenetic
elements, it is possible to present how an empirical method to trace the
development of actions, behaviours, and emotions is formed, which will
help identify the development of Japanese behaviours, emotions, and hab-
itus in society.
Chapter 4 outlines the sociogenetic elements found in the theory. Elias
found that the change in actions, behaviours, and emotions of the indi-
vidual is linked to the wider changes found in society. To trace these wider
changes, he examined the state formation processes of European societies.
In particular, he examined how centripetal and centrifugal forces domi-
nated different periods of state formation in Europe that gave rise to vari-
ous apparatuses of control over the population. By examining these
sociogenetic elements, it can present how wider changes interweaved with
other aspects of society that influenced the development of conducts,
behaviours, and emotions in individuals, which helps one understand chal-
lenges in the state formation process in Japan.
Chapter 5 discusses the criticisms and counter-criticisms of the theory.
Since the theory’s inception, it has attracted many supporters and critics.
Even though these criticisms and counter-criticisms vary in scope and size,
figurational and non-figurational scholars have debated them, and they
can range from moderate to extreme. By examining these criticisms and
counter-riticisms, it presents the strengths and limitations of the theory.
Also, this helps examine civilising processes in Japan because they present
valuable insight into the various problems surrounding the theory that can
be addressed or dismissed.
CHAPTER 2
The Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’
For the first part of the theory, the civilising process concentrates on the
concept of ‘civilisation’ in the West. Originally derived from the thirteenth-
century term courtesy and the sixteenth-century term civility, the
eighteenth-century term civilisation contained a wide range of evaluative
connotations. By the nineteenth century, the term was specifically used by
people in a self-approbating way to express the sense of ‘superiority’ in the
West, which led to people forgetting the process of civilisation. Instead,
taking ‘civilisation’ for granted and viewed as complete, people in the West
became confident of their own ‘superiority’ and sought to ‘civilise’ others
within and outside their society. By focusing on this development, Elias
discusses how ‘civilisation’ became loaded with a wide range of evaluative
connotations expressing the sense of ‘superiority’ in the West. Through
this discussion, he attempts to reconstruct the process of how the stan-
dards of courtesy, civility, and civilisation changed over the centuries.
Overall, the goal was not to build a general theory of civilisation but to
understand the various processes in question that led to the particular
transformation of human behaviours.
This chapter outlines the concept of ‘civilisation’ found in the theory of
civilising processes. According to Elias, this concept occupies a central
position because understanding the development of modern societies is
linked to ‘civilisation’. What people experience as ‘civilisation’ in the West
differs in various ways, which has an impact on the behaviours, emotions,

Switzerland AG 2022
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and conducts of individuals. Furthermore, by examining this concept, it

will help understand how the concept of ‘civilisation’ is formulated in
Japan that influenced the behaviours, emotions, and habitus1 of the
Japanese, which will be examined later in this book.
For this chapter, it begins with an introduction to the meaning of ‘civil-
isation’ because the concept presents a wide range of value-laden connota-
tions. After this, it examines how different European societies came to
associate with this concept by paying attention to the similar and different
uses in France and Germany. Finally, it discusses how the concept of ‘civili-
sation’ became a central problem for Elias, which he sought to understand
from a psychogenetic and sociogenetic perspective.
2.1 The Meaning of ‘Civilisation’

The concept of ‘civilisation’ contains a complex meaning in the West.
When examining the concept, the word is associated with heavily value-
laden connotations. To present a basic sense of the word, scholars found
that ‘civilisation’ can represent: an ideological weapon employed by gen-
erations of historians in the service of Western expansionism, or as a term
that refers to the level of social, political, and economic development
accomplished by a particular society in the past and present (Arnason,
1988; Bauman, 1985; Bowden, 2004; Fletcher, 1997). Through these
explanations, ‘civilisation’ is seen as a self-approbating word that repre-
sents the accomplishments of the West. In fact, because of these accom-
plishments, the word came to characterise a wide range of evaluative
connotations.
As a vague concept, the word ‘civilisation’ possesses a variety of expres-
sions for Elias. Some of them can be basic or complex expressions of the
word. To give an example of these expressions, Elias (2012, p. 15) explains
that they are:
a wide variety of facts: to the level of technology, the type of manners, to the
development of scientific knowledge, to religious ideas and customs. It can
refer to the type of dwelling or the manner in which men and women live
together, to the form of judicial punishment, or to the way in which food
is prepared.
1
The term ‘habitus’ has been used extensively in the past. However, the term was popula-
rised in the works of Pierre Bourdieu (see Bourdieu, 1977, 1984).
2 THE CONCEPTS OF ‘CIVILISATION’ AND ‘CULTURE’ 21
This means the word can describe everyday life experiences from prepar-
ing meals to writing a book. Within an absolute term, the perceptions of
what constitutes ‘civilised’ and ‘uncivilised’ are blurred because there is
nothing to suggest which aspect is considered more or less ‘civilised’ or
more or less ‘uncivilised’. Rather than understanding ‘civilisation’ in an
absolute way, it is useful to consider the specific function of ‘civilisation’,
which is what the word specifically serves in different countries.
By focusing on the function of ‘civilisation’, the word came to express
the self-consciousness of the West. In particular, it represents the interests
of dominant groups bound by power differentiations and inter-group per-
ceptions. As explained by Elias (2012, p. 15), the concept:
[S]ums up everything in which Western society of the last two or three cen-
turies believes itself superior to earlier societies or ‘more primitive’ contem-
porary ones. By this term Western society seeks to describe what constitutes
its special character and what it is proud of: the level of its technology, the
nature of its manners, the development of its scientific knowledge or the
view of the world, and much more.
As this suggests, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ is shaped as the self-image of

the West. In other words, ‘civilisation’ became an evaluative tool for dif-
ferent countries in the West to express their own achievements against
those of others. To illustrate ‘civilisation’ in the West, Elias examined the
various meanings from a European context.
2.2 Uses of ‘Civilisation’ in the West

The meaning of ‘civilisation’ differs between countries in the West. Within
Europe, in particular, the meaning varies between the French, English,
and Germans. According to Elias (2012, p. 16):
The French and English concept of civilisation can refer to political or eco-
nomic, religious or technical, moral or [other] social facts. The German
concept of Kultur refers essentially to intellectual, artistic and religious facts,
and has a tendency to draw a sharp dividing line between facts of this sort,
on the one side, and political, economic and social facts [more generally], on
the other.
From a French and English view, the word is seen as a high-valued concept
representing their distinct achievements. In contrast, from a German
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viewpoint, the word is seen as a low-valued concept. Between them, they

share the same origins, but the differences lie in the interpretation and
association of the word. The following will not examine the complexities
surrounding the English, French, and German association of ‘civilisation’
and ‘culture’ in detail because it has been discussed by Elias himself and
other scholars (see, for example, Dunning & Hughes, 2013; Fletcher,
1997; Mennell, 1989; van Krieken, 1998). Instead, a brief discussion of
the similarities and differences is presented, so that it can help understand
the development found in Japanese society later in this book.
2.2.1 The French Concept of ‘Civilisation’

Within a French context, the concept of ‘civilisation’ is seen as a universal-
istic term. As stated by Elias (2012, p. 17):
[T]he concept of civilisation plays down the national differences between

peoples; it emphasises what is common to all human beings or—in the view
of its bearers—should be. It expresses the self-assurance of peoples whose
national boundaries and national identity have for centuries been so fully
established that they have ceased to be the subject of any particular discus-
sion, peoples which have long expanded outside their borders and colonised
beyond them.
Being a universalistic term, the concept represents commonality rather

than differences. In fact, the French intelligentsia developed this associa-
tion during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
As part of French development during the eighteenth century, a group
of physiocrats and other reformers developed ‘civilisation’ in France.
Under their development, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ served their
reformist goals. Originally derived from the term civilité (civility), which
represents the polished manners and courtly behaviours of courtiers, the
physiocrats took that association by introducing ideas of progress and
improvements with emphasis placed on the advancement of a rational and
planned administration necessary to cope with the demands of the nation
(Dunning & Hughes, 2013; Elias, 2012; Fletcher, 1997; Mennell, 1989;
van Krieken, 1998). Centred on their reformist goals, the meaning of
‘civilisation’ represents the achievements of a specific group of people and
represents the route towards being ‘civilised’ in France.
By the nineteenth century, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ shifted in

