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Problem-Solving Discussion
M. A. VAN REES
ABSTRACT: In this article, after arguing that present approaches to improving problem-
solving discussions for various reasons are not satisfactory, I turn to the pragma-dialectic
approach to argumentative discourse to derive a normative framework that can serve as a
point of departure to enhance the quality of problem-solving discussions. I then show how
this approach can be used as analytical and evaluative instrument that can help the analyst
to establish whether participants in actual practice act in a fashion that is in accord with the
norms posited. Two real-life problem-solving discussions provide the material for this demon-
stration.
1. INTRODUCTION
In all areas of public and private life people jointly try to find solutions
for real-world problems through discussion.1 The quality of these discus-
sions is a matter of more than marginal consequence, if only because the
interests that are at stake usually are considerable. Unfortunately, this
quality often leaves much to be desired, not just in the eye of the beholder,
but also in the perception of the participants.
In order to be able to enhance the quality of problem-solving discus-
sions, the first thing we need is a normative framework that can serve
as a point of departure for our efforts at improvement. And we need an
analytical instrument in order to be able to establish whether participants
in actual practice act in a fashion that is in accord with the norms posited
by this framework.
Existing research into problem-solving discussions so far has not
produced very satisfactory results with regard to these two requirements.
The reasons for this are twofold.
In the first place, this research, which, from the 1920s onward, for the
largest part has been carried out in the US, has a strong social science bent.
This means that there have been lots of studies of the influence of social-
psychological factors on the development and outcomes of problem-solving
discussions, such as group size, group cohesion, motivation, distribution of
information, leadership styles, task complexity and task familiarity, but very
few of the role of the verbal interaction itself (Frey, 1996). And those few
have been rather disappointing. The main problem is that the research
usually consists in merely cataloguing the types of verbal activity performed
in discussion and the patterns in which these occur (e.g. Bales, 1950; Fisher,
1970, 1980 and Poole, 1981, 1983; Poole and Roth, 1989). The precise way
in which these activities actually are carried out, the content and form of
the verbal contributions to the discussion, are largely ignored. Thus it
remains unclear how the verbal interaction actually shapes the development
and outcomes of the discussion.
In the second place, quality of problem-solving discussions has turned
out to be a rather unmanageable notion (Hirokawa et al., 1996). Several
standards have been proposed, such as: the discussion should have a correct
outcome, participants should feel satisfaction, there should be an even
distribution of participation, and the discussion should follow Dewey’s
reflective thinking procedure (see for instance Gouran, 1988 and Gouran
et al., 1978). Each of these standards is problematic. It is impossible to
know whether the outcome of a decision is correct: the issues at stake are
too complex and there are too many perspectives from which they can
be considered. And a satisfied feeling of the participants or an evenly
distributed participation is not sufficient if we want to ensure that a high-
quality decision is going to be reached. And executing Dewey’s problem-
solving tasks in itself does not guarantee a superior result: what matters is
how these tasks are performed.
If we want to develop instruments for analyzing and evaluating problem-
solving discussions, a fresh perspective is needed. For this, it is useful to
look at the goals of problem-solving discussions. Problem-solving discus-
sions, obviously, have as their over-all goal finding a good solution to a
problem. But in order to do so, participants must do something else, as
well: they have to resolve in a rational fashion the differences of opinion
that rise in the different stages of the problem-solving process. These
differences arise because the problems that are at issue are too complex to
enable the mere application of a simple recipe: after all, that is the very
reason that a discussion is required in which the participants have to decide
on a suitable solution. Alternative analyses of the problem and its causes
and alternative solutions may present themselves and, with that, differences
of opinion arise and the need to deal with them. And these differences of
opinion will have to be resolved in a rational fashion: since the decision
will need to be an effective one, it becomes essential to carefully scruti-
nize the basis for the decision; pushing or selling a particular solution is
not particularly productive here.
Problem-solving discussions, then, can be seen as a form of verbal inter-
action in which participants try to resolve in a rational fashion the differ-
ences of opinion that rise in the various stages of the problem-solving
process.2 This means that a normative ideal of rational resolution of
PROBLEM-SOLVING DISCUSSION 467
2. ANALYSIS
3. EVALUATION
turns out not to be the case, what is amiss, and why. Here, again, the model
of critical discussion turns out to be helpful. I will examine another real-
life problem-solving discussion and use the pragma-dialectical framework
to demonstrate this.
The discussion took place during the staff meeting of an organization
that initiates and manages co-counseling groups. The topic of the discus-
sion is the organization of additional training for group leaders, after the
one year of basic training that they receive. A has opened the discussion
with the question who should organize this.
As a first step, I will briefly relate what points of view are brought
forward in the discussion and how the linear process of trying to resolve
the differences of opinion evolves. I will present, in other words, the
result of an analysis that was carried out along the lines sketched in the
above.