French society. Rather than representing the interests of specific groups,
the concept represented a way to enable people in society to distinguish
themselves from ‘barbarism’ and progress towards a specific goal. This is
explained by Elias (2012, p. 55):
[I]n the hands of the rising middle class, in the mouth of the reform move-
ment, the idea of what was needed to make a society civilised was extended.
The civilising of state, the constitution and education, and therefore the
liberation of broader sections of the population from all that was still bar-
baric or irrational … this civilising must follow the refinement of manners
and the internal pacification of the country by the kings.
Through this development, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ represents the

connotations associated with ‘civilisation’ and became a concept that
marks the progress and character of the nation as a whole.2 Even though
the concept of ‘civilisation’ took a positive meaning for the French, the
Germans do not share the same association with the term ‘civilisation’ but
with the term ‘culture’.
2.2.2 The German Concept of ‘Kultur’

Within a German context, the concept of ‘culture’ is a particularistic
term. As specified by Elias (2012, p. 17):
[T]he German concept of Kultur places a special stress on national differ-

ences and the particular identity of groups … by Western standards, arrived
at political unification and consolidation only very late, and from whose
boundaries, for centuries and even down to the present, territories have
again and again crumbled away or threatened to crumble away.
Being a particularistic term, the word ‘culture’ came to represent differ-

ences rather than commonality in the country. In fact, the reason why the
Germans associate themselves with ‘culture’, which is a high-valued term,
and not ‘civilisation’, which is a low-valued term, is linked to their
2
From an English viewpoint, the concept of ‘civilisation’ is more or less the same as the
French, but the English understanding of the meaning is relatively clear because the political,
economic, religious, technical, or other social factors are clearly expressed.
24 W. LAU
development as a nation between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

which created an antithesis between ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’.3
As part of German development during the eighteenth century, the
concept of ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ expresses various aspects of everyday
life. Both concepts came to represent the interests of two competing
groups that resulted in creating an antithesis. The concept of ‘civilisation’,
which came from France, represents the courtly manners and behaviours
of the German courtiers, and the concept of ‘culture’, which is a native
product, represents the inner pride and literary achievements of the
German bourgeoisie and intelligentsia (Dunning & Hughes, 2013; Elias,
2012; Fletcher, 1997; Mennell, 1989). Within a greatly divided country,
the words ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ came to represent the identities of
various groups that sought to distinguish from those above and below
them.4 Moreover, as contrasting concepts, ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ came
to mould the behaviours and emotions of their users.
By the nineteenth century, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’
shifted in German society. With the rise of the German bourgeoisie and
intelligentsia, the concept of ‘culture’ became a high-valued term that
expressed the consciousness of the nation, and the concept of ‘civilisation’
became a low-valued term that expressed superficial appearances.
According to Elias (2012, p. 40):
With the slow rise of the German bourgeoisie from being a second-rank
class to being the bearer of German national consciousness, and finally—
very late and conditionally—to being the ruling class, from having been a
class which was first obliged to perceive or legitimise itself primarily by con-
trasting itself with the courtly-aristocratic upper class, and then by defining
itself against competing nations, the antithesis between Kultur and
Zivilisation, with all its accompanying meanings, changed in significance
and function: from being a primarily social antithesis it becomes a primarily
national one.
3
A similar antithesis between ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ found in Germany can be found in
Japan during the nineteenth century (see Chap. 8).
4
During the eighteenth century, Germany was not a unified state and was separated into
distinct principalities such as Prussia, Hanover, Bavaria, and so on. Within these various
kingdoms, the German courtiers spoke the French language, and the German bourgeoisie
and intelligentsia spoke their native German language. To demarcate themselves, the former
group was modelled after the French and viewed the latter group as vulgar. Effectively, the
German courtiers denied the German bourgeoisie and intelligentsia access into their courtly
circles, which was not the case for their French and English counterparts.
Through this development, the concept of ‘culture’ became the term that
represented the self-consciousness of a nation that lacked a secure national
boundary, a secure national identity, and the inability to pursue colonial
expansion. Unlike their French and English counterparts who associate
with ‘civilisation’ positively, the Germans associate with the concept nega-
tively because ‘culture’ represents their differences with other nations as
a whole.5
Based on the preceding distinct associations with the concept of ‘civili-
sation’ in Europe, Elias has suggested that the meaning of the word took
forms that represented the self-consciousness of a nation. On the one
hand, from a French and English association, the concept of ‘civilisation’
became a universalistic term that expresses the common characteristics
shared by others. On the other hand, from a German association, the con-
cept of ‘culture’ became a particularistic term that expresses the various
characteristics found in the country. Both concepts represent the distinct
characteristics found in their own countries. Although this may seem to be
the case, the concepts of ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ came to represent the
national character of the West and functioned as terms to distinguish
Western countries as ‘superior’ to other ‘inferior’ countries. When exam-
ining the concept of ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ in Japan later in this book,
the Japanese association presents similarities and dissimilarities with the
French, English, and German uses of the concepts. Subsequently, the
unique associations with ‘civilisation’ became a central problem for Elias,
which he seeks to understand.
2.3 The Central Problem of ‘Civilisation’

For Elias, the central problem is to explain how people came to see them-
selves as ‘civilised’ in the West. During the nineteenth century, the con-
cept of ‘civilisation’ is seen as a complete process for Europeans. As Elias
(2012, p. 57) states:
Unlike the situation when the concept was formed, from now on nations
came to consider the process of civilisation as completed within their own
societies; they came to see themselves as bearers of an existing or finished
civilisation to others, as standard-bearers of expanding civilisation. Of the
5
On occasions, Elias has acknowledged that the German meaning of ‘culture’ came close
to the meaning of ‘civilisation’ for the French and English.
26 W. LAU
whole process of civilisation nothing remained in their consciousness except

a vague residue.
In various parts of Europe, Europeans viewed their own societies as the

peak of human development. With these beliefs deeply rooted in their
personality structures, people saw themselves as standard-bearers of
‘civilisation’.
By serving as standard-bearers, ‘civilisation’ came to represent a badge
of superiority in Europe. With their consciousness, Europeans commenced
their pursuit to ‘civilise’ others ‘inferior’ to them. To give further insight,
Elias (2012, p. 57) explains:
[T]he consciousness of their superiority, the consciousness of this ‘civilisa-

tion’, from now on served at least those nations which became colonial
conquerors, and therefore a kind of upper class to large sections of the non-
European world, as a justification of their rule, to the same degree that
earlier the ancestors of the concept of civilisation, politesse and civilité, had
served the courtly-aristocratic upper class as a justification of theirs.
What Europeans considered as ‘civilised’ and ‘uncivilised’ modes of behav-

iour and emotion were diffused into other parts of the world. As the ear-
lier associations with ‘civilisation’ were mainly forgotten, the word was
used to justify their presence in countries they colonised.
As a result, how Europeans came to see themselves as ‘civilised’ during
the nineteenth century is found in a particular habitus. For Elias, the term
‘habitus’ is seen as ‘second nature’ as it refers to our levels of personality
makeup which are not innate or inherent, rather they are learnt experi-
ences from birth onward that feel almost natural (Dunning & Hughes,
2013; Fletcher, 1997; Mennell, 1989; Mennell & Goudsblom, 1998;
Paulle et al., 2012; van Krieken, 1998). To trace this development experi-
enced by Europeans, Elias examined the psychogenetic changes, which are
behavioural and emotional changes found in the individual, and socioge-
netic changes, which are broader changes found in society, to establish the
civilising process in Europe. More importantly, the components found in
these two complementary parts became the basis for the theory of civilis-
ing processes, but also where the necessary components for tracing the
civilising process of Japan can be found.
2.4 Conclusion
For Elias, the concept of ‘civilisation’ is complex to understand in the
West. As a technical term, ‘civilisation’ can mean anything from preparing
meals to producing weapons. Rather than understanding the word in a
technical sense, it would be useful to understand the word in a functional
sense. What the function of ‘civilisation’ represents is the consciousness of
the West that varies within various European countries. On the one hand,
for the French and English, the concept of ‘civilisation’ is a positive term
that represents an opposition towards ‘barbarism’. On the other hand, for
the Germans, there was an antithesis where ‘civilisation’ is seen as a low-
valued term that represents superficial outward appearances, but the con-
cept of ‘culture’ is seen as a high-valued term that represents the inner
pride and achievements of their society. Although different European
countries have diverse associations with ‘civilisation’, the term came to
represent the self-consciousness of the West used to justify their colonial
expansionist tendencies. In fact, how Europeans regard themselves as
‘civilised’ and embark on the quest to ‘civilise’ others is found in a particu-
lar habitus. To examine the development of European societies, Elias stud-
ied the psychogenetic changes and sociogenetic changes that occurred
over centuries in Europe. Subsequently, the next chapter outlines the psy-
chogenetic changes found in the theory of civilising processes.
References
Arnason, J. P. (1988). Social Theory and the Concept of Civilization. Thesis Eleven,
20(1), 87–105.
Bauman, Z. (1985). The Origins of Civilisation: A Historical Note. Theory,
Culture & Society, 2(3), 7–14.
Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a Theory of Practice (R. Nice, Trans.). Cambridge
University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste
(R. Nice, Trans.). Harvard University Press.
Bowden, B. (2004). The Ideal of Civilisation: Its Origins and Socio-Political
Character. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy,
7(1), 25–50.
Dunning, E., & Hughes, J. (2013). Norbert Elias and Modern Sociology: Knowledge,
Interdependence, Power, Process. Bloomsbury.
28 W. LAU
Elias, N. (2012). On the Process of Civilisation: Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic

Investigations (S. Mennell, E. Dunning, R. Kilminster, Eds., & E. Jephcott,
Trans.). University College Dublin Press.
Fletcher, J. (1997). Violence and Civilisation: An Introduction to the Works of
Norbert Elias. Polity Press.
Mennell, S. (1989). Norbert Elias: Civilisation and the Human Self-Image. Basil
Blackwell.
Mennell, S., & Goudsblom, J. (1998). Norbert Elias on Civilization, Power, and
Knowledge: Selected Writings. University of Chicago Press.
Paulle, B., van Heerikhuizen, B., & Emirbayer, M. (2012). Elias and Bourdieu.
Journal of Classical Sociology, 12(1), 69–93.
van Krieken, R. (1998). Norbert Elias. Routledge.
CHAPTER 3
Psychogenetic Developments
of the Civilising Process
For the second part of the theory, the civilising process concentrates on
the psychogenetic changes found in the West. According to Elias, what
people see as ‘civilisation’ is founded on a particular transformation of
behaviours. To examine these long-term transformations, he studied the
change of mentality of the secular upper classes from the Middle Ages
onwards.1 Referring to many historical sources from the thirteenth cen-
tury to the nineteenth century, he found that certain behaviours,
emotions, and conducts went in a specific direction. With this gradual
change in social dynamics, the individual experiences an increase in social
constraints (fremdzwäng) towards self-constraints (selbstzwäng).
Effectively, certain behaviours, emotions, and conducts that were permis-
sible are now seen as impermissible for the individual, which shifted the
complex relationship between various social groups in the West.
Subsequently, the psychogenetic aspects form the micro-sociological basis
of the theory.
1
The Middle Ages was chosen as the starting point by Elias because it did not mark any
particular origin. In fact, Elias constantly stressed ‘beginningless processes’ by emphasising
there is ‘no zero-point’, which means any point is a starting point, as further highlighted in
Chap. 5 (see, for a further discussion, Dunning & Hughes, 2013; Elias, 2012; Mennell,
1989; van Krieken, 1998).

Switzerland AG 2022
30 W. LAU
This chapter examines the psychogenetic changes presented in the the-

ory of civilising processes. Through the discussion of the particularistic
processes outlined by Elias, it presents insight into the various compo-
nents that define the European civilising process from a micro-perspective.
Moreover, this examination will help conceptualise how using relatively
similar historical evidence can trace the specific changes in Japanese behav-
iours, emotions, conducts, and habitus that forms the psychological devel-
opments of civilising processes in Japan, which are examined later in
this book.
For this chapter, it begins with an introduction to the study of manners
presented by Elias and discuss how the use of European manners books as
concrete evidence can help explain the changes in behaviours, emotions,
and conducts of the secular upper classes in society. After this, it presents
select examples of changing behaviours from the European manners books
by concentrating on human bodily functions ranging from eating and
drinking to defecating and sleeping. Following this, it discusses how the
change in behaviours is associated with a sequential order of development
that involves shifting behavioural and emotional patterns from the thir-
teenth century to the nineteenth century. Finally, it explains how these
changes in behaviours and emotions further affected various aspects of
human development and interaction in society.
3.1 The Study of Manners

The study of manners is crucial for understanding the changes in behav-
iours and emotions. Within Europe, how people saw themselves as
‘civilised’ and ‘uncivilised’ was developed as part of a three-stage process
that began with ‘courtesy’, moved on to ‘civility’, and ended with
‘civilisation’.2 As Elias (2012, pp. 66–67) suggests:
[I]n following back the concept of civilisation to its ancestor civilité, one
finds oneself suddenly on the track of the civilising process itself, of the
actual changes in behaviour that took place in the West. … The greater or
lesser discomfort we feel towards people who discuss or mention their bodily
functions more openly, who conceal and restrain these functions less than
we do, is one of the dominant feelings expressed in the judgement ‘barbaric’
2
Elias did not deal with the concepts in the order in which they emerged. Instead, he
started with the middle concept of civility. Furthermore, with each successive stage, the
terms were not disused but were reused into the present day.
3 PSYCHOGENETIC DEVELOPMENTS OF THE CIVILISING PROCESS 31
or ‘uncivilised’. Such, then, is the nature of ‘barbarism and its discontents’

or, in more precise and less evaluative terms, the discomfort with the
different structure of affects, the different standard of repugnance which is
still to be found today in many societies which we term ‘uncivilised’, the
standard of repugnance which preceded our own and is its precondition.
Through this statement, the question of how Western societies moved

from one standard to another, why they moved to those standards, and
how they became more ‘civilised’ is raised. To seek answers, Elias examines
concrete historical evidence of changes found in the West.
As part of his examination, Elias drew from many sources from the
thirteenth to the nineteenth centuries about the secular upper classes
found in Europe. These sources include literature, paintings, drawings,
and documents illustrating how people were said to have behaved, but the
principal sources came from European ‘manners books’.3 For instance,
Elias drew on several ‘manners books’ written by prominent people from
England, France, Germany, and Italy such as the Hofzucht (Courtly
Manners, 1200) by Tannhäuser, the Book of Nurture (1450) by John
Russell, the Book of Curtesye (1477) by William Caxton, the Il Galateo
(The Rules of Polite Behaviour, 1558) by Giovanni della Casa, the Il
Cortigiano (The Book of the Courtier, 1528) by Baldassare Castiglione, the
De civilitate morum puerilium (On the Civility in Boys, 1530) by Erasmus,
the Nouveau Traité de Civilité (New Treaty of Civility, 1672) by Antoine
de Courtin, the Les Règles de la bienséance et de la civilité chrétienne (The
Rules of Christian Decorum and Civility, 1729) by Jean-Baptiste de La
Salle, and many others (Elias, 2012; Fletcher, 1997; Linklater & Mennell,
2010; Mennell, 1989; Quilley & Loyal, 2004; van Krieken, 1998). These
books were written and rewritten in many editions, but the purpose was to
highlight how behaviours towards outward bodily propriety changed
over time.
By concentrating on the most basic human functions found in an indi-
vidual, Elias attempts to present a picture of how specific actions that were
once seen as ‘acceptable’ became ‘unacceptable’. These actions are things
that cannot be avoided biologically regardless of society, culture, or age.
As examples, these are eating, drinking, sleeping, urinating, defecating,
3
These were not mere ‘etiquette’ guides because they dealt with more than niceties in
manners. Moreover, these were not ‘oral traditions’ passed down from generation-to-
generation or individual views of how people should or should not behave. Rather, they are
collective views expressing a common tradition of people by an individual.
Another random document with
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brûlées, aux mains noires, inquiète et respectueuse dans ses
vêtements du dimanche, il fallait que les quatre pièces d’argenterie
que nous possédions fussent bien en évidence au milieu de la table.
Moi-même, si je traversais la pièce, je devais retirer le petit tablier
gris qu’il m’obligeait de porter sur mes vieilles robes : elles étaient,
dans la maison, le seul négligé qu’il tolérât.
— Mais, lui disais-je, que veux-tu que tout cela fasse à ces
pauvres gens ?
— Cela fait, riposta-t-il, qu’ils me croient riche et me permet de
les faire payer davantage.
Vainement je m’appliquai à découvrir chez lui la noblesse de
quelque bel emportement enthousiaste et généreux. Il n’éprouvait
rien que de médiocre et d’étroitement réfléchi. Son honnêteté même
était de cette qualité craintive et intéressée qui la rend insupportable.
Et vainement je voulais forcer mon amour de s’attacher à lui : il n’y
trouvait rien qui ne le repoussât. Alors les heures commencèrent
souvent de me sembler trop longues, et plus souvent, les voyant
aussi régulièrement se lever, tourner et disparaître, je suffoquais à
leur passage comme au passage du grand vent.
Fabien m’avait introduite dans une société supérieure à celle
que, par maman, j’avais pu connaître ; mais on se visite peu à
Lagarde, et les gens y sont de mince intérêt. Je passais donc mes
journées dans ma maison, occupée à des rangements d’armoires ou
des travaux de couture, mais une mélancolie sourde et continue,
une amertume découragée, se mêlaient à tous mes actes et
m’enlevaient jusqu’au goût des petites satisfactions que je pouvais
avoir. Or je savais depuis l’enfance que ma vie serait humble et toute
occupée par de simples besognes ; le bonheur que je tenais était,
dans sa forme, bien supérieur à toutes les ambitions que l’on m’avait
permis d’avoir ; et mon mal ne venait pas de l’ennui ou du besoin
des plaisirs.
Les journées d’hiver n’avaient point de gaîté, mais plus
mélancoliques encore étaient les longs jours du printemps. Alors
j’ouvrais ma fenêtre. L’odeur de la campagne et les bruits de la rue
se mêlant autour de moi m’apportaient leur apaisement. Un petit
enfant riait. Une carriole sautait sur les pavés aigus. Des femmes,
vers le soir, allaient à la fontaine ; j’entendais le grincement de la
pompe, le ruissellement de l’eau dans les cruches de grès ; mais je
sentais de nouveau toute mon inquiétude, quand je voyais sur le
mur, en face de moi, l’ombre monter peu à peu, comme un chat
sournois qui s’étire et qui glisse, car je redoutais maintenant les
retours de Fabien et les récits qu’il m’allait faire de sa journée, et tout
ce que, durant l’interminable soirée, il remuerait devant moi de petits
projets, de petites rancunes et de petites idées…
*
* *
Cependant, maman, chaque matin, quand j’allais la voir, aussi

pénétrée que le premier jour quand elle m’avait fait l’annonce
merveilleuse de mon mariage, ne cessait pas de me répéter :
— Tu es heureuse.
Et sa conviction était si profonde qu’il me fallait bien répéter avec
elle :
— Je suis heureuse.
Mais sa fragile santé ne cessait de s’affaiblir et elle prit mal sur la
terrasse un jour de grand vent. La fièvre en quelques heures devint
très forte et je vis bien qu’elle allait mourir. Vainement, désespérée,
je suppliai Fabien d’appeler en consultation, sinon l’un de ses
confrères de Lagarde, du moins quelque docteur de Valence ou de
Lyon. Il me déclara que le cas de la malade étant grave peut-être,
mais fort simple, il n’avait point à supporter cette humiliation ; et
maman elle-même me désapprouvait, répétant de sa voix sans force
que les soins de son gendre étaient les meilleurs de tous et qu’elle
n’en voulait point d’autres. Il me fallut donc laisser ainsi se défaire
cette chère vie… Ce fut au petit jour, après une nuit plus tranquille.
Guicharde et moi étions seules auprès d’elle. Elle se tourna
brusquement dans son lit et nous regarda. Ma sœur, à genoux près
du feu, tournait une potion qu’il fallait prendre chaude et dans de la
tisane ; mais je me précipitai vers ces yeux où l’âme se levait pour la
dernière fois.
— Maman !
Elle voulut sourire.
— Garde… dit-elle très bas… garde bien ton bonheur.
Et ce fut fini dans le temps que Guicharde mit à faire dix pas pour
venir à côté de moi tomber en pleurant sur ce lit.
Ah ! chère morte, comme vous deviez nous rester présente, et
comme, dès ce moment, et aujourd’hui encore, nous devions sentir
que vous étiez toujours là, chaude et gonflée de sang au fond de
notre cœur ! — Dans notre désespoir nous ne cessions, Guicharde
et moi, de parler d’elle. Chacune de nous s’épuisait à rechercher ce
que l’autre conservait de souvenirs et d’images. Nous les mêlions en
sanglotant ; quelquefois aussi avec d’attendris et désolés sourires.
Et nous ne pouvions plus nous séparer. Alors Fabien proposa que
Guicharde vînt habiter avec nous. Je fus bien touchée qu’il eût ainsi
compris notre secret désir. Mais après qu’il eut accepté mes
remerciements, il acheva d’expliquer sa pensée.
— Cela me permettra, dit-il, de louer la maison de votre mère. Le
rapport en sera petit, mais rien n’est à dédaigner. Ensuite, il sera
d’un bon effet que nous n’abandonnions pas ta sœur à sa solitude.
Mme Périsse m’a posé hier à ce sujet plusieurs questions qui m’ont
bien montré l’opinion générale et clairement indiqué ce qu’il est
convenable de faire. Enfin Adélaïde la suivra sûrement. Cette fille
est honnête ; elle se contente de petits gages et cela nous permettra
de réaliser sur le service une intéressante économie.
*
* *
La présence de Guicharde ne devait pas seulement me soutenir

dans mon désespoir. Elle me fut bonne aussi dans cette autre peine
qui commençait de ne plus me quitter. Un peu vieillie, plus maigre
avec des yeux plus beaux, toujours autoritaire, exaltée, douloureuse,
elle me réconfortait par cette admiration passionnée, cette envie
généreuse et enchantée que ne cessait pas de lui inspirer mon
bonheur. Elle trouvait ma maison vaste, mes meubles beaux, mes
ressources abondantes ; elle trouvait surtout, — et c’est par là
qu’elle m’était secourable, — Fabien plein de sagesse, tendre autant
qu’on le peut souhaiter et fort remarquable dans ses moindres
paroles ; car, satisfaite des apparences, elle ne s’inquiétait jamais
d’aller derrière elles chercher ce fond de l’âme qui est la suprême et
seule réalité. Elle me dépeignait donc mon mari tel qu’elle savait le
voir à travers les tourments de sa solitude et dans la sagesse ou la
simplicité de son esprit ; je l’écoutais docilement et, ne cessant de
me répéter qu’elle avait raison, il m’arrivait d’en être persuadée.
Alors je goûtais un grand contentement à reconnaître que de ma
sottise seulement, de mon ignorance et des maladresses de mon
pauvre jugement venaient toutes les raisons de ma peine, et
ranimant ainsi ce misérable amour qui m’était nécessaire, je
parvenais quelquefois encore à en tirer un peu de joie.
*
* *
Il y avait deux ans que maman était morte quand la vieille Mme
Landargues mourut à son tour. Fabien, assez souvent, l’avait revue,
mais il n’osait plus m’en parler ; il apprit la nouvelle sur la route, un
jour, en rentrant de ses visites, et, me l’apportant aussitôt, feignit de
ne vouloir me la dire qu’avec ménagement. Quand il vint enfin au
bout de ses phrases prudentes et déjà consolatrices, je le regardai
tout étonnée :
— Eh bien ! dis-je, elle est morte. D’autres, qui sont meilleures,
vivent moins longtemps. Croyais-tu que j’allais me mettre à pleurer ?
Il riposta :
— Quelques larmes seraient décentes : c’était la mère de ton
père.
Marchant à travers la chambre, soucieux et la tête basse, il
s’interrogeait gravement.
— Je me demande s’il convient que tu paraisses aux obsèques.
Elles vont être fort belles.
— Aux obsèques de cette femme !…
— Mon Dieu, dit Fabien, que tu es donc ridicule avec tes
surprises et tes exclamations ! Tu es de son sang, n’est-ce pas ? Et
puisque la voici morte, elle ne peut plus s’opposer à ce que tu le
proclames un peu plus haut que tu n’as pu le faire jusqu’à présent.
Cela ne nuirait ni à toi, ni à moi.
Il comprit cependant que je ne céderais pas, et il en fut
mécontent ; mais cette mort faisait se lever en lui trop de pensées
importantes et agitées pour qu’il s’acharnât sur une seule.
— Soit, condescendit-il, j’assisterai seul à la cérémonie, mais tu
dois bien te rendre compte que cette mort forcément changera
certaines choses… Je ne parle pas de la fortune. Ton père s’est
arrangé assez sottement pour qu’il n’y ait rien à attendre ; je le
savais en t’épousant et je ne te reproche rien… Mais il faut profiter
de cette circonstance pour bien montrer à tout le monde que la
famille Landargues est notre famille, et tu vas me faire le plaisir de
préparer ton deuil.
— Mon deuil !
Je m’indignai cette fois jusqu’à la révolte.
— Je ne veux pas… je ne veux pas… Elle nous détestait tous, et
je la détestais…
— Oh ! pour cela, dit Fabien venant sur moi et me fixant avec
dureté, je tiendrai bon, et d’autant plus que cela ne coûtera pas un
sou, puisque tu as encore les robes noires que tu portais pour ta
mère.
… Ce n’était pas le premier feu de l’année qui brûlait aujourd’hui
dans la cheminée, mais le dernier sans doute, car le temps était
doux ; déjà, le matin, par la fenêtre du grenier, j’avais pris à notre
acacia quelques fleurs odorantes. Et, considérant ces flammes
inutiles, je dis à Fabien, désespérément, comme je le lui avais dit un
autre soir :
— Tu ne comprends donc pas !
— Qu’il est irritant, cria-t-il, de s’entendre toujours répéter :
« Comprends donc ! » par une femme qui ne sait jamais rien
comprendre !
Il insista de telle sorte, il m’ordonna enfin avec tant de violence