After A’s introduction of the question, B briefly sketches the past
situation and then argues for the view that the organization of additional
training belongs to the domain of the training program committee: a stand-
point that A, later in the discussion, also will advance. B’s arguments elicit
no reaction; instead, D argues for his own point of view: he questions the
need for additional training. A and B attack one of the two arguments which
D adduces, but the one which he himself declares most important – the
group leaders have never asked for additional training – remains undis-
cussed. C then brings up another point: who is supposed to pay for the
training. During the ensuing discussion of this point, D repeatedly ques-
tions the need for additional training, but his questions receive no answer.
C replies with practical proposals for finding out what possible topics
for training might be and for integrating additional and basic training.
The discussion ends in general banter about the financial state of the
organization.
After this intermezzo B once again brings up for discussion the stand-
point that the program committee should organize the training. D objects
by pointing out that nobody on the committee can take on additional work.
When B rejects this line of argument as merely practical, D brings in
another argument: others may do the job just as well; he then once again
poses the question what need there really is for additional training. B says
she would like to discuss this question at another occasion, but C ‘answers’
it by bringing forward a standpoint of her own: before anything else, an
inventory of the topics on which training is required must be taken; that is
the only sensible basis for any policy at all. A counters that a committee
charged with organizing the training could do this; C maintains that it
should be done before appointing a committee, repeating her policy
argument. A then changes tack. He points out that an agreement has already
been made to organize additional training and that it is high time some-
thing were done about it. D denies the binding force of this agreement and
claims that it is not at all clear what urgency there is for such training. C
472 M. A. VAN REES
brings forward doubts of her own against the status of the agreement. The
discussion bogs down in an exchange of reproaches.
A manages to soothe the parties and re-initiates the discussion about
the question who should organize additional training. C responds by listing
sources for the inventory that she once again proposes. A doesn’t react to
this, but argues for his own proposal to charge the program committee with
the organization. C asks for a response to her proposal. A then repeats his
own proposal and says it amounts to the same thing. B supports A’s
proposal. C once more repeats her proposal. Asked for his opinion, D says
he agrees, but only because it will show there is no need for additional
training. When B reacts to this with the statement that additional training
always is necessary, C reiterates that an inventory of the topics on which
training is needed must be taken first, A repeats his proposal to charge a
committee with this task, and C repeats that first there needs to be an inven-
tory. The discussion closes with both C and A lamenting the fact that the
discussion is moving in circles, after which C unilaterally puts an end to
the impasse by implementing her own proposal through distributing the
tasks for taking an inventory among those present.
C and A’s lament seems justified: the discussion has got stuck in a
repetition of standpoints without any progress being made. C forces a break-
through, but none of the differences of opinion have been resolved. In
fact, the various standpoints have hardly been discussed at all.
A and B’s standpoint, that the organization of additional training belongs
to the domain of the training program committee, receives direct discus-
sion at only one point, when D argues against it by saying that it is not
feasible and that there are other people who can be charged with the task.
The first of these counterarguments is rejected as merely practical, the
second receives no response at all. For the rest, C and D’s reactions concern
the standpoint only indirectly; they address presuppositions of the question
to which it is presented as an answer.
D’s standpoint, that there is no need for additional training, is only
responded to with regard to a subordinate issue; his main point remains
undiscussed. D’s questions regarding this need receive from C merely prac-
tical proposals for conducting an inventory and for integrating initial and
additional training. A and B, implicitly or explicitly, declare these ques-
tions out of order.
C’s standpoint, that an inventory of the topics on which additional
training is required must be taken first, is not discussed at all; A, who is
C’s main opponent, does not respond to her arguments, but invariably
counters her proposal with his own one.
By investigating how the successive stages of critical discussion have
been executed in this particular discussion, I think we can reach a diag-
nosis of how this unfortunate course of events could develop. I will deal
with the stages in their order.
PROBLEM-SOLVING DISCUSSION 473
then there was a big hullabaloo right away, gee what a shame
((. . .)) you see, so that’s the expectation there
Later, A attributes this failure to execute the agreement to the training
program committee (of which C and D are members!):
A: I’m also to blame for this myself I think, but I think, like, the
program committee as well as far as that is con- if there would
have been time for that so to speak, huh, or space at least that
is my estimation, I don’t know whether that is the case, then
that could’ve been worked out (.) or faster. right? but now
Unfortunately, this grudge of A’s doesn’t surface until almost three-quarters
of the discussion has gone by and it is at no point made into an issue for
discussion. Earlier in the discussion, it manifests itself only indirectly in
the content of A and B’s standpoints: the organization of additional training
is the province of the program committee.
D, in turn, feels that he cannot be expected to have taken this task upon
himself in the context of the part-time job that he holds. That the size of
his job is an issue for D, comes out most clearly in the part of the discus-
sion in which the participants engage in reciprocal reproaches:
B: yes well I think you as a member of the program committee,
that it’s up to you to fill in the details on that. how is a board
supposed to know, hh
D: make it into a full-time job then, then I’ll do it
Again, this matter is not made into an issue for discussion. It only indi-
rectly surfaces in the fact that, whenever A and B try to assign the com-
mittee of which he is a member the task of organizing added training, D
puts the need for this training into question.