d’aller prendre dans l’armoire une de mes robes noires et d’examiner
immédiatement quelles réparations pouvaient y être nécessaires,
qu’il me fallut bien me soumettre. Et je sus que, dans les jours
suivants, il disait à tout le monde en parlant de moi :
— Elle a été très affectée par la mort de sa grand’mère, Mme
Landargues.
*
* *
L’étoffe de ma robe était déjà vieille, elle commençait de rougir

sous le grand soleil ; cela humiliait Fabien quand il sortait avec moi,
et, ne voulant pas faire la dépense de m’acheter une autre robe, qui
servirait peu, il me permit au bout de trois mois de quitter le deuil.
J’obéis une fois de plus, simplement et sans ajouter là-dessus
aucune parole. Mais les entretiens de Guicharde, l’indulgence
satisfaite de ses jugements ne pouvaient plus maintenant m’être
d’aucun secours tandis que, par les longues heures de l’été pesant,
assise auprès d’elle, je laissais trop souvent l’aiguille reposer entre
mes mains inactives. Toute craquelante de soleil, la maison, pour se
défendre, tenait ses volets clos sur les chambres obscures. La
sécheresse en cette fin d’août ravageait la terre. Dans les champs,
les grands millets à graine noire se desséchaient comme s’ils
eussent été touchés par la flamme. Les paysans étaient pris de
fièvres subites et quelquefois d’une folie qui les menait sur les
routes, hurlants et tournoyants, ou les abattait avec des plaintes
animales dans l’herbe roussie des fossés. Un air trop lourd, que ne
rafraîchissaient point les nuits éclatantes, ne cessait d’oppresser et
de brûler les poumons ; et le malaise du corps, se mêlant à celui de
l’âme, faisait les journées pleines d’angoisse.
C’est à ce moment que je retrouvai François Landargues un jour,
chez Mme Livron à qui j’étais allée rendre visite. Elle n’est point des
clientes de Fabien et se contente de lui recommander ses fermiers
ou quelques pauvres gens que soutient sa charité ; mais il se
satisfait de cela, en attendant mieux, et m’enjoint de témoigner à
cette vieille dame les plus grands égards.
La maison de Mme Livron, au bas de la côte, possède une
terrasse qui est célèbre dans tout le pays. Par-dessus les balustres
de pierre blanche et de briques, on voit le Rhône bleu courir et se
gonfler. La plaine est au delà avec ses saules gris, ses peupliers
souples, ses herbes pâles, et, quand un souffle de vent passe,
courbant dans un même élan la campagne tout entière, frissonnante
et couleur d’argent, elle semble courir avec le fleuve et se précipiter
dans la mer.
Mme Livron se tenait sur cette terrasse, dans l’ombre épaisse
que font six grands platanes mêlant leur branches et leurs feuilles,
avec deux dames amies venues d’Avignon pour la voir ; et François
Landargues était auprès d’elles. Depuis mon mariage, n’ayant guère
cessé de voyager pour ses plaisirs ou sa santé, il vivait loin de
Lagarde et je ne l’avais pas revu. Je ne l’avais pas revu depuis le
soir d’automne où, près d’un petit feu de feuilles mortes dont
tournoyait vers nous la piquante fumée, il m’avait dit : « A demain ! »
Et j’avais si bien cessé de penser à lui, après tant de joies vaines et
de vaines angoisses, que j’éprouvais seulement à le retrouver un
peu de surprise, de l’ennui peut-être, mais nulle autre chose.
Toujours élégant et gardant ce charme irritant qui ne me touchait
plus, il avait toutefois beaucoup vieilli. Ses cheveux commençaient
de blanchir ; il était plus maigre et plus las ; et chacun des os de son
visage formait, quand il parlait, une luisante et mouvante saillie sous
la peau sèche et mince. Ses yeux, plus larges, avaient pris une
espèce de fixité fiévreuse et dure. Sa bouche était plus blanche et
serrée, et le sourire d’autrefois, qui ne l’avait pas quittée, la tordait
aujourd’hui d’une espèce de grimace crispée et continue. A le
regarder mieux, il m’effraya presque et je lui trouvai l’air méchant.
M’ayant saluée, il me demanda cérémonieusement de mes

nouvelles et répondit à mes questions polies qu’il était extrêmement
malade ; mais il en avait assez des voyages et ne bougerait plus
désormais. A ce moment, Mme Livron s’étant levée pour emmener
ses amies jusqu’au bout de la terrasse, d’où la vue est plus belle, il
vint aussitôt s’asseoir auprès de moi. Et, désinvolte autant que si
notre séparation eût daté de la dernière semaine :
— Eh bien ! Alvère, me demanda-t-il, êtes-vous heureuse ?
— Très heureuse.
— Ah ! remarqua-t-il, vous vous êtes appliquée pour le dire, et
cela se voit. Vous ne saurez donc jamais bien dissimuler, ma pauvre
enfant. Cependant, vous aurez bientôt trente ans, si je ne me
trompe, et vous devriez avoir plus de finesse.
Son ton était bien celui d’autrefois, mais il dédaignait et blessait
davantage. Et il se fit plus blessant et dédaigneux encore pour
prononcer :
— Votre mari va bien ?
— Très bien.
— Content des affaires ? Je veux dire… enfin, oui, content ?
— Assez.
— La saison est excellente pour lui. Savez-vous que par cette
sécheresse les « launes » se vident, les poissons y meurent et
pourrissent dans la vase ? Il commence à venir de là des
émanations pestilentielles et l’on nous annonce, si ce temps
continue, les pires maladies. Voilà de quoi réjouir un médecin qui,
comme lui, sait bien entendre son métier.
Ayant insolemment prononcé ce dernier mot, il se tut et
commença de me regarder. Mais il vit bien que désormais je
n’entendrais plus ce que disait ce regard. Alors, tout irrité, se
vengeant aussitôt, et riant d’un petit rire dur qui sautait dans sa
gorge :
— J’espère bien que vous avez oublié, — en oubliant tant
d’autres choses, — les réflexions que j’ai pu vous faire sur lui. Elles
étaient peu indulgentes, me semble-t-il, et je vous en demande
pardon… mais je ne pouvais pas prévoir…
Je me levai sans lui répondre et comme Mme Livron me conviait
à goûter, je m’approchai avec elle de la petite table où étaient servis,
avec du vin muscat et des galettes sèches, les premiers raisins.
François Landargues nous suivit, mais il refusa de rien prendre et se
retira presque aussitôt.
*
* *
Fabien, quand je revenais de mes visites à Mme Livron,