This second difference of opinion most likely is what is at the root of
the difference of opinion ‘up front’, and it appears to influence the dis-
cussion about the latter to a considerable extent. But because it is itself
not put up for discussion, it cannot be resolved.
replaced standpoints to any criticism. The result is that, in the end, it can
not become clear whether or not the three main standpoints can survive
criticism.
As to the shared starting points: one of these is certainly that at some
point and by someone an inventory must be made of the topics on which
additional training is required. This idea is a presupposition of a number
of contributions of various participants, and it is not challenged by anyone.
But the fact that it is a common starting point is not established by any one.
In itself, that is not strange – common starting points typically remain
implicit –, nor is it particularly wrong, but the discussion could have been
simplified considerably if it had been. The discussion could then have been
reduced to the questions of when and by whom the inventory should be
taken.
More serious is the fact that on other issues there exists a profound but
unacknowledged difference of opinion as to what belongs to the common
ground. On the one hand, according to D, before the question of where
additional training belongs can be discussed, there must be agreement about
the need for such training, and according to C, data must be available about
the topics for which this training is required. Neither agreement nor data
exist. So, with neither whether nor what established, A and B demand an
answer to who. A and B, on the other hand, take it for granted that there
exists a long-standing agreement to organize additional training, and that
it is merely a question of who is going to do it. Whether and what are no
longer relevant issues, according to them.
The result of this implicit difference of opinion as to what does and does
not belong to the common ground, is that the discussion cannot progress.
Every time A and B pose the question who, D and C return to the ques-
tions whether and what. And those questions cannot be answered in the
discussion because A and B consider them no longer relevant.
the following passage. C has voiced the opinion that students should not
have to pay for additional training. A points out that they do pay for basic
training. C objects that that is quite something else, and that the compar-
ison can only stand if the additional training would be integrated into the
basic training. But, she contends, an argument against such an integration
would be that it is only after the basic training, in the course of doing the
actual work, that the need for additional training arises. B agrees:
C: but here the hitch is, (.) that only when you do the actual work
you experience what you run up against and only then additional
training, (.)
B: exactly
C: becomes a need
B: and an added point is wh- what to me always is a er (.) yeah it
almost is a hobby horse, but I feel that people who work with
people ((. . .)) well, everyone who works with people should
themselves regularly (.) ehm (.) get to hear (.) all over again
from someone else and learn, like how do you actually go about
that, and, what do you run up against.
Ostensibly, B’s argument connects to that of C. But in actual fact, the link
is quite tenuous. Although B presents her contribution as a second argument
for C’s thesis that additional training can not be integrated with basic
training (‘exactly, and an added point is’), all she does is bring up an
argument for the need of additional training.
Other examples are the two passages where D questions the need for
additional training, and C replies with practical proposals, first, for col-
lecting possible topics for training, and then, for integrating additional and
basic training.
Overall relevance, as well, is less than ideal. The participants hardly
seem aware of the main thread of the dispute. Digressions abound. As a
result, the discussion takes a meandering course. A topic or proposal will
get discussed for a shorter or longer while, but every time, before the
discussion is brought to a close, another topic emerges, which in turn is
not dealt with decisively, after which earlier topics once again come into
focus, are again not dealt with decisively, etcetera, without, and that is the
point, any progress being made.
4. CONCLUSION
In this article, I have shown how the model of critical discussion can be
applied in the analysis and evaluation of problem-solving discussions. To
be sure, I did only do part of the work. For a full evaluation the substance
of the moves that were made must be considered: whether contradictions
and inconsistencies were present, whether any fallacies were committed,
what the quality of the arguments was, and whether the assessment of these
arguments was appropriate.
The process-oriented diagnostic use of the model of a critical discussion
that I have demonstrated has several advantages. First of all, the model
helps the analyst to get into clear focus the very facts that need to be
observed, that is, the facts that are relevant for the resolution process. In
the second place, the model provides a normative framework that enables
the analyst to work out the implications of the facts that have been
observed. It goes beyond saying that also a ‘naive’ interpreter could observe
– for example – that discussants do not address each other’s arguments, but
without the normative framework of the model of a critical discussion it
would be impossible to point out why this is problematic. Only within this
framework we can point out what the consequences of the observed fact
are for the resolution of the difference of opinion which is at stake in the
discussion.
478 M. A. VAN REES
NOTES
1
This paper was prepared for the occasion of the Austin conference. It is an amalgam of
papers that have been published elsewhere.
2
These differences of opinion can relate to all stages of the problem-solving process: the
participants may disagree on whether a problem exists at all, what it is, what the potential
solutions might be, by what criteria these solutions ought to be judged, and what the final
judgment ought to be.
PROBLEM-SOLVING DISCUSSION 479
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