m’interrogeait avec minutie. Il me fallut donc bien lui dire que j’avais
rencontré François Landargues et il en parut fort satisfait.
— C’est un heureux hasard, déclara-t-il, très heureux… Romain
de Buires que j’ai vu l’autre jour m’avait bien dit qu’il devait revenir,
mais je ne pensais pas que ce fût aussi tôt, et je ne pensais pas
surtout que tu aurais la chance d’être là le jour même qu’il ferait sa
première visite à Mme Livron… Les choses s’arrangent au mieux.
Tirant sa chaise devant la table mise, il ajouta :
— J’avais d’ailleurs prévu tout cela depuis longtemps.
Pendant le repas, il réfléchit et parla peu. Ensuite, renversé dans
le fauteuil de paille à dossier dur où il se tenait chaque soir, il
continua de se taire. Guicharde, ayant un peu de migraine, dormait
déjà. Nous étions seuls. Par la fenêtre entrait cet air brûlant que rien
ne pouvait alléger, plus chargé chaque jour de toutes les odeurs
malsaines qu’il laissait stagner dans les ruelles étroites ; et, dans le
bleu nocturne du ciel, où éclatait la lune jaune, se continuait une
ardeur sans repos. Fabien souriait longuement aux fumées de sa
pipe. Enfin il déclara :
— Tout est bien simple maintenant. Tu vas t’arranger pour revoir
François, ce qui n’est pas bien difficile, et tu lui demanderas de venir
te rendre visite. Mme Landargues seule empêchait ce
rapprochement entre nos familles ; mais elle est morte et son
intransigeance avec elle. Rien ne s’oppose plus à ce que ton cousin
— le mien par conséquent, — fréquente chez nous désormais.
Dans son regard s’affirmait cette volonté bornée et tenace contre
quoi toutes mes révoltes étaient inutiles. Je dis simplement :
— Tu te rappelles qu’autrefois…
— Je sais, dit-il, avec quelque impatience, que tu plaisais à
François, ce qui est bien naturel, et que vous avez fait ensemble
quelques promenades. Mais vous avez été fort convenables et
prudents en somme, et je crois bien être la seule personne du pays
qui vous ait jamais rencontrés. Tout cela est loin maintenant et ces
petites amours ont peu d’importance. Elles s’oublient vite, mais elles
laissent généralement derrière elles une sympathie qu’il faut avoir
l’intelligence de savoir exploiter. Comprends bien que Fardier est
très vieux maintenant et au bout de sa course. Mandel intrigue déjà
pour le remplacer et non point seulement auprès des Landargues…
mais on tient par ceux-là toute la clientèle importante du pays… Eh
bien ! si nous savons être adroits, ce n’est pas Mandel qui
l’emportera, ce sera moi… Comprends cela aussi, et encore…
Il parlait… Je le laissai dire sans plus lui répondre. Mais lasse à
la fin et tout irritée :
— Bien… c’est entendu… n’insiste plus. Je demanderai à
François de venir ici… je le lui demanderai.
Et certes, je n’entendais point tenir cette promesse. Mais voici
que Fabien prit l’habitude chaque soir en rentrant de me chercher
par toute la maison avec une grande impatience. Et il me demandait
aussitôt :
— Quoi de nouveau ?… L’as-tu revu ?
Alors, l’exaspération m’empêcha de plus réfléchir. Je ne cherchai
point à éviter François Landargues, et, le jour qu’il se retrouva
devant moi, je lui parlai comme il m’était ordonné de le faire. C’était
une fois de plus sur la place ronde et près de l’ormeau. Une cloche,
à petits coups engourdis et comme étouffés dans l’air chaud, sonnait
la fin de l’office du soir. Des vieilles sortaient de l’église, obscures et
chuchotantes, faisant lever la poussière à leurs glissantes semelles.
Et le son épais de cette cloche, celui de ces pas traînants, restent
mêlés pesamment à l’humiliation qui m’écrasa quand, m’ayant
entendue, François posa sur moi son impitoyable regard.
Les calculs de Fabien, son exigence, ma faible révolte, et mes
soumissions résignées, il pénétrait aussitôt tout cela ; il en tirait une
gaîté violente et cruelle. Et souhaitant qu’elle me fût évidente,
souriant de son méchant sourire, il prit bien soin de laisser d’abord le
silence se prolonger entre nous.
— Mais certainement, dit-il enfin, j’irai vous voir… c’est-à-dire…
Il désigna sa maison.
— J’irai, quand il vous plaira, vous rendre la visite que vous
deviez me faire… et que j’attends toujours.
Curieuses, nous épiant, les sombres vieilles rôdaient autour de
nous. L’une d’elles, plus hardie, surgit brusquement à nos côtés.
Sans doute elle avait pensé ainsi surprendre quelque chose de notre
entretien. Mais, s’excusant très humblement, elle dit à François
qu’elle voudrait bien lui recommander son fils, désireux de trouver un
emploi aux carrières… Il dut lui répondre. Je m’éloignai aussitôt… Et
je pus répondre ce soir-là aux pressantes questions de Fabien :
— Je l’ai revu…
— Eh bien ?
— Je ne pense pas qu’il vienne jamais ici.
Alors Fabien s’emporta, déclarant qu’il ne pouvait rien
comprendre à ce refus et que j’avais évidemment présenté ma
demande avec beaucoup de sottise et de maladresse.
*
* *
Par les journées torrides comme celles que nous subissions

alors, il advient quelquefois que l’on voit tout à coup fumer et flamber
le foin mis en meule. Le moindre vent qui passe attise cet incendie
que n’alluma personne, gonfle, soulève, emporte les brindilles
enflammées, et, dangereusement, les répand au hasard. Ainsi, dans
les petites villes resserrées où fermente l’ennui, la calomnie naît
sans cause ; elle grandit tout à coup, se disperse et retombe, et
chacun examine le débris qui s’est venu poser à sa fenêtre ou sur le
banc de son jardin.
Celle qui commença sournoisement de réunir le nom de François

et le mien, dut se former ainsi de bien peu de chose, peut-être d’un
chuchotement de ces vieilles sortant de l’office et qui laissaient au
coin de leur bonnet blanc couler un avide regard… Peut-être
seulement de cette langueur traînant par toute la ville, inactive et
fiévreuse, tant de rêves malsains et de relents décomposés…
Toujours est-il que ce mauvais bruit commença de naître et de
s’enfler, doucement d’abord, si doucement que l’on n’y pouvait
prendre garde. — Un soir, en rentrant, Fabien me demanda, presque
mécontent :
— Pourquoi ne m’as-tu pas dit que tu avais revu Landargues ?
— Mais, répondis-je simplement, parce que je ne l’ai pas revu.
— Ah ! par exemple ! On m’a affirmé que vous étiez passés hier,
tous les deux, sur le chemin de la Bastide.
— Et qui donc affirme cela ?
— Bernard, le vieux retraité, que j’ai soigné aujourd’hui. Il le
tenait du frère de la receveuse des postes.
— Ce n’est qu’une sottise.
Il me crut, et d’ailleurs il n’eût point jugé mauvaise cette
rencontre. Mais pourquoi les gens imaginaient-ils de raconter ce qui
n’était pas vrai ? Cela prouvait bien qu’ils s’occupaient de nous, et
d’une façon maligne, que Fabien n’aimait pas. Et il demeura tout le
soir inquiet et étonné.
Il ne tarda point, toutefois, d’oublier cette petite chose comme je
l’avais oubliée moi-même ; mais il se trouva que la semaine
suivante, dans la rue des Licornes que bordent seulement de hauts
murs de jardins, je rencontrai de nouveau François Landargues. Il
demeurait en ce moment dans sa maison de la place, et, plus
malade chaque jour, sans force pour monter bien souvent aux
carrières, continuant comme il avait fait pendant ses longues
absences d’abandonner à Romain de Buires tout le soin des
affaires, il errait dans la ville au soir tombant, promenant ses
désœuvrements inquiets et son inquiète fébrilité. Guicharde le
croisait ainsi presque chaque jour et notre rencontre une fois de plus
n’avait rien que de naturel.
M’ayant aperçue et ne me laissant pas le temps de l’éviter, il
marcha vers moi rapidement et me prit par le bras en me disant
bonjour. Je voulus m’écarter ; mais il me serrait avec force. A ce
moment, Mlle Tarride ouvrait la petite porte de son jardin ; avec sa
bouche toujours ouverte, ses sourcils haut remontés dans son front
bas et qui se plisse, elle est fort sotte et sans bonté. Elle nous
regarda, baissa les yeux aussitôt et fila le long du grand mur.
— Elle emporte la nouvelle, dit François, la nouvelle que nous
nous donnons rendez-vous dans les petites rues désertes où ne
s’ouvrent point de fenêtres. Grands dieux !… vous aurais-je
compromise !… Mais que dira votre mari ?… Est-il jaloux ?… Alvère,
dites-le… ce serait si drôle ! Gourdon jaloux !… Jaloux de moi !… Je
me demande vraiment…
Il riait… Soudain il se tut. Une curiosité perverse, un rêve
dangereux, s’égaraient dans ses yeux mornes où brûlait la fièvre.
— Vos paroles sont de mauvais goût. Elles me déplaisent, lui dis-
je sèchement.
Je le quittai ainsi et, pour ne plus le revoir, prétextant de cette
chaleur qui me rendait un peu souffrante, pendant quelques jours je
ne sortis plus de la maison. Mais Guicharde m’apprit que François
Landargues, changeant de caprice, était retourné s’installer dans la
maison de la Cloche, et je m’en allais alors quelquefois, avec ma
sœur, m’asseoir au soir tombant dans le jardin de la maison
Mondragone, qui est ouvert pendant les beaux jours aux habitants
de la ville. Dans l’air trop lourd, la bonne odeur verte qui monte des
feuillages nocturnes ne parvenait pas à s’exhaler des buis
métalliques et des platanes desséchés. Quelques vieilles près de
nous se ramassaient sur les bancs. Je pensais quelquefois avoir leur
âge. Guicharde, entre ses doigts, tournait de petites feuilles
craquelantes et consumées. Nous ne disions rien.
Les quelques amis que nous pouvions avoir étaient partis pour la
montagne. La ville était vide. Rien ne paraissait plus traîner de ce
méchant bruit qui, mêlant mon nom à celui de François, s’en était
allé comme tant d’autres commérages… Pourquoi donc, dans cette
grande tranquillité, oppressante et morne, Fabien commença-t-il
soudain de se montrer tout plein d’une aigre inquiétude ? Sans
doute, il ne pouvait me faire aucun reproche précis, et, paisiblement
persuadé qu’il m’inspirait tout l’amour nécessaire, il ne souffrait point
dans sa jalousie ; mais, en rentrant, il m’interrogeait quotidiennement
sur l’emploi de ma journée avec une minutie âpre et qui m’eût
impatientée si j’avais senti moins de fatigue. Pendant les repas, il
parlait à peine. Soudain ses sourcils se contractaient, il baissait la
tête ; sans raison, son poing tout à coup faisait trembler la table ;
avant même que nous eussions terminé, se levant brusquement, il
se mettait à marcher à travers la salle et quelquefois son pied
heurtait le sol si fortement que des carreaux, tremblant dans leur
alvéole de ciment, montait un petit nuage de poudre rougeâtre et
vaporeux.
— Mais qu’a-t-il donc ? Que peut-il se passer ? demandais-je à
Guicharde quand nous étions seules.
Elle s’étonnait et s’effrayait avec moi. L’irritation de Fabien était
telle que nous n’osions là-dessus lui dire aucune parole ; elle
croissait chaque jour ; ses gestes, mesurés d’ordinaire, devenaient
brusques et comme incohérents. Il renversait une chaise en voulant
l’écarter. Un soir, en se servant à boire, il brisa son verre. Une rage
presque haineuse, sournoise cependant et qui savait se contenir,
luisait quelquefois dans ses yeux, et son visage se gonflait alors et
se tachait de rougeurs enfiévrées.
— Il doit être malade, expliquait Guicharde ; la route en ce
moment brûle les yeux, et il disait hier qu’en menant sa voiture il
avait senti comme un étourdissement.
*
* *
Ma sœur, à Lagarde, s’est fait une amie, une seule, mais qu’elle
affectionne. C’est une demoiselle Jeanniot, âgée de près de
cinquante ans, fort vive et intelligente, curieuse de tout. De longs
bandeaux coulent au long de son visage qui est lisse et paisible
comme celui des saintes en cire. Dans sa vieille maison de la rue
Puits-aux-Bœufs, sur la table du vaste et humide salon, une collation
est toujours prête pour les visiteurs toujours attendus. Ils sont
nombreux, quotidiens, et lui portent des quatre coins de la ville les
nouvelles dont elle est avide, mais qu’elle sait ensuite ne répandre
que prudemment.
Guicharde, quand elle va la voir, s’y installe pour l’après-dîner.
Or, un jour de ce mauvais été qu’elle était partie ainsi, emportant son
ouvrage, elle me revint vers trois heures ; et, sous la sueur qui luisait
à ses joues, son visage était tout animé d’une indignation qui me
surprit. Elle arracha son chapeau et le jeta sur la table ; elle battit l’air
devant elle de son petit éventail noir, et elle me déclara :
— Ce François Landargues est un misérable.
Je ne fus pas étonnée. Il me semblait maintenant que, depuis
quelques jours, dans mon inquiétude, je ne cessais point d’attendre
que l’on prononçât ce nom. Je demandai simplement :
— Qu’y a-t-il encore ?
Alors, s’asseyant, elle tira sa chaise tout près de moi et me
rapporta ce que Mlle Jeanniot connaissait depuis une semaine et
s’était décidée à lui apprendre. Elle le tenait d’un de ses neveux qui
fréquentait des amis de Landargues et de Romain de Buires, d’une
autre personne encore et d’une troisième. Mais ces petits détails ne
sont plus dans mon esprit. Je me rappelle seulement les paroles, et
non point le chemin qu’elles avaient dû prendre pour venir jusqu’à
moi. Je tenais encore mon aiguille. Toute machinale, regardant bien
loin, j’en piquais à petits coups la toile abandonnée sur mes genoux.
Et dans la pénombre de la pièce chaude, aux volets clos, j’entendais
frémir à mon oreille la voix de Guicharde.
François Landargues se vantait, paraît-il, de mon amour pour

lui… L’aventure, laissait-il entendre, était agréable, et il ajoutait en
riant que Fabien Gourdon n’était ou ne pouvait être un bien
dangereux obstacle. Ces calomnies, Mlle Jeanniot l’affirmait, ne
dépassaient pas un certain monde où l’on avait le bon goût de les
juger indignes et de les arrêter. Elles ne pouvaient me toucher, et
l’impudent cynisme de François Landargues était dans toute cette
affaire la seule chose dont on se scandalisât.
— C’est un misérable, répétait Guicharde, un misérable et un fou.
Comment peut-il parler ainsi ?… Pourquoi ?…
Mais je continuais de n’être pas étonnée. Je me rappelais ce
regard ennuyé de malade et ce que j’y avais vu soudain monter
d’animation perverse et de méchanceté grandissante, tandis que
François me demandait : « Votre mari est-il jaloux ? Jaloux de moi…
ce serait si drôle ! » Ce serait drôle, en effet, de savoir ce que
deviendraient en un tel cas la soumission et la déférence de ce
Fabien Gourdon, dont on pouvait, quand on s’appelait M.
Landargues, se moquer si bien… Que ferait-il ? Tout le jeu était là. Et
François jugeait bon d’y amuser ses désœuvrements, se souciant
peu que l’insulte m’atteignît, mais prenant grand soin évidemment
que tous les propos qu’il tenait vinssent aux oreilles de Fabien. Oui,
je comprenais cela… Je comprenais aussi d’autres choses, et quand
Guicharde répéta pour la dixième fois peut-être :
— Il est fou ! Que dirait Fabien s’il venait à savoir ?
— Mais je crois qu’il le sait, dis-je d’une voix si lente qu’elle
paraissait tranquille.
— Allons donc ! s’indigna-t-elle.
— Il sait… il sait… — et ma voix continuait de traîner parce qu’en
disant ces petit mots, je pensais à trop de choses… — Je le crois…
j’en suis même sûre… Mais il n’osera jamais rien dire à François
Landargues… jamais.
— Cependant… murmura-t-elle, plus effrayée peut-être de cette
supposition que de toutes les autres…
Mille petits bruits craquelaient le silence. Il semblait que l’on
entendît se fendre et grésiller sous le soleil les tuiles du vieux toit.
— Écoute… ce soir même… ce soir… devant lui… je ferai une

allusion à toutes ces vilenies… Nous verrons bien…
— Ah !… comme tu voudras.
Guicharde hésitait encore…
— Mais si c’est par moi, cependant, qu’il vient à apprendre…
qu’arrivera-t-il ?
— Rien… rien… sois tranquille…
— J’ai presque peur.
— Et de quoi donc ?
— Je ne sais pas…
— Alors ?
De longues minutes passaient entre nos courtes phrases.
S’éveillant tout à coup, une colombe, captive dans sa cage d’osier,
au mur de la maison voisine, fit rouler dans l’air sa plainte obsédante
et qui ne cessa plus… Une angoisse singulière descendait sur
nous…
*
* *
Le soir de ce jour-là, commença de se former à l’horizon la buée

lourde qui annonce les grands orages de l’automne ; et quand nous
fûmes à table, Guicharde, pour n’être point tentée de dire tout de
suite autre chose, demanda d’abord à Fabien :
— Pensez-vous enfin que nous ayons la pluie ?
— Je n’en sais rien, dit-il.
— Il serait grand temps…
— Évidemment.
Et, coupant son pain, il le fit avec une violence si maladroite qu’il
s’entailla le bout du doigt.
— Laisse donc ! ordonna-t-il comme je me levais pour aller
chercher un bol et un peu de linge.
Rageusement, il tamponnait la plaie avec sa serviette que
couvrirent aussitôt de larges taches de sang. Guicharde était
superstitieuse. Elle me regarda, et je vis bien que maintenant, avant
de parler, elle hésitait davantage… Cependant elle avait aujourd’hui
senti trop d’indignation pour se pouvoir entièrement contenir. Ses
gestes peu à peu s’énervaient à leur tour. Au dessert enfin, comme
Adélaïde venait de quitter la salle, ayant posé sur la table un grand
plat d’amandes fraîches, elle se décida :
— Fabien, dit-elle résolument, savez-vous ce que l’on m’a
raconté aujourd’hui ?…
Il parut inquiet et la regarda.
— C’est à propos de François Landargues, continua ma sœur…
Il parle de vous, paraît-il…
Aussitôt, le regard de Fabien, qui s’était détourné, revint sur elle ;
cette fois, il était presque haineux, lourd de violences comme un
coup au visage.
— Taisez-vous, s’écria-t-il, taisez-vous !
Il se leva, mais il restait debout devant la table ; une espèce de
frisson le secouait et, tout immobile qu’il fût, il avait l’air de se
débattre. Je l’observais tranquillement. Un papillon épais tournait
autour de la lampe, et ma pensée comme lui était incertaine et
lourde dans cette atmosphère de tourment et d’orage.
— … Vous êtes renseigné… je le vois. — Et Guicharde
maintenant n’était plus prudente, mais se laissait emporter. — Alors
que pensez-vous faire ? Cela ne peut continuer.
— Taisez-vous ! répéta Fabien.
Comme à son tour elle s’était levée, il marcha sur elle ; il la prit
aux poignets ; et sans que, tout effrayée, elle eût prononcé une
parole :
— Taisez-vous ! proféra-t-il une troisième fois, mais très bas,
d’une voix rauque et qui s’étranglait. Est-ce que vous perdez la
tête ? Vous ne le voyez donc pas que, depuis des jours et des jours,
je me contiens pour ne pas faire un malheur…
Et, furieusement, il la repoussa. Il n’avait pas lâché sa serviette
qui pendait toute sanglante à sa main gauche. Soudain, la
chiffonnant avec rage, il la jeta à ses pieds, et son poing serré avait
l’air de s’abattre sur un visage exécré. Un instant il tourna sur lui-
même, haletant, hésitant, exaspéré. Enfin, claquant les portes, il alla
s’enfermer dans son cabinet… et nous écoutions dégringoler les
menus gravats, derrière le papier gonflé par la chaleur, le long des
vieux murs tout ébranlés par la violence de cette sortie.
— Oh ! dit Guicharde, venant se presser contre moi… tu vois bien
qu’il fallait avoir peur… Qu’est-ce qui arrivera maintenant ? Il avait la
mort dans les yeux…
Je demeurai tout indifférente.
— Ne t’inquiète donc pas… Je le connais trop… Ses
emportements signifient peu de chose.
Et tranquillement, commençant d’ouvrir quelques amandes, je
mis un peu de sel au coin de mon assiette pour qu’elles y prissent
plus de goût.
*
* *
Malgré ce beau calme que je pensais avoir, il me fut, après une

telle scène, impossible de dormir. N’osant allumer la lampe par
crainte de réveiller Fabien, tout anéanti dans son lourd sommeil,

On The Process of Civilisation in Japan Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic Investigations Wai Lau Full Chapter

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On the Process of Civilisation in Japan:

Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic

Editorial Board Members

Fernando Ampudia de Haro

Gina Zabludovsky Kuper

ISSN 2662-3102 ISSN 2662-3110 (electronic)

This book is based on my doctoral research project, The Japanese Civilising

Part I The Theory of Civilising Processes 15

2 The Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’ 19

3 Psychogenetic Developments of the Civilising Process 29

4 Sociogenetic Developments of the Civilising Process 43

5 Criticisms and Counter-Criticisms of the Civilising Process 55

Part II On the Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’ in

7 The Dual Lenses of Japanese Civilisation 91

Part III Towards the Change of Behaviours, Emotions, and

9 Medieval Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony133

10 Early Modern Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony147

11 Modern Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony163

Part IV Scenes from Life in the Japanese Court Society 179

12 Scenes of Life in the Imperial Court Society in Kyoto185

13 Scenes of Life in the Warrior Court Society in Edo217

Part V Towards the Process of Pre-Modern and Modern

15 Imperial State Formation Processes of Japan283

16 Warrior State Formation Processes of Japan313

17 Modern State Formation Processes of Japan343

Fig. 1.1 Moon viewing at Takanawa on the night of the twenty-sixth

Fig. 12.3 Chapter 17—E-awase (A Picture Contest). From the ‘Scenes

Japanese civilisation has long been regarded as an enigma. When the

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

relatively reliable because they were produced by renown Japanese artists

metmuseum.org. Public Domain

The Yokohama station is a handsome and suitable stone building, with a

1995; van Wolferen, 1989). These revisionist accounts, however, remain

century. Using the theory of civilising processes as the foundations of this

created an antithesis between the notions of ‘civilisation’ and ‘culture’ that

of the state and population. To successfully tease out the complexities

Fletcher, J. (1997). Violence and Civilisation: An Introduction to the Works of

Reischauer, E. (1956). Japanese Feudalism. In R. Coulborn (Ed.), Feudalism in

The Theory of Civilising Processes

development of ‘civilisation’ as a concept that will aid examination from a

The Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 19

and conducts of individuals. Furthermore, by examining this concept, it

2.1 The Meaning of ‘Civilisation’

As this suggests, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ is shaped as the self-image of

2.2 Uses of ‘Civilisation’ in the West

viewpoint, the word is seen as a low-valued concept. Between them, they

2.2.1 The French Concept of ‘Civilisation’

[T]he concept of civilisation plays down the national differences between

Being a universalistic term, the concept represents commonality rather

By the nineteenth century, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ shifted in

Through this development, the meaning of ‘civilisation’ represents the

2.2.2 The German Concept of ‘Kultur’

[T]he German concept of Kultur places a special stress on national differ-

Being a particularistic term, the word ‘culture’ came to represent differ-

development as a nation between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

2.3 The Central Problem of ‘Civilisation’

whole process of civilisation nothing remained in their consciousness except

In various parts of Europe, Europeans viewed their own societies as the

[T]he consciousness of their superiority, the consciousness of this ‘civilisa-

What Europeans considered as ‘civilised’ and ‘uncivilised’ modes of behav-

Elias, N. (2012). On the Process of Civilisation: Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 29

Part I The Theory of Civilising Processes 15

2 The Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’ 19

3 Psychogenetic Developments of the Civilising Process 29

4 Sociogenetic Developments of the Civilising Process 43

5 Criticisms and Counter-Criticisms of the Civilising Process 55

Part II On the Concepts of ‘Civilisation’ and ‘Culture’ in

7 The Dual Lenses of Japanese Civilisation 91

Part III Towards the Change of Behaviours, Emotions, and

9 Medieval Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony133

10 Early Modern Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony147

11 Modern Form of the Japanese Tea Ceremony163

Part IV Scenes from Life in the Japanese Court Society 179

12 Scenes of Life in the Imperial Court Society in Kyoto185

13 Scenes of Life in the Warrior Court Society in Edo217

Part V Towards the Process of Pre-Modern and Modern

15 Imperial State Formation Processes of Japan283

16 Warrior State Formation Processes of Japan313

17 Modern State Formation Processes of Japan343